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/ 

THE HISTORY 

OP THE 

STATE OF GEORGIA 

From 1850 to 1881, 



EMBRACING THE 



THREE LMPORTANT EPOCHS : 

The Decade Before the War of 1861-5 ; The War 
The Period of Reconstruction, 

WITH 

PORTRAITS OF THE LEADINa PUBLIC MEN 

OF THIS ERA. 



B Y L NA/. AVERY. 



COilPLETE IN ONE VOLUME. 



NEW YORK: 

BllOWN & DERBY, PUBLISHERS, 

21 PARK PLACE. 






Copyright, 1881, 
Bv BKOWN & DERBY. 



^ - /'-^^ 



% 



THIS VOLUME IS 

gcbkateb 

TO THE 

PEOPLE OF GEORGIA, 



A LUSTROUS PART OF 



Whose Strong State Life is Herein Pictured. 

THB 

unekWellished record 
(if Mtn anb f ««bs 

IS A 

VIVID EPIC 



ENIUS AND STATESMANSHIP. 




CONTENTS. 



PART L 

THE DECADE BEFORE THE WAR OF 1861-65. 

CHAPTER I. 

Page. 
Georgia an Imperial Commonwealth, 3 

CHAPTER II. 
The Start or Governor Brown's Stro^jg Life, . . - 7 

CHAPTER in. 
Governor Brown's Marived Career as a State Senator in 1849, .... ic 

CHAPTER IV. 
Herschell v. Johnson as Governor, 24 

CHAPTER V. 
Governor Brown's Scratch Nomination for Governor in 18.57, .... .31 

CHAPTER VI. 
Brown Defeats Ben. Hill in a Hard Canvass, . 39 

CHAPTER Vn. 
Brown's Election as Governor the Precursor of a Striking Era of 

Change, 47 

CHAPTER Vin. 
The Fiery Battle of the Banks, 58 

CHAPTER IX. 
The Wat Governor Brown Gashed into old Customs, 68 

CHAPTER X. 
The Spirit of 1858 in Georgia, 76 

CHAPTER XI. 
Gov. Brown's Superb Public Endorsement and Renomination 84 

CHxVPTER XII. 
The Gubernatorial Tussle between Gov. Brown and Warren Akin, . . 9.'{ 

CHAPTER XIII. 
A Hot Chapter of Gathering Revolution, 10.1 



vui contej5:ts. 

CHAl'TEK XIV. 

Page. 
The Fatal Split of the National and Georgia Dejiockacy in 1860, - . . ll4 

CHAPTER XV. 
The Momentous Close OF THE Last Year oi! Peace, 1 SCO, 124 

CHAPTER XVI. 
The Stubborn Battle in Georgia over Disunion, 135 

CHAPTER XVII. 
The Most Vital Chapter of Georgia History — Her Secession from the 

Union, 143 

PART II. 
THE BLOODY HARVEST OF WAR. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 
TuE Princely Prosperity Georgia Staked on the War, 161 

CHAPTER XIX. 
The Rape of the Guns 171 

CHAPTER XX. 
The Birth of the Confederacy and the Shadow of War, 180 

CHAPTER XXI. 
The Blazing War Fever OF THE first of 1861, 191 

CHAPTER XXII. 
The Precedent of a Century Overthrown, and Brown made Governor 

THE Third Time, , 201 

CHAPTER XXIII. 
Gov. Broavn's Stormy Time WITH THE Legislature OF 1S61-2 212 

CHAPTER XXIV. 
The Organization of State Troops under Major-Gii^neral Henry R. 

Jackson, ..... 224 

CHAPTER XXV. 
Brown and Davis in their Great Tussle over Conscription, 232 

CHAPTER XXVI. 
A Gloomy Chapter of War's Ravage, 246 

CHAPTER XXVIL 
The Increasing War Fever OF 1863, 2.58 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 
The Fik8x Half of the Most Thrilling Year of Georgia Annals, 1864, . 268 



•iSTTS, IX 

XXIX. 

Page. 
Sherman Tears Atlanta FROM Hood, 281 

CHAPTER XXX. 
Sherman's Peace Effort and Famous March to the Sea, 300 

CHAPTER XXXI. 
The Closing Throes of the Eevolution, and the Tragic End, .... 317 

PART III. 

THE RECONSTRUCTION TRAVESTY AND A SUPERB 
REHABILITATION. 

CHAPTER XXXII. 
The Transition Period of Pcre Bayonet Rule, 335 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 
The Organization of the State Government under President Johnson's 

Plan, 345 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 
The Second Iron-Handed and AViiimsical Phase of Reconstruction, . . 357 

CHAPTER XXXV. 
A Throbbing Chapter op Reconstruction Harlequinade, Ending with 

Gov. Jenkins' Removal, 369 

CHAPTER XXXVI. 
The Feverish March of Events in 1868, 381 

CHAPTER XXXVII. 
The Famous Legislative Expurgation of the Blacks, 394 

CHAPTER XXXVin. 
Gov. Bullock's Desperate Endeavor to Re-enact Reconstruction, . . . 407 

CHAPTER XXXIX. 
A Burning Chapter of Folly and Shame 419 

CHAPTER XL. 
The Twin Infamies OF Prolongation AND Financial Mismanagement, . . 438 

CHAPTER XLI. 
The Doavnfall of the Reconstruction Regime, and Bullock's Resigna- 
tion AND Flight, 452 

CHAPTER XLII. 
The Final Act of Joyous State Redemption, 464 



X CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XLIII. 

Page. 
Georgia's Famous ExpuKc-ATiON OF Frauddlent Bonds, . .• 475 

CHAPTER XLIV. 
The Administration of Gov. James M. Smith, 501 

CHAPTER XLV. 
Gov. Alfred H. Colquitt AND his Magnificent Majority, 515 

CHAPTER XLVI. 
Gov. Colquitt's Brilliant Financial Administration, 528 

CHAPTER XL VII. 
The Extraordinary Crusade of Hostility to Gov. Colquitt, 537 

CHAPTER XLVIII. 
The Powerful Historic Georgia Triumvirate, Colquitt, Gordon, and 

Brown, 55» 

CHAPTER XLIX. 
Gov. Colquitt Recommended for Governor by the Most Extraordinary 

AND Exciting Political Convention of Georgia Annals, 5G8 

CHAPTER L. 
Gov. Colquitt's Overwhelming Re-election, 589 

CHAPTER LI. 
The Journalism and Literature of Georgia, 609 

CHAPTER LII, 
The Railroads, Resources and Future op Georgia, . , 631 

APPENDIX. 

A. — Georgia Officers who Served in the Civil War in the Confed- 
erate Service, 657 

B. — Correspondence between Jefferson Davis, President of the Con- 
federacy, and Joseph E. Brown, Gov. of Georgia, on Conscrip- 
tion, 695 

C. — Original Communication of Mrs. Mary Williams, to the Columbus 

(Ga.) Times, Suggesting the Decoration Day Custom, .... 715 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



LIST OF STEEL PLATE PORTRAITS. 

Page. 

1. I. W. Avery, (Frontispiece.) 

2. Joseph E. Brown, JEt. 29, 23 

3. Jos. Henry Lumpkin, 54 

4. C. J. McDonald, 76 

5. Howell Cobb, Ill 

6. H. V. Johnson, 125 

7. Robert Toombs, 140 

8. Geo. W. Crawford, 150 

9. Alex. H. Stephens, 181 

10. E. A. Nisbet, 209 

11. Henry R. Jackson, , 227 

12. Jefferson Davis, 233 

13. B. H. Hill, 255 

14. W. T. Sherman, 274 

15. Joseph E. Johnston, 280 

16. James B. McPherson, 282 

17. W. J. Hardee, 313 

18. C. J. Jenkins, . * 352 

19. Joshua Hill, 398 

20. O. A. Lochrane, 456 

21. Hiram Warner, 493 

22. Thos. M. Norwood, 494 

23. Alfred H. Colquitt, 519 

24. Campbell Wallace, 554 

25. Joseph E. Brown, 563 

LIST OF ENGRAVED PORTRAITS. 

26. W. H. Stiles, 34 

27. John E. Ward, 51 

28. Mrs. M. Williams, .242 

29. A. R. Lawton 294 

30. Thos. Hardeman, 351 

31. R. E. Lester, 400 



12 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



32. 

33. 
34. 
35. 
36. 
37. 
38. 
39. 
40. 
41. 
42. 
43. 
44. 
45. 
46. 
47. 
48. 
49. 
50. 
51. 
52. 
53. 
54. 
55. 
56. 
57. 



Augusta Chronicle and Constitutionalist's Group, 610 



Page. 

j. b. gordox 506 

James Jackson, 1 

Maktin J. Ckawfohd, J- Supreme Court Group, 515 

Alkx. M. Spekh, J 

A. O. Bacox, 523 

L. J. Gaktkell, 557 

l. n. tuammell, 574 

Patrick Walsh, 

A. li. Wright, 

Jas. R. Randall, 

Henry C. Moore, 

James Gardner, 

N. P. T. Finch, 

W. A. Hemphill, } AiUnU Conslilulion Grou]p, ....."'.. 614 

Evan P. Howell, J 

Chas. H. Smith, " Bill Arp." 

Joel Chandler Harris, " Uncle Remus." 

W. T. Thompson, " Major Jones." 

R. M. Johnston, Author "Dukesboro Tales," etc. J 

C. C. Jones, Jr., 625 

E. W. Cole, l 

E. P. Alexander, 

Wm. M. WadLEY, 1 n • . T5 m Tr- 00-, 

, ^ .,, ' y Georsria s Railway Kings, 637 

J. P. King, ^ o ' 

L. P. Grant, 

G. J. FOREACRE, 



)- Humorists, . 623 



PART I 

The Decade before the War 

OF 1861-5. 



CHAPTER I. 

GEORGIA AN IMPERIAL COMMONWEALTH. 

A Leader in the august Sisterhood of States. — Tier. Superior Individuality. — Her 
Adventurous Citizenship. — The Theater of Great Events. — The Most Potential 
Southern State in the War of 1861. — Her Affluence of Public Men in the Last 
Quarter of a Century. — The Leading Instrumentality of Joseph E. Brown. 

The annals of no State in this expansive Union will show a record 
more illustrious, and also more picturesque in coloring, than our goodly 
Commonwealth of Georgia. She was one of the original colonies, the 
histori-c thirteen, that won independence in the forever famous revolu- 
tion of 1776, and formed the basis of our present marvelous nationalit3^ 
Founded in 1733 by that noble English gentleman, Sir James Oglethorpe, 
and embracing the princely scope of territory extending from the 
Atlantic coast to the Mississippi river, from which has been cut and 
formed several of our finest Southern states, Georgia has from that 
early day to the present maintained the luster of her origin, and 
illustrated in peace and war, in arts and arms, in achievement and states- 
manship, in population and j>rogress, the virtue, independence and 
power of a free, intellectual and Christian people. 

Among all of the great commonwealths of the Union, there is, per- 
haps, no single one as royally endowed by nature as Georgia. There 
are larger states, there are states surpassing her in individual lines 
of production, but in the possession of a lavish variety of resource, 
Georgia is the foremost. Whether we regard her versatile agricultural 
fertility, her varied mineral wealth, her manufacturing possibilities or 
her commercial advantages, she has them all in affluent profusion; and 
superadding to these a healthy climate ranging from the purest of 
mountain air to the fresh buoyancy of her ocean border, a prodigal 
possession of crystal springs and rivers, and scenery variedly picturesque, 
and it is no exaggeration to claim for her a leading position in the 
august sisterhood of the United States. 

Her career has had a romantic character, befitting her superior 
individuality. Hers has been a continuously dramatic destiny. Georgia, 
from her founding in 1773, has made a luminous chronicle of eventful 
emprise and stirring nicident. There seems to have been from the first 



GEORGIA S BEILLIAKT PUBLIC MEN. 



an adventurous quality in her citizenship that has shown itself in unusual 
accomplishment. She has exerted a marked influence in every line of 
her grov^rth and j)hase of her progress. She has been the theater of 
startling surprises and great operations. Both in military and in civil 
matters she has had uncommon prestige and achieved striking experi- 
ences. Especially in the wars that have convulsed the country has 
Georgia been conspicuous and brilliant. In both revolutions of 1776 
and ISGl her soil was the- arena of momentous and decisive movements, 
that gave her renown and imparted vital direction to the final result. 
In the great civil war, so fresh in our memories, she played a role that, 
take it all in all, was in some respects the most striking and eventful of 
any Southern state. 

It has been her fortune, both before and during the late war, to 
have conflicts of argument, involving fundamental principles in our 
government, with the national administrations, that have alike given 
the state celebrity and illustrated the independence of her state authori- 
ties. The fact is that Georgia has antagonized every measure of the 
Federal Government, that has in her judgment encroached upon con- 
stitutional law or individual liberty. 

The last thirty years, extending from 1850 to the present, have been 
a marked era in her history — an era remarkable for the momentous and 
tragic incidents crowded into the brief period of a little more than a 
quarter of a century. The agitation of the slavery question, that finally 
culminated in the attempted dissolution of the Union and its tragic 
consequences, may be said in the compromise measures of 1850, to have 
taken its first serious steps to the terrible end that came. It is the 
philosophy of compromise to procrastinate evil without curing it. And 
an inevitable conflict loses nothing of its savagery by abortive patch- 
work. The decade from 1850 to the civil crash of 1861, was a period of 
unconscious preparation for the mighty struggle. And as no state took 
a larger or more vital part in the conflict than Georgia when the con- 
flict came, so no state contributed more potentially to the influences 
preliminary to it in the ten years of seething revolutionary preface. 
Among the public men of national fame Georgia furnished some of the 
most daring thinkers, and famous orators of the day, — statesmen of 
large ability and powerful public influence. Through her whole history 
Georgia has been particularly affluent in brilliant public men. It is 
doubtful whether she ever shone more resplendently in this wealth of 
gifted characters, than during the thirty years to which reference is made. 
Our state affairs were, in the decade before the war, managed with 



JOSEril E. BROWN, 5 

unusually brilliant skill, while in the national councils we had represent- 
atives of surpassing prominence and force. 

Marking as this period of thirty years does, an era alike in the history 
of our state and the nation, distinctive and dramatic, in which there 
was not only a revolution of arms of vast magnitude, but an even 
greater revolution of thought and social and political systems, I have 
selected it for the theme of this book. Looking at the large number of 
able and influential men of Georgia who have figured and led in this 
important and dramatic period, the man above all others who has been 
more closely identified with the great events of this memorable epoch in 
Georgia and whose masterful individuality has been the most conspic- 
uously impressed upon these events, is the calm face and slender figure 
of Joseph E. Brown. His public career for a quarter of a century has 
been the history of his state. There is no year in this long episode of 
thrilling event that his instrumentality could be dropped out without 
creating an important blank in the picture, while no incident of the 
romantic record could be properly narrated that lacked the recounting 
of his powerful agency. From the day that, absolutely unheralded and 
almost unknown to the state, he was by a mysterious stroke of fortune 
placed at the helm of state, he has been the moving power in public 
matters. If his ideas have been temporarily vanquished he has seen 
them ultimately triumphant. Aflluent as the state has been in remark- 
able men, it is a matter of material doubt if the annals of the common- 
wealth can show a character of more brain arid will than Brown — a 
public career more valiant and dramatic than his. Bold, able, clear- 
headed, aggressive, placid, with unequaled powers of management, and 
an invincible method with the popular masses, he seized the public mind 
and impressed himself upon public affairs with as much force as any 
public man Georgia has ever had. Coming into public life when the 
state had a brilliant host of public men, illustrating her magnificently in 
eloquence, statesmanship and influence, "Joe Brown," as he has been 
familiarly called, immediately stepped in the very front, and has been 
ever since an imperious dominating leader. His public career has been 
a continuous surprise, bristling with dramatic alternations of popular 
admiration and odium, and almost uninterruptedly marked by triumphs 
of power clutched by marvelous exhibition of management in desperate 
political contests, largely flavored with the most earnest personal spirit. 
In all the varied vicissitudes of Georgia's history with some of the most 
impressive characters to dazzle public attention, it is doubtful if any 
public man of her annals has filled a larger measure of public thought, 



6 JOSEPH E. BROWN. 

or has taken a stronger hold upon the measures and times with which 
he has been connected, than this indomitable type of equipoised judg- 
ment. 

In view of Gov. Brown being the central figure of the last quarter of 
a century of Georgia matters, I have deemed it not inappropriate to 
devote a couple of chapters to his early life, not only for the interest of 
the work, but to throw upon the heavy facts of our grave history the 
illustration of so vital an agency during this thrilling period. 



CHAPTER 11. 
THE START OF GOV. BROWN'S STRONG LIFE. 

His Progenitors. — Born of Fighting Sires. — Gameful by Heredity. — A Boyhood of Toil 
and Close Living. — His Immigration to Historic Gaddistbwu. — The United States 
Senate and Gaddistown. — The Famous Plow Bull. — Schooling in South Carolina. — 
A Pair of Steers for Board. — Remarkable Progress. — A Country School Teacher. — 
Reads Law in Resting Hours. — Dr. Lewis. — Brown's Fidelity to Friends — Admitted 
to the Bar. — Goes to Yale College Law School. — A Practitioner of Law. 

The full name of Senator Brown is Joseph Emerson Brown. He is not 
a native Georgian, but was born in the adjoining state of South Carolina, 
in Pickens District, on the 15th day of April, 1821. He was therefore 
sixty years of age April 15, 1881. Plis birthplace was near the home of 
John C. Calhoun, that apostle of the doctrine of States Rights. It was 
here that young Brown had imbibed with the tenacity of his determined 
nature Calhoun's theory of state government. And it will be seen how, 
when he became Governor of Georgia, these decided views of state 
sovereignty molded his official conduct, and led him to controversies 
that have become historic. 

It is not by any means uninteresting to trace in the life of this gentle- 
man the ancestral qualities that came to him legitimately by hereditary 
transmission. His remote progenitors on the paternal side were Scotch- 
Irish Presbyterians, and way back in those dismal days of English 
history, when civil strife would seem to have culminated its horrors in 
the time of James the Second, they faithfully adhered to the fortunes 
of William and Mary, Their home was in the vicinity of Londonderry, 
Ireland, and when that place was subjected to the cruelties of a length- 
ened siege, the ancestors of Joseph E. Brown vindicated their courage 
and their fidelity by an unmurmuring participation in the sufferings of 
that occasion. In an exceedingly vivid sketch comparing " Joe Brown 
and Bob Tombs," " H. W. G," in the Constitution newspaper, thus 
alludes to Brown's progenitors : 

" Joe Brown and Bob Toombs ! Both illustrious and great — both powerful and 
strong — and yet at every point, and from every view, the perfect opposites of each 
other. 

" Through two centuries have two different strains of blood, two conflicting lines of 
thought, two separate tlieories of social, religious and political life, been working out 



BROWX AND TOOMBS. 

tlio two types of meu, which have iu our day flowered into the perfection of contrast — 
N ivid, thorough and pervasive. For seven generations the ancestors of Joe Brown have 
heen restless, aggressive rebels — for a longer time the Toombs have been dauntless and 
intolerant followers of the king and ki)igliness. At the siege of Londonderry — the 
most remarkable fasting match beyond Tanner — Margaret and James Brown, grand- 
parents of the James Brown who came to America and was grand-parent of Joe Brown 
— were within tlie walls, starving and fighting for William and Mary ; and I have 
no doubt there were hard-riding Toombs outside the walls, charging in the name 
of the peevish and unhappy James. Certain it is that forty years before the direct 
ancestors of General Toombs on the Toombs estate were hiding good King Charles in 
the oak at Boscabel, where, I have no doubt, the father and uncles of the Londonderry 
Brown, with cropped hair and severe mien, were proguing about the place w^ith their 
pikes, searching every bush, in the name of Cromwell and the psalm-singers. From 
these initial points sprang the two strains of blood — the one affluent, impetuous, prod- 
igal—the other slow, resolute, forceful. From these ancestors came the two men — the 
one superb, ruddy, fashioned with incomparable grace and fullness — the other pale, 
thoughtful, a,ngu]ar, stripped down to brain and sinew. From these opposing theories 
came the two types — the one patrician, imperious, swift in action and brooking no stay 
— the other democratic, sagacious, jealous of rights and submitting to no imposition. 
The one for the king — the other for the people. It does not matter that the elder 
Toombs was a rebel in Virginia against the fat George, for that revolt was kingly of 
itself, and the Virginian cavaliers went into it with love-locks flying and care cast to the 
winds, feeling little of the patient spirit of James Brown, who, by his Carolina fireside, 
fashioned his remonstrance slowly, and at last put his life upon the issue." 

In 1745, Brown's ancestors emigrated to America. This was some 
thirteen years after the settlement of Georgia by Oglethorpe. They 
first settled in the colony of Virginia, but subsequently removed to 
South Carolina, where they became worthy citizens, keeping up their 
stern fidelity to patriotic duty. Joseph Brawn, the grandfather and 
namesake of Senator Brown, was a resolute Whig in the days of the 
Revolution of 1776, and did his part gamefuUy in that memorable strife. 
He fought in many leading engagements, including Camden, Kings 
Mountain and others. He was true to the rebel instincts of the blood, 
and ujDheld the colonial cause until independence crowned the long and 
weary contest. 

Of the family of Joseph Brown the revolutionary sire, Mackey Brown, 
the father of Joseph E. Brown, when quite a young man sought a home 
in the state of Tennessee, in the middle section of that commonwealth 
of bountiful products. Following the intrepid impulses that came to 
him from his Londonderry progenitors, Mackey Brown enlisted in the 
war of 1812 in the brigade of General Carroll. He went with this com- 
mand to New Orleans, ^id shared actively in all of the campaigns of 
that war, finally fighting with '' Old Hickory " in the celebrated battle 
of the 8th of January, 1815, which resulted in the death of General 



GADDISTCWN". 9 

Packenham, the British commander ; the defeat of the British army, 
and the election of General Jackson as President. It will thus be seen 
that Joe Brown comes of a fighting stock, and the unyielding combative- 
ness that has constituted one of the staple ingredients of his character, 
and a leading feature of his political life, is a quality of long-transmitted 
inheritance, perpetuated through generations of resolute blood and 
fiery trial. 

Mackey Brown returned from the war to Tennessee and married 
Sally Rice, whose people came from England and, settling in Virginia, 
emigrated to Tennessee. After the marriage, Mackey Brown and his 
young wife moved back to South Carolina to Pickens District, where, 
in the quiet pursuit of an agricultural life, eleven children were born, 
the oldest of whom was Joseph E. Brown. 

The early life of Joe Brown was uneventful. His parents were in 
moderate circumstances, and he grew up accustomed to farm labor. He 
was educated in those simple habits of living, temperate, abstemious 
and healthful, from which in all the elevations of his extraordinary 
career he has never deviated. From the early age of eight he did 
steady farm work until he was nineteen years old, filling in the intervals 
with the ordinary country schooling. Before he was grown, however, 
Mackey Brown left South Carolina and emigrated to Union county, 
Georgia, where Joseph E. Brown made the humble beginning of his 
wonderful career in this state. The little valley near which they settled 
was called Gaddistown. 

Men make localities famous. It is the province of genius to thus 
emulate great events in conferring celebrity upon places. The obscure 
little country place of Gaddistown has earned immortality through the 
poor uneducated boy that arrived there in his 'teens over forty years 
ago. When at the close of the most protracted political and personal 
campaign ever held in Georgia, in which he was a leader and factor, this 
penniless and unlettered boy become a millionaire in wealth, all won by 
his own strong industry and enterprise, grasped in his powerful hand 
the glittering honor of a United States Senatorship by such a majority 
as the most fortunate of men rarely get, the wondering populace, caught 
from its rural hiding place in the mountains of Georgia, far away from 
the whistle of the steam car, the modest locality of Gaddistown and 
made it a household word forevermore. Such is the spell of genius. 
In the badinage that flashed about the marvelous victory, Gaddistown 
bloomed into fame as the spot where the millionaire Senator plowed his 
historic bull in the days of his penniless youth, and made the modest 



10 BILL AP.P'S REMINISCENCE. 

starting of his miraculous career. The papers rang with the name of 
Gaddistown. In the brilliant breakfast room of the Kimball House, 
where a large number of Senator Brown's friends gathered to dine in 
honor of his overwhelming election that day, the Gaddistown Club was 
organized in tribute to the henceforth immortal Gaddistown. 

During these years of his youth up to the age of nineteen, young 
Brown learned nothing but the three R's, — reading, 'riting and 
'rithmetic, and these very limitedly. He worked laboriously, plowing 
his now historic bull, hauling wood to Dahlonega, selling vegetables in 
a basket to the hotel and others that would buy, and aiding in the 
frugal support of his father's large family. " Bill Arp," in one of his 
inimitable letters to the Constitution, narrates the following interesting- 
incident of the period of Brown's life, told him by Gen. Ira Foster: 

" Wheu he got to talking about Joe Brown he stretched forth his arm and said that 
man is a miracle. I knew his parents before he was born. They were exceedingly 
poor. His aunt Sidney did my washing when I was a young man living in Dahlonega 
some fifty years ago. 

"Joe cultivated a little scrap of hillside laud with a pair of bull calves, and every 
Saturday hauled to town some potatoes or cabbages or light wood or other truck in 
trade and took back something for the family. In 1839, I think it was, I was riding to 
Canton in a buggy, and I overtook a young man walking in a very muddy lane. He 
had a striped bag hung Over his shoulder and looked very tired. I asked him if he 
would not take a seat, and he looked down at himself and said he was too muddy, and 
that he would dirty up the buggy. I insisted and he broke off a splinter from a rail 
and scraped his shoes and got in. I learned from him that his name was Joe BroAvn, 
and he was going to Canton to get something to do. I have kept an eye on him for 
forty years. He is a wonder to me." 

But there was a something in the youth that impelled him irresistibly 
to a higher and broader life, and his strong intelligence realized the 
necessity of a better educational equipment. There is no doubt how- 
ever that in these years of youthful work were laid the foundation of 
those inestimable habits of patience, pains-taking industry, frugality, 
self-control, and a knowledge of and sympathy with the laboring masses 
that have so marked his career, and aided in his exceptional success. 

In the fall of 1840 he obtained his father's consent to make a new 
departure and gratify his craving for education. All that his father 
could do for the boy who was to carve out for himself so wonderful a 
fortune, was to give him some home-made clothing and a yoke of steers. 
With this modest endowment of worldly goods the youth went back to 
Carolina and entered the Calhoun academy in Anderson district, prob- 
ably drawn there by his reverence for the name and doctrines of 
Calhoun. The steers paid for eight months' board. The tuition was 



BKOAVX A LAW STUDEJs^T. 11 

obtained on ci'edit. It can be well imagined that a spirit so determined 
upon an education improved tliis opportunity to the fullest measure of 
an uncommon intellect. Returning to Georgia in the fall of 1841, the 
earnest youngster taught school for three months to get the means to 
continue his schooling, and went back in January 1842 to Calhoun 
academy, pursuing his studies by incurring debt for his tuition and 
• board. A very successful and eminent teacher, Mr. Wesley Leverett, 
was in charge of Calhoun academy, and the bond of sympathy between 
him and his remarkable pupil was such, that when Mr. Leverett left the 
academy and removed to another school that he established near 
Anderson Court House, the wise youth followed him and enjoyed his 
instruction during that year. The progress of young Brown in his 
studies was very rapid and marked. His strong practical mind, with its 
keen hunger for knowledge and its native superiority of application and 
mental labor, achieved astonishing results, delighting his preceptor. His 
money with which to pay board early gave out, but he readily obtained 
it on credit, there being no lack of friends to trust and encourage a 
spirit so bent upon an education. The extraordinary progress he made 
can be understood when it is known that in two years' study from the 
groundwork young Brown had fitted himself to enter an advanced class 
in college. He had to forego college education, however, because he 
had not the means. 

In January 1844 Mr. Brown, at the age of twenty-two, returned to 
Georgia and opened an academy in Canton, Cherokee county. He had 
to repay the debts incurred in his education, and he fully realized the 
obligation that rested upon him. He opened his academy with six 
scholars, the number rapidly increasing to sixty as his admirable 
capacity for teaching was demonstrated. The school was popular. He 
taught the year through, devoting his days to his pupils and his even- 
ings and Saturdays to laborious study of the law. 

This earnest young man wasted no hours. His mastery of the law 
was thorough and close. A methodical division of his time with the 
intensest attention while at study enabled him to accomplish large 
results. As a teacher he was unusually successful, and had he pur- 
sued that vocation he would have made an eminent instructor. His 
placid temper, great patience, determined will, admirable tact and 
practical clear methods, fitted him finely to teach and control scholars. 
At the end of the year he had made and saved enough money to pay 
off the entire debt incurred in Carolina for his education, and with that 
scrupulous regard for his obligations that has distinguished the man 



12 BROWN A YOU:VG LAWYER. 

always, he made a special trip to that State and repaid to the last dollar 
every liability due for board and tuition. 

During the year 1845 he continued his law studies in Canton, teach- 
ing the children of his friend and patron, Dr. John W. Lewis, for his 
board. The relations between Dr. Lewis and young Brown were very 
close and tender. It illustrates a strong quality of Senator Brown's 
nature that in after years,, when he became influential and had patronage 
at his disposal, he remembered his early benefactor and delighted to 
honor him. Fidelity to his friends is a crowning quality of the man, 
and has been a large factor in his success. He appointed Dr. Lewis 
Superintendent of the State Road, and afterwards Confederate State's 
Senator, when there was a vacancy in that high office. Gratitude is 
golden, and it belongs to Joseph E. Brown in a remarkable degree. 

Jn August 1845, Mr. Brown was, after a searching examination 
of several hours, admitted to the bar. The presiding judge compli- 
mented him highly upon his proficiency. He is said to have answered 
incorrectly but one question put to him by the examining committee of 
lawyers, who seeing that they had an unusually well-informed applicant 
to test, made the ordeal as critical as they could. At this same term of 
the court the young lawyer made his first speech and won a host of 
encomiums alike from the bar'and the audience. In that maiden effort 
he, according to the traditions of that day, gave specimen of the simple 
style of effective talk that made him afterwards so potential in sjDeech 
while claiming no pretensions to oratory. He had a clear method of 
presenting his cause, a faculty of putting the irresistible common sense, 
of the subject, and a homely, direct power of reaching the hearts of his 
hearers that proved wonderfully successful. 

Talking in Spring Place, Murray county, in 1806, at a term of the 
Superior Court there, with an old citizen and admirer of Brown, who 
had often seen him in the trial of cases, the citizen said that in many 
respects Brown was the most remarkable young lawyer he had ever 
known. He said he had never seen a young lawyer, nor an old one 
either, that did not some time lose his equilibrium. In the ups and 
downs of a trial, the most experienced were thrown off their balance by 
some unexpected testimony or some sudden and crushing reverse. But 
nothing covild disturb Brown. His composure and self-possession were 
immovable. The worst disaster in a trial found him as cool and placid 
as a summer morn, with every wit sharpened to nullify it. This game 
quality impressed others profoundly, and gave him a great advantage 
in forensic battles. 



BROWN AT YALE COLLEGE. 13 

Mr. Brown was now twenty-four years old, and had studied the law 
nearly two years and passed a rare examination in his admission to the 
bar. He was better equipped for practice than the majority of young 
lawyers. But he was not satisfied with his preparation. Having an 
exalted standard of professional success before him, and ai3preciating 
that to be a great lawyer a man must broaden and liberalize his mind, 
as well as be thoroughly initiated into the fundamental principles of 
law and government, Brown resolved to enlarge and perfect his legal 
education. His staunch friend. Dr. Lewis, loaned him the money to 
carry out his purpose, and in October 1845, he entered the law school 
at Yale College and remained there until June 1846. 

His year of study at Yale was very valuable. His hard digging at 
the law in the mountains of Georgia stood him in good stead in round- 
ing off his legal education at venerable Yale. The mountain youth 
stood at no disadvantage with the youngsters of wealth at the old 
college. He took the lead easily in his classes. He found it a light 
matter with his strong native powers, fortified by two years of close 
legal application in his quiet rural home, to take all of the studies of the 
three classes, and keep up with them, and yet in addition, attend many 
of the lectures of the professors in other departments, as Professor 
Silliman on Chemistry and Geology ; Dr. Taylor on Mental Philosophy ; 
Dr. Knight on Anatomy, and others. He graduated at the commence- 
ment in 1846 in the law school, but did not remain to take his diploma 
in person. In that practical spirit that governed him in all matters, he 
requested permission to stand his examination and leave in June, in 
order that he might get the business benefit of attending the fall courts 
at home in Georgia. His diploma was sent to him. He located in 
Canton, and at the ripe age of twenty-five years he began the practice 
of his cherished profession of the law, and soon built into a lucrative 
business. 

Looking at Senator Brown's course preliminary to his beginning the 
practice of the law, there is a fine example for poor young men and a 
marked exhibition of that native sagacity that has governed his life. 
Commencing at nineteen years of age with but a light country school- 
ing, he, of his own wise impulses, devoted six years to his education. 
His rare natural abilities were in the vigor of a youthful healthy man- 
hood. He was ripe for the very best acquisition of learning and the 
most profitable training of his faculties. His powerful young mind was 
just in that age of maturity of the learning capacity, that made his 
studies doubly useful. This poor country youth was a tardy beginner 



14 BROWN MARRIED. 

of life's practical business at twenty-five years of age, but he in reality 
possessed a perfection of equipment that few beginners have. Purity 
of habit and principle that secluded country life gives, .habituation to 
severe ordeals of physical and mental labor, a long course of legal 
education finished at the finest law school in the country, and a social 
and mental intelligence of unusual grasp capped and widened and 
polished by the collisions, the culture and worldly knowledge of a year 
at a cosmopolitan college, all were young Brown's, when he started life 
in the country village of Canton, in the sunny summer of 1846. And it 
is not by any means a surprising matter that he succeeded. Such 
powers, such knowledge and such methods as he had were bound to 
succeed. There was nothing brilliant about him. But he made the 
progress ever achieved by hard and continuovis work. He never lost a 
client. He lived as he had been raised, moderately and helpfully, and 
his habits continued simple. He made $1,200 the first year, and then 
pushed up slowly but steadily to $2,(^00 and $3,000. He never went 
backward. He made no blunders. His investments were all safe and 
judicious. He very early paid $450 for a piece of land which after- 
Avards turned out handsomely for him, a half interest in a copper mine 
thereon bringing him $25,000, which he invested in farms, and which 
was the basis of his afterwards immense fortune. 

The next wise and fortunate step that this rising young man took 
was to marry a good wife. In 1847 he was united in marriage to Miss 
Elizabeth Gresham, the daughter of the Rev. Joseph Grcsham, a Baptist 
minister of South Carolina. He made a happy marriage, his wife shar- 
ing congenially the eventful fortunes of his remarkable life, presiding 
well over his happy home, and raising admirably the large family of 
intelligent and worthy children that she has brought to him. 

As a lawyer, as can be conceived, Mr. Brown immediately took a 
foremost rank. Instantaneously prompt and punctual, giving innnedi- 
ate attention to all matters entrusted to his care, untiringly industrious, 
working up his cases thoroughly, examining legal questions to the 
bottom, exhausting authorities, carefully correct in judgment, full of 
the resources of pleading and practice, and an earnest and convincing 
speaker, he had every quality needed to give him both reputation and 
practice. 

A gentleman had a claim against a farmer residing in ten or twelve 
miles of Canton. He arrived there in the afternoon and was referred to 
Mr. Brown. He put the matter in Brown's hands, who told him to call 
the next mornino:. Brown rode out to the house of the citizen that 



BROAVN AS AN ADVOCATK. 15 

very evening, managed to get the money, returned to his office, and 
when the gentleman called by appointment early the next morning, 
paid him his money. He stopped at no trouble or labor in his business, 
and his swift promptness and tenacious attention to his cases wrought 
their inevitable results. Every lawyer in large practice can point to 
his hard forensic battles and romantic victories, won by clever strokes 
of legal strategy and skillful operations of professional acumen. Mr. 
Brown had an unusual number of such struggles and triumphs. A 
plain man and severely practical, lacking the flash of oratory and mak- 
ing no glittering personal display, yet there was a romance and dramatic 
effect in his management of some of his legal skirmishes, that surpassed 
the achievement of more showy solicitors. Some of his legal contests 
were surprises of skill and boldness. A very earnest man, of indomit- 
able will and unswerving purpose, he was a hard hitting forensic fighter. 
Secretive as to his plans, he sprung damaging traps upon his opponents 
and he pursued a defeated antagonist unrelentingly. Hon. L. N. Tram- 
mell, speaking of his power as a lawyer, said his influence over a jury 
was extraordinary. While not an orator, his speeches were irresistible. 
Says Mr. Trammell, " Gq>v. Brown's speeches to juries were marvels 
of effect. They were as clear as a sunbeam. They exhausted practical 
sense, and reason, and put his side of a case so strongly and logically, 
that he always carried conviction." 



CHAPTER III. 

GOV. BROWN'S MARKED CAREER AS A STATE SENATOR 

IN 1849. 

His Early Drift to Politics. — Runs for Senator. — The Temperance Issue — His Election. 
— Tlie Legislature of 1 849 noted for its Eierce Political Controversies. — Andrew J. 
Miller and Joe Brown the Leaders. — The Veteran and the Neophyte. — Brown Leaps 
to the Front. — Brown and Alfred H. Colquitt. — A Curious Coincidence. — The Per- 
sonelle of that Body. — The Judges of that Day. — Hiram Warner. — H. V. Johnson. — 
Mrs. Johnson. — Henry E,. Jackson. — Aug. Hansell. — James Jaclison. — Gartrell's 
Resolutions. — The Heat upon Slavery. — Dissolution of the Union Intimated. — Chas. 
J. Jenkins.— Chas. J. McDonald. — Miller's Hobby.— The " Woman's Bill."— Gov. 
Brown against all the New Fangled Ideas. — Richard H. Clarke. — Thos. Butler 
King. — 0. A. Lochrane. 

But while Gov. Brown was and is a great lawyer, the dominant ten- 
dency of his nature was political. A profound and able jurist, his forte 
was politics. His greatest capacities drove him to public life. He took 
to it as a fish does to water. His popular tact was unerring, his fitness 
for political contest perfect. Admitted to the bar in 1846, he drifted 
into politics in 1849. At that time there were forty-seven Senatorial 
Districts in the state, each furnishing a Senator. Forty-six of the Dis- 
tricts were composed of two counties each, and Mr. Brown lived in the 
forty-first, which was composed of Cherokee and Cobb counties. He 
received the Democratic nomination. Opposed by Col. John M. Edge, 
the canvass was an active one and resulted in his triumphant election. 
The temperance issue was raised against Mr. Brown, he being a member 
of the order of the Sons of Temperance. With his usual positiveness 
he took square temperance ground when assailed. The objection was 
made to him that he was against the liquor traffic. He accepted it 
boldly, refused to treat to liquor in his canvass, and in his speeches 
broadly announced that he would treat no one, though the refusal might 
cause his defeat by thousands of votes. In a rural mountain section 
where the distillation of spirits is largely carried on, it might well be 
supposed that such a declaration would be perilous. The custom of 
candidates using liquor freely in their campaigns v^as general. He had 
the courage to break the custom, and after a warm contest he was 
decisively elected. 



THE LEGISLATURE OF 18i9-1850. 17 

The legislature of 1849 and 1850 was a right memorable one. 
Georgia then had the system of biennial sessions, which she discarded 
soon, and then re-adopted in 1877, after she had forgotten the experi- 
ence of a quarter of a century previous. The session was eighty-five 
days in length. The same policy was carried out that has prevailed in 
the biennial sessions of 1878 and 1881, of having an adjourned term. 
And Senator Brown voted against it in 1849, as he did against every 
daily adjournment, nearly, his disposition being to get through his leg- 
islative work in the quickest possible time. 

Among the more notable men of this Legislature were Andrew J. 
Miller and David J. Baily of the Senate, and Augustus H. Kenan, Wm. 
T. Wofford, Thomas C. Howard, Gen. Harrison W. Riley, Parmedus 
Reynolds, Charles J. Jenkins, Linton Stephens and Lucius J. Gartrell, 
of the House. Joseph E. Brown was a new member and a new man in 
Georgia politics. This Legislature was noted for its fierce controversies 
upon political questions. Andrew J. Miller was the leader of the Whigs. 
Representing the powerful constituency of Richmond county, a lawyer 
of acknowledged ability, a ready debater, of cool imperturbable temper, 
high integrity and unflinching firmness, he stood very high. Joseph E. 
Brown leaped to the leadership of the Democrats in spite of his youth 
and inexperience, and the two names that figure most frequently in the 
journals of the Senate during that racy session are Miller and Brown. 
The young mountain novice tackled the old city veteran gamely and 
successfully. And the Democratic measures went through steadily 
under the firm leadership of this raw but powerful young neophyte. 
Brown was put on the Judiciary committee in recognition of his legal 
ability, that in three years' practice had established itself, and he was 
made chairman of the penitentiary committee. In addition he was put 
upon nearly every important special committee to consider special mat- 
ters of moment. Among these were, committee to enquire into repeal 
of laws in regard to introduction of slaves into this state : committee 
on bill to protect public worship : committee on bill to abolish costs 
in Supreme court: committee to re-organize the Judicial circuits; and 
other committees, in most of which Brown was chairman. 

It is matter of curious note that the assistant secretary of the Senate 
was Alfred H. Colquitt, who thirty years later made Joseph E. Brown 
United States Senator, and was united with him in the political cam- 
paign of 1880, the most savage public contest ever witnessed in Georgia, 
which resulted in the re-election of Colquitt as Governor of Georgia, 

and the election of Brown as United States Senator. And it is also 
2 



18 THE JUDICIARY OF 18i9. 

another curious fact that of the two speeches reported during the 
session of 1849-1850 one was a speech made by Brown, and it was 
reported by Mr. Colquitt for that strong journal, the Macon Telegraph, 
which at that time was only a weekly paper. 

Gov. Geo. W. Towns was the executive of the state. The state road 
was in running order to Dalton, was graded to Chattanooga and the track 
laid to within seven miles of that place. The benefit of that road is shown * 
by the fact that the business had increased for 1849 over forty-seven 
per cent, more than in 1847. At this time the judges were elected by 
the General Assembly, though an act was passed submitting to the peo- 
ple whether judges should be elected by the Legislature or the people. 
The people decided in their own favor, and after this the judges were 
elected by the people of their respective circuits. This Legislature 
elected Hiram Warner Judge of the Supreme Court, and Judges of the 
Superior Court as follows: — EH H. Baxter, Northern circuit; Henry R. 
Jackson, Eastern circuit; Augustin H. Stansell, Southern circuit; James 
Jackson, Western circuit; Ebenezer Starnes, Middle circuit; Herschel 
V. Johnson, Ocmulgee circuit; Jas. H. Stark, Flint circuit; Alfred 
Iverson, Chattahoochee circuit; John H. Lumpkin, Cherokee circuit. 
Of these gentlemen a number became distinguished. H. V. Johnson 
and Alfred Iverson were made United States Senators; H. V. Johnson, 
Governor; Hiram Warner and James Jackson, Congressmen and Chief 
Justice of the Supreme Court; E. Starnes, Judge of the Supreme 
Court; H. R. Jackson, United States Minister to Austria. There has 
perhaps never been a more brilliant array of judges in the history of 
the state. Judge Warner has been almost continuously on the bench 
since, resigning the Chief Justiceship of the Supreme Court in 1880. 
Judge Warner is in many respects a remarkable man. He came from 
New England. A tall, erect, muscular person of grea.t decision of char- 
acter, high order of ability, and extensive legal erudition, he has main- 
tained a striking hold upon the people of Georgia in spite of a decided 
lack of social feeling and generous sentiment. A fearless utterance 
of his views, an iron resolution and a rigid integrity, have upheld him 
in popular confidence, notwithstanding the severity of demeanor and a 
sort of determined rancor of prejudice. Cold and stern, he was able 
and believed to be honest. Alfred Iverson was a man of much power, 
a small person in stature, but of considerable speakmg ability. 

Governor Johnson was the ablest of these men. There has been no 
public man in Georgia in the last quarter of a century the superior in 
brain power of H. V. Johnson. A powerful thinker, a strong speaker, 



MRS. H. V. JOHNSON. 19 

possessor of an exquisite style of writing, the chastest and most vigor- 
ous master of language we have ever had in the state, he is one of 
our f ev/ public men that could be called great. He was a timid and a 
gloomy man, however, and in his manners a brusque person. The 
contrast between the bluntness of his ways and speech, and the classic 
elegance of his writings, was something inexplicable. His state papers 
were models of statesmanship and polish. Judge, afterwards Governor 
Johnson, married a niece of President Polk, the most exquisitely beauti- 
ful and intellectually gifted woman of her day when young. After he 
became executive she made the state house famous by her entertain- 
ments. Of exquisite figure, with features of faultless beauty, clear-cut, 
intellectual and of the most classic Grecian type, with a complexion as 
clear and rose-tinted as a healthy infant's, she added conversational 
powers of surpassing brilliancy, and an attractive sweetness of manner 
irresistible. She was a notable housewife and devoted mother, yet she 
was profoundly read in the political, scientific and religious literature 
of the day, and could talk upon these matters with wonderful power 
and genuine eloquence. 

Henry R. Jackson was one of the most gifted of these men, a magical 
orator, a true poet and an able lawyer. And added to this was a chiv- 
alric, personal courage and a fiery scorn of anything small. Judge 
Hansell is still Judge of the Superior Court, and preserves those high 
characteristics of manhood that marked him then. James Jackson was 
a most promising young man, belonging to and constituting a typical 
member of the famous family of Jacksons that have filled so large a role 
in Georgia annals, whose founder was one of the early Governors and 
a United States Senator; a man of iron force of character, who burned 
the records of the great Yazoo fraud with a sun glass. It has been 
something for Joseph E. Brown to have outstripped these gifted aristo- 
crats of Georgia civilization. In the election of these judges the 
Southern Rights question entered. Lumpkin, James Jackson and H. 
R. Jackson were Union Democrats, and came near defeat on that account. 
James Jackson wrote to Alex. Stephens asking his influence, appealing 
to his well-known proclivity to help young men. Through Mr. Stephens- 
his brother Linton voted for Jackson, though Linton was a Whig. 

The chief battle in this General Assembly was over some Democratic 
resolutions, originated mainly by Lucius J. Gartrell and W. W. Clayton, 
declaring for strict state rights; for a national territory equally slave 
and free, and branding the Wilmot proviso as unconstitutional. The 
report of the committee on the state of the Republic, introductory of 



20 DISUNION FORESHADOWED. 

these warm resolutions, was written by Col. Thomas C. Howard, the 
chairman of the House committee, regarded then as the most promising 
young man in the state. An inimitable conversationalist, flashing, 
witty and fervent, there is no man in Georgia that has ever surpassed 
him as a talker. He was then and is to-day a remarkable man. His 
report on these resolutions was a brilliant jDiece of writing. The debates 
over these resolutions were sharp and at times stormy. In the Senate, 
Miller and Brown had numerous skirmishes. Governor Colquitt told 
the writer that the Democrats had a sense of security when Brown had 
charge of the Democratic side that they had under no other leader. 
His speeches were to the point, clear and forcible, and his readiness and 
resources equal to any occasion. The resolutions were finally passed. 
Among them is the following': 

" 9th Resolved. That the people of Georgia entertain an ardent feeling of devotion 
to the union of these states, and that nothing short of a persistence in the present sys- 
tem of encroachment upon our rights by the non-slaveholding states can induce us to 
contemplate the possibility of a dissolution." 

These resolutions provided for calling a State Convention in certain 
contingencies. They illustrate the inflammatory agitation that was 
convulsing the country upon the subject of slavery, and the contempla- 
tion of a severance of the union as an ultimatum that came ten years 
later. On the final passage in the Senate the vote stood thirty-five yeas 
to three nayS) Andrew J. Miller being one of the nays. In the House 
the vote stood ninety-two yeas and twenty-eight nays. Charles J. 
Jenkins was the leader of the union party in the House. Mr. Jenkins 
has been one of the purest and ablest public men the state has ever had. 
He afterwards became Governor and Judge of the Supreme Court, and 
President of a Constitutional Convention of 1877. Possessed of punc- 
tilious integrity and high ability, known for an adamantine firmness and 
courage, patriotic and public-spirited, no man in the state has enjoyed 
a larger measure of respect than Mr. Jenkins. He has been a citizen of 
which any commonwealth could be proud. 

In connection with these resolutions the general assembly elected C. 
J. McDonald, M. H. McAllister, C. Dougherty and William Law as 
delegates to a convention of the people of the slave-holding states of 
the union to be held on the first Monday in June, 1850, in Nashville, 
Tennessee, called in conformity with a pecommendation of the people 
of Mississippi, to take some harmonious action in defense of the in- 
stitutions of slavery and the rights incident to it under the Constitu- 
tion of the United States. C. J. McDonald had been governor of the 



ANDREW J. miller's " WOMAN's BILL." 21 

state from 1839 to 1843, and was a gentleman of ability who possessed 
to a large degree the confidence of the people. M. H. McAllister was 
a citizen of Savannah, looming up prominently for public honor, but 
who injudiciously sacrificed the sure promise of distinction in Georgia 
by removing to California. C. Dougherty and William Law were both 
lawyers of fine ability. Dougherty was a citizen. of Athens, of bright 
mind, member of a gifted family. He was defeated for governor on a 
close vote by McDonald. Law was a citizen of Savannah, and became 
a distinguished judge. 

One of the notable battles in this legislature was over a measure that 
became in those days known as the hobby of Andrew J. Miller, called 
his " Woman's bill." The object was to secure to married women their 
own property independent of the husband. Miller was sent to the 
legislature time and again, and at every session he introduced this 
measure, only to be repeatedly defeated. It finally became the law, 
and its success was due to the persistent agitation of the perseverino* 
Miller. Joseph E. Brown had the old-fashioned notions of the marital 
relation and fought all of these new-fangled ideas. Miller's Woman's 
bill was defeated by a vote of twenty-one yeas to twenty-three nays in 
the Senate, Brown voting no. A bill to limit the liability of husbands 
for debts of wives incurred before marriage, did pass the Senate, how- 
ever, and Brown vindicated his consistency by voting against it. 
During the consideration of the Woman's bill Judge Richard H. Clark 
offered an amendment submitting the Woman's bill to a popular vote at 
the governor's election in 1851. Senator Woods proposed an amend- 
ment allowing females between sixteen and fifty yearfe to vote. The 
amendments were both rejected by only a small majority. Judge Clark 
has been a well-known figure in Georgia matters. A delightful gentle- 
man socially, a writer of exquisite culture, a thorough lawyer and yet 
with a decided bias to literature. Judge Clark has held a high position. 
He h9,s been one of the codifiers of the Georgia statute law, and a judge 
of admitted ability. He is now judge of the city court of Atlanta. 

At this session of the legislature important legislation was had on 
the divorce law. Joseph E. Brown, as may be expected, fought every 
proposition widening the domain of divorce, and maintained rigid 
adherence to all of the strictest ideas of marriage sanctity. He was for 
striking out as grounds of divorce intermarriage within the Levitical 
degrees, desertion for three years, and conviction for crime, and finally 
voted against the bill. An effort was made to incorporate the Grand 
Division of the Sons of Temperance, and referred to a special committee 



22 THOMAS BUTLER KING. 

with Brown as chairman, who was known to be an ardent temperance 
champion. He made a strong report against it, arguing' that any legis- 
lation of the sort would injure the cause of temperance, which was 
making progress, and should depend for success upon inherent moral 
influence. 

Senator Brown gave a marked instance of his thoughtfulness of the 
interest of his immediate constituents, and his successful method of 
doing things in a little post route matter. Mr, Boyd offered resolutions 
for mail arrangements to be secured between Marietta and the towns of 
Roswell and Gumming. Brown moved and carried the motion to strike 
out Roswell and Gumming and substitute Ganton therefor. 

As illustrating the temper of the people on the subject of slavery, an 
episode occurred in the Senate which deserves mention. Among the 
marked and influential public men of that day was the Hon. Thomas 
Butler King, He was a wealthy planter on the coast, a gentleman of 
aristocratic family, of high social influence and very strong ability. He 
was a Gongressman and went later as Gommissioner to Europe. Senator 
Brown introduced resolutions reciting that it was reported that Mr, 
King had resigned his seat in Gongress and was in Galifornia, alleging 
that he represented the cabinet at Washington, and was seeking to 
become a Senator from Galifornia under a Free-soil Gonstitution, and 
resolving that it was derogatory to a Southern representative in Gon- 
gress to advocate the admission of Galifornia into the Union as a free 
state, and still more derogatory to such an individual to accept a seat 
in the National councils purchased by moral treason to tiiat portion of 
the Union that has fostered him, and that Mr, King's conduct met the 
unqualified disapprobation of the General Assembly, 

The resolutions were taken up by a vote of twenty-one to sixteen, and 
made the special order for a future day, among those voting in the 
affirmative being Senator Thomas Pui-se of Savannah, Final action 
was never taken on them, they being based upon misapprehension of 
Mr. King's real attitude. As a further exemplification of the temper 
of the times upon this absorbing question it may be stated as an incon- 
gruous attempt to embody the spirit of the people- that a military com- 
pany in Lagrange was incorporated as the " Georgia Gonstitutional 
Guards of Troups." 

This legislature passed a special act allowing a young man to practice 
law, who has occupied a large portion of the public attention since, Mr, 
Osborn A, Lochrane. A poor Irish youth, he began his career in this 
country as a drug clerk in Athens, Ga, He made a speech in a debating 





^^>^^i:>-c<S-g> 



2) 



miller's peophecy of BEOWIS'. 23 

society that attracted the attention of Chief Justice Lumpkin, who 
advised him to read law. He did so, and has been a noted person in 
Georgia matters. He cuhninated his profession by a seat on the 
Supreme Court as Chief Justice. Judge Bleckley said of him to the 
writer, that he possessed a dual intelligence ; one, a flashing surface 
sparkle of froth and pleasantry, and underneath a strong, industrious, 
logical mind, searching, original and vigorous. He has built into for- 
tune and national repute as a lawyer. The friendly bonhommie of his 
nature has made enmity to him impossible. Tolerant to all political 
creeds, genial and humorous, full of business capacity, a thinker and an 
orator, Judge Lochrane has been a conspicuous example of unusual 
success, achieved by a capable intelligence sun-shining itself through 
the world. 

Senator Brown's career as a state senator was a noted step in his 
upward progress. It was too limited an arena and too short an episode 
to give him a state repute. It enlarged his local fame and home influ- 
ence. It formed a valuable part of his public education. It brought 
him into acquaintance with many of the leaders of thought in the state. 
It strengthened his confidence in his own powers and resources. And 
it was a curious piece of discernment, prophecy and candor in his 
venerable and distinguished opponent and rival in leadership, Andrew 
J. Miller, to have used this remark : 

" Joe Brown will yet stamp the impress of his greatness upon the future history of 
the state." 



CHAPTER IV. 

HERSCHELL V. JOHNSON AS GOVERNOR. 

Howell Cobb and C. J. McDonald in 1851.— The Union Victorious over Southern 
Eights. — H. V. Johnson and C. J. Jenkins in 1853. — Alfred H. Colquitt makes 
Johnson Governor. — Southern Rights Triumphant. — Brown an Elector. — The Whig 
Party Riven. — C. J. Jenkins for Vice-President. — The Tornado of Know-Nothing- 
ism. — A Mad Flurry and a Hard Fight. — Alex. Stephens and His Political Shroud. — 
The Triangular Contest for Governor. — H. V. Johnson, Garnett Andrews and B. 
H. Overby. — Brown's Race for Judge against David Irwin. — An Acrimonious 
Battle. — Young Brown Victorious. — Brown is a Perilous Political Fighter. — Gad- 
distown Stands to Brown. — Brown a Rare Judge — Racy Anecdotes of His Judicial 
Administration. — Brown Comes to the Edge of His Destiny. 

Returning home to the practice of law, Mr. Brown gave his atten- 
tion with all the vigor of a decided nature and strong abilities to his con- 
genial profession. He continued practice until the fall of 1855, when 
he took his chances before the people of his circuit for election to the 
office of judge. The method of selection of judges had been changed 
from election by the legislature to election by the citizens of each judicial 
circuit. 

During the intervening period Howell Cobb had been elected Gov- 
ernor of Georgia, and served from 1851 to 1853, beating ex-Governor 
McDonald in a well-contested race. The Southern Rights question had 
been made an issue, and Mr, Cobb, representing the Union party, had 
whipped the fight. Mr. Cobb was one of the really great men of the 
nation. Entering political life young, he had been almost uninterrupt- 
edly successful. As a representative in Congress, a United States 
seTiator and a Cabinet minister, he had reflected luster upon his state, 
and made a national reputation for statesmanship. Wise, conservative, 
able, resolute, amiable and social, Mr. Cobb was one of the most popular 
and esteemed public men Georgia has. ever had. 

In 1853, Herschell V, Johnson was elected Governor, beating Charles 
J. Jenkins by a small majority in one of the closest and sharpest cam- 
paigns of Georgia annals. The Southern Rights party had received a 
black eye in the defeat of its candidate, ex-Governor McDonald, by 
Howell Cobb in 1851, and it was claimed that the issue was settled. 
But the Southern Rights men made a new effort in 1853, under H. V. 



ALFRED II. COLQUITT ELECTS JOHNSON. 25 

Johnson, and this time they succeeded, though by a close shave. It was 
in this race that Alfred H. Colquitt made his first important political 
fight. He took the field as the nominee of the Democratic Southern 
Rights convention for Congress against James Johnson, the Union can- 
didate. The Union men in this district, the second, had a majority 
of fully three thousand. It looked like a forlorn hope to overcome it. 
But young Colquitt and that other bright youngster, Thomas C. Howard, 
took the stump, canvassing through the congressional district for two 
months, riding in a buggy and making daily speeches. It was a lively 
battle and proved to be the crucial point of the gubernatorial contest. 
Young Colquitt had all the prestige of his gifted father's wonderful 
name and popularity. He was handsome, genial, able and eloquent. 
Added to this was the guidance of his father, who was an unprece- 
dented political leader. The result was a surprise of effective work. 
Young Colquitt swept the district triumphantly, carrying the guber- 
natorial guerdon on his strong shoulders, and he had the glory of not 
only winning his own election by a reversal of the heavy majority 
against his party, but of securing the success of his party candidate for 
Governor. 

The only political part that Joseph E. Brown took very actively in 
these contests, was that in 1852 he was nominated on the Democratic 
electoral ticket for Pierce and King, and kept up his practice of politi- 
cal success by receiving the highest vote of any on the ticket, though 
he was its youngest member. It will recall an interesting fact of that 
campaign to state that a convention held in Macon nominated Daniel 
Webster for President and Charles J. Jenkins for Vice-President. Mr. 
Jenkins had declined to support either Pierce, the Democratic candidate, 
or Gen. Scott, the Whig candidate for the presidency. The national 
controversies on the slavery question had played the wild with parties 
in the South, and especially in Georgia. The Whigs were driven from 
their national party alignments. Robert Toombs and Alex. H. Ste- 
phens, the chief Whig leaders in Georgia, had declared the Whig party 
north unsound on slavery, so dear to them, and came to the Democratic 
party. A number of the Whig leaders in our state found it hard to 
yield their old antagonism to the Democracy. It was a mixed state of 
things among the Whigs, some supporting the Democracy, some sup- 
porting the Whig candidate, Scott, and some in the middle and southern 
parts of the state refusing to support either. Another issue split both 
Whigs and Democrats in Georgia, and that was the Union and Southern 
Rights question. But its effect was more disastrous to the Whig 



26 KNOW-NOTHINGISM. 

organization. Mr. Jenkins' attitude in the presidential campaign lost 
him strength in his gubernatorial race. 

Right upon this disintegration of the Whig party was sprung a new 
political cjuestion, that furnished a new distraction for the seething po- 
litical elements. It swept the country like a prairie on fire. In the 
history of political agitations there never has been an instance of a 
more sudden or furious public storm than that created by " Know- 
NoTHiNGiSM." Crushed in the national contest and hopelessly riven in 
the Southern states, the Whig party found a temporary refuge in this 
new-fangled American party. It had a large following in Georgia for 
a while and a respectable one too. It was bitterly fought. Ex-Gov. 
McDonald, Howell Cobb, Alex. H. Stephens, Robert Toombs and Hiram 
Warner wrote strong letters against it, while Mr. Stephens made some 
of the ablest speeches of his career on this subject. The term of Mr. 
Si;ephens in Congress was out. He was uncertain of running again. 
He wrote a letter to Judge Thomas W. Thomas against' Know-Noth- 
ingism in response to a request for his views. He was vigorously 
assailed, and declared to have made his political shroud, when, with 
that defiant audacity that has marked his life, he annovinced his can- 
didacy and proceeded to test the issue of his "political shroud." 
His speeches were masterpieces, and he converted the shroud into 
a wreath of political laurels, returning to Congress by a majority of 
over 2,000. 

The gubernatorial issue was Know-Nothingism. H. V. Johnson was 
almost unanimously re-nominated by the Democratic convention, of 
which Tames Gardner was president. The candidate of the Know- 
Nothiigs was Garnett Andrews, and the temperance men ran B. H. 
Overby. The contest was sharp and animated. Johnson was re-elected, 
his vote being 54,476 against 43,750 for the American candidate, and 
6,261 for the temperance man, and his majority 10,726 over Andrews, 
and 4,465 over both of the other candidates. The American party 
showed a surprising strength, and illustrated how iKnow-Nothingism 
had clutched the country. Mr. Charles J. Jenkins, as in the presidential 
contest, followed a peculiar course. In a short and characteristic letter, 
he stated, " Being neither a Democrat nor a Know-Nothing there is no 
place for me in this contest." 

As the reader will readily divine, Joseph E. Brown was a decided Anti- 
Know-Nothing. Its secrecy, its religious proscription, its warfare upon 
foreigners, little suited his republican tastes and political liberality. He 
was too thoroughly imbued with the spirit of our free institutions to 



BROWjST and IRWIN. "27 

encourage ideas and theories so antagonistic to the genius of our demo- 
cratic government. In his race for judge of the Blue Ridge Circuit the 
Know-Nothing issue was sprung against him, though Judge David Irwin, 
his opponent, claimed not to be a member of the order. Judge Irwin was 
one of the leading citizens of our state, and is living to-day respected 
and honored for his abilities and worth. He was in active political life 
in 1840, an ardent Whig. He was a candidate for elector on the Clay 
ticket in 1844. He was a decided Union advocate in the Southern 
Rights contest of 1850, and the years following. He had, to a large 
degree, the confidence of the people of his section. He had been 
elected to the bench in 1857, and was seeking re-election at the hands 
of people who knew and esteemed him in endorsement of a just and 
able administration of the law. It will thus be seen that a more for- 
midable opponent young Brown could not have had. 

The contest was lively and became acrimonious. Judge Irwin's friends 
attacked Brown savagely. Brown's friends were not slow to strike 
back without gloves. The press was kept warm with attacks and 
counter-attacks. The new county of Pickens, which was formed at the 
previous session of the legislature through the active agency of that 
well known legislator, L. J. Aired, and with the aid of Mr. Brown, 
gratefully remembered the latter, and at a meeting of the Democracy in 
Jasper in June, gave a ringing endorsement of Brown's candidacy. 
Irwin's friends charged that Brown was a partisan candidate and pull- 
ing down the bench into political mire ; that Brown had sometime worn 
unlawful weapons, etc., etc. Brown's friends retorted that Irwin was a 
Know-Nothing ; that he was slow in dispatching business, and had 
allowed the dockets to get behind ; that he was afraid to keep order in 
the court ; that he had always fought the Democracy, etc. The cam- 
puign showed how, in a hot struggle, good men can be belabored and 
lampooned. Brown gave his. popular and powerful competitor a striking 
defeat. He had a reasonable majority to start with. But the fight 
strengthened Brown largely. He had the same methods then he has 
used "since. He was aggressive, vigilant, untiring, arousing an impas- 
sioned interest in his friends, and recriminating with all the vigorous 
audacity of his nature. The truth is that Georgia has never had a more 
fearless and potential political fighter than Brown. Woe be it to his 
adversary who goes at no-quarter hitting and has a weak record. Cool, 
resourceful, relentless, our public annals show no more perilous political 
opponent than he has proven himself in such a multiplied variety of 
desperate battles as demonstrate that his masterly powers were natural. 



28 BROWN AS A JUDGE. 

Of the eleven counties in the judicial circuit Irwin only carried three by 
small majorities, Campbell, Cobb and Polk. The aggregate majority in 
the three counties was only 68 ; Cobb, Irwin's own county, only giving 
him two majority. The remaining seven counties, Cherokee, Fanning, 
Forsyth, Gilmer, Lumpkin, Paulding, Pickens and Union, gave Brown 
2,898 majority; Union with her now historic Gaddistown standing gal- 
lantly to her young son by adoption with his famous bull-plowing expe- 
rience, and rolling up for him a good solid majority of 517 in a vote of 
1,000. It was a remarkable victory, especially in view of the strong 
man Judge Brown had to defeat. It was a fair, square fight too, even, 
equal and honestly won. 

Judge Brown's administration of the bench was in many respects the 
most extraordinary phase of his public career. Though he had served 
only two years when he was called to a higher place of trust, his brief 
period of judicial presiding was eventful, and is a tradition of power 
and success in these mountain counties to this day. Numbers of anec- 
dotes are current illustrating his salient qualities and positive manage- 
ment. He kept perfect order and an unbroken discipline. For years 
there had been a sort of steady drift to -a loose, easy governing of the 
courts, so much so that it was a matter of complaint that it retarded the 
dispatch of business. Lawyers had acquired a large latitude of free- 
dom. Much of the power of the judge had been gradually yielded in 
criminal matters, the injurious practice having grown of allowing solicit- 
ors to compromise the grade of verdicts on the basis of certain agreed 
amount of fines fixed beforehand. This of course tended to make the 
administration of criminal justice a matter of pecuniary accommodation 
to the prosecuting officer. Judge Brown was just the man to remedy 
these matters and he did remedy them. He had nerve for anything. 
He tackled these practices promptly. He instituted perfect order in 
the court-room, which aids the rapid dispatch of business. He drove 
through the dockets until he cleared them. He kept counsel to the 
point, and stopped legal discussion when his conclusion was reached. 
He made his mind up with that decisiveness that has marked him 'in all 
things. The opinion is universal in his circuit that he was the best 
judge they ever had. If he had any fault it was a leaning to severity. 
He kept juries and court officers to their duty. Jurors and counsel 
were always on hand to the minute. 

At one of tlie mountain courts the Solicitor General got on a spree. 
The Judge promptly appointed a solicitor for the time in his place. 
The intoxicated solicitor started to rebel, when the Judge coolly 



ANECDOTES. 29 

stopped the insubordination by quickly informing- the officer that uj)on 
any further demonstration he should order him to jail. 

At another court a drunken fellow, a very desperate rowdy and defi- 
ant of the authorities, came into the court room and made a good deal 
of noise. The Judge promptly fined him. The fellow paid the fine and 
started out staggering noisily, and making much fuss with his creaking 
boots. The Judge determined to make an effective example of him, 
and ordered the Sheriff to collect another fine for the noise he made 
in going out with his creaky boots. Thoroughly subdued and despair- 
ing of getting out noiselessly, the fellow slipped down on his knees 
and crawled out of the court house, humbly deprecating the Judge's 
wrath. The incident created much amusement and satisfied the people 
that Judge Brown meant to have order in his court. His iron will 
brooked no resistance to his legal authority. It must be held in mind 
that off from the railroads, in the rude mountain sections, men are more 
inclined to be impatient of restriction. There seems to be something in 
the mountain air that makes its citizens wilder when insubordinate. At 
the same time it is true that in those regions there is a very large meas- 
ure of reverence given to the majesty of the law, as embodied in the 
Judge. He is a sort of an autocrat, and regarded with high respect as 
the powerful agent of the resistless and awful genius of the law. 

In the intellectual and legal qualifications of a judge, perhaps there 
has never been in Georgia one to surpass Judge Brown. An analytical 
mind of unusual strength, close discrimination, patient research, quick 
legal intuitions, an exhaustive study of authorities, a logical power of 
argument and a clearness of statement extraordinary, constituted an 
array of elements of fitness for judicial duty rarely equaled. An un- 
usually small proportion of cases in his ridings were taken up to the 
Supreme Court, and his decisions were rarely overruled. A firm, an 
honest, and ah able Judge, he made the court honored as a model tri- 
bunal of justice. Frowning down unnecessary delays, he enabled suitors 
to get speedy trials. Adamantine in his stand against crime and crimi- 
nals, he administered the criminal law with a resolute hand. He al- 
lowed no compromises with wrong, but struck down vice and violence 
whenever they showed themselves. Absolutely impartial, he was gov- 
erned by neither favor nor prejudice, and decided the right as he honestly 
saw it, irrespective of personal considerations. A man of christian 
character, he held in earnest keeping the good of society and the pres- 
ervation of morals. . Possessing a business sense of marvelous practi- 
cality, he carried into the management of his courts that system, dis- 



30 BROWN" AS A JUDGE. 

patch and energy, that have given him his steady and phenomenal suc- 
cess in his worldly matters. 

This placid, positive, capable gentleman made a remarkable reputation 
as a Judge in his circuit, a reputation that in the land of telegraphs and 
railroads, mails and daily newspapers, would have carried his name 
broadcast, and made him a state fame. But, " cribbed, cabined and 
confined," in the remote hills of North-east Georgia, whatever his merit, 
he had little chance to be known outside of his hidden bailiwick. There 
he achieved a celebrity very marked.. There was an iron force of char- 
acter and a positive way of doing things that made the administration 
of this slender, quiet-mannered, calm-spoken Judge, a highly dramatic 
one. 

He had come, however, to the' edge of his destinies, that enlarged 
sphere of public duty for which nature had lavishly fitted him. And 
the transfer came curiousl}^ 



CHAPTER V. 

GOV. BROWN'S SCRATCH NOMINATION FOR GOVERNOR 

IN 1857. 

James Gardner, J. H. Lumpkin, and H. G. Lamar in Gubernatorial Conflict. — Gardner 
Wrecked by a Youthful Indiscretion. — L. N. Trammell's eye on Brown. — Incident 
of Trammell and S. J. Smith. — The Famous Convention. — Its Personelle. — Linton 
Stephens. — A Long and Heated Balloting. — A Dead-Lock for Three Days. — 
Gardner's Nemesis. — Experimental Voting. — The Slaughter of Gardner keeps on 
to the Others. — Fillibustering without Limit. — A Committee of Conference. — 
Colquitt's Graze at Governor. — A Chapter of Surprises. — The Gubernatorial 
Lightning Strikes Joe Brown, while he was Binding Wheat in the Mountains. — An 
Incident in 1880. — Dick Clarke's Speech. 

The gubernatorial campaign of 1857 was a very memorable one in 
Georgia politics. It was marked by much personal heat, it ended in a 
protracted convention, and had an utterly unexpected result. It finally 
settled the gubernatorial aspirations of some very prominent and dis- 
tinguished men, and brought to the front by one of those scratches that 
sometimes occur in politics, an almost unknown individual who from 
that day to this has been the leading factor in public matters, who is 
to-day the most powerful citizen of our State, and whose future, if he 
lives and has his health, is big with great possibilities. 

There were five prominent gentlemen for the high position of Georgia's 
chief magistrate, James Gardner of Augusta, Henry G. Lamar of Macon, 
John H. Lumpkin of Rome, Wm. H. Stiles of Savannah and Hiram 
Warner of Merriwether cotinty. James Gardner, as editor of the 
Augusta Constitutionalist, had achieved a remai^kable influence. A 
small, quiet-mannered gentleman, without any capacity for public speak- 
ing, he was possessed of more political writing ability than any editor 
we have ever had in Georgia. Bold and able, coming of a family known 
for their, courage and decision, Gardner made himself a power in 
Georgia politics, and his paper yielded a tremendous influence. He 
was, however, a romantic instance of how youthful folly can wreck a 
strong man's greatest hopes. Gardner in his youth had been guilty of 
an indiscretion with a young lady, whose family was powerful enough 
to make him feel their resentment. The ghost of this folly followed him 
relentlessly. It WT^as exaggerated and used like an avenging Nemesis. 



32 THE governor's race of 1857. 

It defeated him for the Democratic nomination for Governor, and 
blighted his poHtical ambition, 

John H. Lumpkin was the candidate of North Georgia, which sec- 
tion vigorously claimed the right to have the Governor, Lumpkin had 
been a Congressman and Judge of the Superior Court, and was a 
gentleman of excellent ability, Henry G. Lamar was one of the 
famous and brilliant Lamar family, that have been so conspicuous in the 
annals of State and Nation. It has been a family of genius and cour- 
age, a family adventurous and eloquent. Judge Lamar was a strong 
member of this notable and gifted blood. He, like Lumpkin, had been 
Judge and Congressman. Wm, H. Stiles of Chatham, was a stately 
and aristocratic gentleman, a writer of exquisite culture and a silvery 
tongued orator. He frequently served in the State Legislature. He 
possessed excellent abilities. Judge Warner we have spoken of. In 
addition to these, the name of Alfred H. Colquitt wd,s also discussed, 
who became Governor in 1877, twenty years later. 

A few friends of Judge Brown in his section, among them L. N. 
Trammell, Wm. Phillips and Sumner J. Smith, had their eyes upon him 
and determined, if there was any chance to do so, to press him for Gov- 
ernor. But the general mention of his name for the place even in his 
own section was not made, Judg'e Lumpkin being the accepted candi- 
date of the section. Mr. Trammell told the writer that he and Smith 
rode down to the convention as delegates in a buggy together, and were 
united in the purpose to push Brown if possible. Col. Trammell has 
been a strong factor in State politics for twenty-five years. He was 
quite a young man then, with only ordinary facilities of education. His 
father was a gentleman of great force of character. Young Trammell 
has shown a remarkable capacity for political management, and as will 
be seen, in this very campaign he gave evidence of his power. Col. 
Smith was a large, powerful man, of extraordinary vehemence and volu- 
bility in speaking. In the Legislature, when he got into a controversy 
with any one, he had a habit of springing to his feet suddenly, rushing 
over in the vicinity of his opponent, pouring out the most fiery torrent 
of declamation with vigorous gestures, and then stopping suddenly, he 
would stalk back to his seat and drop into it with a startling suddenness. 
Tatum, of Dade county, a great wag, put a rousing laugh upon Smith 
in one of these controversies by rising and pointing his long finger at 
the rapidly retreating figure of Smith, exclaiming with mock solemnity 
the scriptural quotation, " The wicked fleeth when no man pursueth." 

The convention of the Democratic part}^ to nominate a Governor met 



THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION" OF 1857. .33 

in Milledgeville, the 2-ith of June, 1857. There were 107 counties rep- 
resented, with 399 votes. The President of the convention was Tenant 
Lomax of Columbus, the editc^r of the Times, a gentleman of fine 
attainments. Counties with two Representatives cast five votes, and 
other counties three votes. Among- the delegates were Judge R. H. 
Clarke, O. A. Lochrane and James A. Nisbet of Macon ; Alfred Austell 
of Campbell, now a wealthy banker of Atlanta ; George A. Gordon 
and Philip M. Russell of Savannah; the latter a potential controller 
of Chatham county politics for the last quarter of a century ; Wm. 
Hope Hull of Athens, now dead; Hugh Buchanan of Coweta county, 
Judge Thomas W. Thomas of Elbert, E. W. Chastain of Fannin, 
Judge Augustus R. Wright, J. W. H. Undefwood and Daniel S. 
Printup of Rome, Thomas Morris of Franklin, John W. Duncan of 
Fulton, W. H. Dabney of Gordon, Linton Stephens of Hancock, F. 
H. West of Lee, C. J. Williams and Peyton H. Colquitt of Muscogee, 
Herbert Fielder of Polk, T. L. Guerry of Randolph^ Julian Cumming 
and Geo. T. Barnes of Augusta, E, W. Beck of Spaulding, W. A. 
Hawkins of Americus, S. J. Smith of Towns, L. N. Trammell of Union, 
Geo. Hillyer of Walton, B. D. Evans of Washington, E. H. Pottle of 
Warren, D. B. Harrell of Webster. 

Mr. Lochrane married a daughter of Henry G. Lamar; Judge Thomas 
of Elbert was in that day one of the pronounced and foremost men of 
the state. Judge Wright of Rome was one of the brightest thinkers and 
most sparkling orators we had, but an embodied independent. Col. 
Printup became afterwards a wealthy railroad lawyer. A smart little 
gentleman was John W. Duncan, whose regret was that he was foreign- 
born, thus excluding him from being President. Col. Dabney was a 
profound lawyer, and since the war was well known as having been 
defeated for congress by the doughty Parson Felton, who so long polit- 
ically ruled the seventh congressional district. The most powerful man 
intellectually in this convention was Linton Stephens, brother of Alex- 
ander H. Stephens. A nervous, sinewy person, there was an intrepid 
audacity of brain in Stephens, and a muscular vigor of logic that few 
men have. His nature was jagged and aggressive. He worked badly 
in joint harness. His unmalleable spirit illy brooked government, and 
was not suited to harmonious cooperation. Positive and independent 
he had his own views of things, and was unbending in his convictions. 
We have had few men in Georgia the superior intellectually of Linton 
Stephens, but he was too uncompromising and outspoken to succeed 
by popular favor. He became judge of the supreme court, appointed by 



34. THE CONTEST FOR GOVERNOR. 

Gov. Brown, and was afterwards elected and went to the legislature, but 
he never could get to Congress, where he would have been a conspicu- 
ous figure. Gen. C. H. Williams of Columbus became a gallant soldier 
of the war and a warm friend of Gov. Brown. Peyton H. Colquitt, 
brother of Gov. Alfred H. Colquitt, was a splendid physical specimen of 
a man, was rising rapidly when the war broke out, and but for his death 
in the bloody battle of Chickamauga at the head of his regiment would 
have gone up to high political preferment. Herbert Fielder moved to 
Randolph county and has been a leading figure in state politics since 
the war, having been pressed for Governor and United States Senator. 
Col. E. W. Beck was sent to Congress. E. H. Pottle and D. B. Harrell 
both became judges. Augusta has furnished a rare family of men, of 
which Julian Cumming was the most gifted. He had glittering charms 
of mind and speech, but died young. Another gentleman of unusual 
powers was Willis A. Hawkins, one of the, most electrical talkers, and a 
superb advocate. He reached the Supreme Bench. Such was some of 
the material of this memorable convention. 

A committee on resolutions was appointed, with Judge Thomas W. 
Thomas as chairman. Gen. C. H. Williams put in nomination Lamar; 
Samuel Hall, Esq., nominated Gardner; Thomas Morris presented the 
name of Lumpkin; D. B. Harrell nominated Stiles, and R. J. Willis 
presented Hiram Warner. The first ballot resulted as follows : Lump- 
kin 112, Lamar 97, Gardner 100, Warner 53, and Stiles 35. Gardner 
showed a clean pair of heels and steadily rose to 141 on the sixth ballot, 
with Lumpkin 124 and Lamar down to 46. A sharp fight was made 
over the right of alternates to vote, and resulted in their being allowed 
to do so. After the eighth ballot, Lamar having fallen to 35 with 
Gardner at 152 and Lumpkin 122, Lamar's name was withdrawn, and 
the ninth ballot resulted with Gardner 172, Lumpkin 127, and Warner 
64. Mr, George Gordon then practically withdrew the name of Wm. H. 
Stiles in a neat speech, saying that it was not the purpose of the Chat- 
ham delegation to present the name of Stiles at the opening of the 
convention, hoj^ing if no selection could be made from the more promi- 
nent candidates the convention would unite on him. A delegate from 
another county had put in Col. Stiles, and the Chatham delegates could 
not withdraw him, but he begged those who had been supporting him 
to feel at liberty to vote for any one else. No one but a Savannah man 
could have made this diplomatic speech. By this time the convention 
had become tlioroughly heated up. The alignments were distinctly 
drawn. The fight on Gardner became desperate. The Nemesis of that 




^^<^W.^ ^^^-'^^tK-^ 



HON. WM. H. STILES, Ex-U. S. Minister to Austria. 



GARDNER SLAUGHTERED. 35 

youthful indiscretion stalked openly and importunately into the battle. 
Experimental votes were shot in for one after another of new men, 
Henry R. Jackson, Joseph Day, T. W. Thomas, J. H. Howard, H. Cobb 
of Houston, E. Starnes and J. N. Bethune. 

Gardner's friends made a tremendous effort on the tenth ballot and 
strained his vote to 173, but it was the top notch that he reached. On 
the eleventh ballot he tumbled to 151, and it was evident that he was 
slaughtered and his chances gone. After the thirteenth ballot a short 
patriotic letter from Gardner to Col. Clanton, the chairman of the Rich- 
mond county delegation, written on the 19th of June, five days before, 
was read. It was a ringing little letter, characteristic of Gardner. It 
said that a contingency might arise where his nomination was impracti- 
cable ; that a harmonious union on a candidate was indispensable, and he 
regarded party harmony as above the success of any member of it ; if 
it became necessary he authorized the withdrawal of his name. And 
his name was taken out, and his gubernatorial hopes were forever dead. 
He was out, but a spirit had been raised that would not down. The 
slaughter continued, and Gardner's friends prolonged the funeral. 
Thomas hoped his friends would not vote for him. 

The name of Lamar was re-introduced by Gen. "Williams. The four- 
teenth ballot was taken amid a suppressed but fiery excitement. A 
solid legion of 151 votes were turned loose, and the seething body was 
burning to see where lightning would strike. Lumpkin bounded 
to 179, Lamar had 137, Warner took his original 53 with three more, 
Stiles received 4 and Alfred H. Colquitt plumped in with 10. Lump- 
kins' friends became almost delirious. It looked as if his chances were 
sure at last. Their enthusiasm was unmeasured. The announcement 
of the ballot brought a storm of applause from them, and the next 
ballot was taken with feeling at fever heat. Mr. Harrell withdrew the 
name of Stiles, and the fifteenth ballot was taken, showing that Lump- 
kin had gained four votes, standing 183, Lamar 140, Warner 61, and 
Stiles 4. Lumpkin had reached in this ballot his highest point. On 
the next ballot he fell off, and though he rallied to 179 again, there was 
an unmistakable dead-lock. The balloting went on to the twentieth, 
extending the session of the convention to the afternoon of the third 
day. The feeling was intense, and seemingly implacable. The Gardner 
men stood resenting his treatment and immovable. New names were 
flung into the contest but unayailingly. Votes were skirmished upon 
W. W. Holt, Geo. A. Gordon, J. W. Lewis, H. V. Johnson, E. J. Har- 
den, A. R. Wright of Floyd, John E. Ward, and even three were 



3G A CURIOUS SCRAP OF HISTORY. 

thrown on the nineteenth ballot to Jos. E. Brown. There was fillibus- 
tering- without limit. Strong speeches of appeal in behalf of each can- 
didate were made, but there was the hot dead-lock iinbroken and unbreak- 
able. Col. Pottle futilely moved the abandonment of the two-thirds rule. 
On the nineteenth ballot Warner was withdrawn. One more ballot was 
taken as a final test. It stood Lumpkin 179, Lamar 175, Warner 1, H. 
y. Johnson 11, Wright of Floyd 5, John E. Ward 3, J. E. Brown 3. 

The realization was universal that there could be no nomination in 
the continuance of the conflict. No man had even reached a bare ma- 
jority, much less a two-thirds majority. The convention was wearied 
and ripe for compromise. Mr. Wm. Hope Hull of Athens moved that 
a committee of three from each District, to be selected by the delegates 
from the District, be appointed to report a mode in which the conven- 
tion could be harmonious, and a nomination be made. This was done. 

That quick-witted and unequaled political manager. Col. L. N. Tram- 
mell, saw his opportunity for Brown, and in the meeting of delegates of 
the 6th District he moved the selection of the chairman and then 
promptly moved that three gentlemen, whom he knew to be BroAvn 
men, be appointed as the committee men from his district. The com- 
mittee of 24 were as follows : 

1st District, R. Spaulding, G. A. Gordoo, Wm. Nichols. 

2d District, C. J. Williams, N. McBain, J. A. Tucker. 

3d District, R. H. Clark, J. A. Ramsay, B. F. Ward. 

4th District, H. Buchanan, W. T. Thurmond, W. Phillips. 

5th District, J. W. H. Underwood, E. W. Chastain, W. Shropshire. 

6th District, S. J. Smith, J. E. Roberts, W. H. Hull. 

7th District, L. Stephens, Wm. McKinley, J. M. Lamar. 

8th District, I. T. Irwin, A. C. Walker, E. H. Pottle. 

The committee retired. Wm. H. Hull and J. A. Tucker, both dead, 
are responsible for the following extraordinary scrap of secret history. 
In the committee it was first proposed that a ballot be taken, each one 
writing his preference on the ballot. The ballots were written and depos- 
ited, but before they were read, Linton Stephens stated that such a 
formality was not necessary, and moved that Judge Joseph E. Brown of 
Cherokee be selected as the compromise man, which was promptly 
carried by voice, and his name reported to the convention. Through 
curiosity the written ballots were counted, and x\lfred H. Colquitt was 
found to have had a majority of one. It was a close shave to becoming 
the Governor of a great state at the youthful age of 31. Had the 
ballot have been examined and announced, what a change of result. 



BROWN NOMINATED WORKING IN HIS AVHEAT-FIELD. 37 

It is curious to foilow out the incident. Joseph E. Brown thus unwit- 
tingly defeated Alfred H, Colquitt for Governor after Colquitt had 
been really nominated. Twenty years later, Colquitt became Governor 
of Georgia, winning in an easy fight the place that he held in his grasp 
by an accident so long before. Twenty-three years later Colquitt, as 
Governor, appointed as United States Senator Governor Brown, who 
took the governorshiiD from him so many years ago. And this was 
followed by Gov. Brown aiding Gov. Colquitt to a re-election as Gov- 
ernor in 1880, in the fiercest and most protracted personal and political 
battle ever witnessed in Georgia. The matter certainly contributes a 
singular and romantic chapter of accidents, surprises and coincidences. 
Judge Hawkins, who was in the convention, told the writer that Colquitt 
had a strong following for Governor then. 

But to Joseph E. Brown fell the glittering prize, dropping to him 
like heaven-descended manna, unsolicited, unexpected, the outcome of 
a heated struggle, and a providential gift born of a state political con- 
vulsion. Not the least curious of the incidents of this remarkable nom- 
ination is the undoubted fact, that at the very hour when this magnifi- 
cent honor was being conferred. Judge Brown was working in his 
wheat-field on his farm, far away from the telegraph and railroad, in the 
quiet, distant county of Cherokee, unconscious of his exalted prefer- 
ment. The incident keeps up the romantic character of the nomina- 
tion, as well as preserves the consistency in the dramatic career of this 
homespun man. In the fall of 1880 the following incident took place 
as narrated by the Atlanta Constitution, which furnishes Gov. Brown's 
own testimony to the fact. 

" Gov. Browa on his ^Yny to Canton a few days ago, remarked to some men who 
were near Canton : ' That is the field, gentlemen, that I was tying wheat in the 
day I was first nominated as Governor of Georgia,' pointing out a field laying along 
Town Creek. ' I was then Judge of the Blue Ridge Circuit,' he continued, ' and 
I came home one day, and after dinner I went to the field to see how my hands 
were getting along with their work. I had four men cutting wheat with com- 
mon cradles, and the binders were very much behind, and I pulled off my coat and 
pitched in, about half after 2 o'clock p. m., on the 15th of June, 1857. The weather 
was very warm, but I ordered my binders to keep up with me, and I tell you it made 
me sweat, but I pushed my binders all the evening. About sundown I went home, and 
was shaving myself and preparing to wash myself for supper, when Col. Sam'l Weil, 
now an attorney in Atlanta, but then living in Canton, rode up rapidh'^ to my house. 
He came in and said excitedly to me : ' Judge, guess who is nominated for Governor at 
Milledgeville ? ' I had no idea that I was the man, but I thought from what I had 
heard that John E. Ward was the most prominent man, so I guessed him. ' No,' said 
Col. Weil, ' it is Joseph E. Brown, of Cherokee.' Col. Weil was in Marietta when the 
telegram came announcing my nomination. I subsequently ascertained that the nomi- 



38 RESOLUTIONS ABOUT KANSAS. 

nation had been made about three o'clock tliat day, and at the very time I was tying 
wheat in this fiekL They say in Canton that two or three men have been trying to 
buy this field latterly. They want to sow it in wheat year after next." 

Mr. I. T. Irwin of Wilkes, chairman of the committee of 24, re- 
ported to the convention the action of the committee, in a neat speech. 
Richard H. Clark of Bibb made the following characteristic and admi- 
rable speech in support of the report of the committee: 

" Unlike the gentleman who preceded him, he was acquainted with Hon. Joseph E. 
Brown, had served witli him in the Senate, knew him to be a man of sound principles, 
clear head, unquestioned ability, and speaking powers of the first order. The reputa- 
tion made by him as a member of the legislature was of the first order. He is a man of 
unexceptionable character, in every respect, private or public. He is young enough for 
the services of the campaign, and for a long career of usefulness, and not too young for 
a matured judgment, and prudent counsels. His fellow-citizens have promoted him to 
the Judgeship of Blue Ridge Circuit, in which position his reputation as a man of intel- 
lect and integrity, has steadily increased. He comes from Cherokee, the stronghold of 
Democracy, and the balance of the state take pride in nominating him as a proper 
tribute to them, and will take greater pride in electing him." 

This was a graceful and merited tribute from a high source to Judge 
Brown. The nomination was made unanimous. Resolutions reported 
by the committee on business, were passed, commending the adminis- 
tration of James Bu.chanan as President, and H. V. Johnson as Gover- 
nor, and the course of our United States Senators, Hon. Robert 
Toombs, and Hon. Alfred Iverson. The main resolution, however, was 
one condemning the inaugural address of Governor Walker, of the terri- 
tory of Kansas, which prescribed the terms on which Kansas should be 
admitted into the Union as a state, and expressed the opinon that Kan- 
sas would be a free state; and the resolution declared Gov, Walker's 
course a gross departure from the principles of non-intervention and 
neutrality established by the Kansas bill, and expressed confidence that 
Mr. Buchanan would recall Gov. Walker. 

The convention adjourned, having appointed a committee to notify 
Judge Brown of his nomination. 



CHAPTER VI. 
BROWN DEFEATS BEN HILL, IN A HARD CANVASS. 

" Who is Joe Brown ? the Query of the State. — The Know-Nothing Convention. — Its 
Personelle. — Dr. H. V. M. Miller, tho " Demosthenes of the Mountains." — " Eaose 
Wright." — B. H. Hill Nominated. — An Earnest Campaign. — Brown's Practical 
Speeches. — The Calico Bed Quilt, and the Cherokee Girls. — The Keal Issue 
Know-Nothingism. — Great Gatherings. — Southern Conventions. — Brown and Hill 
lock Horns. — A Tilt between Severe Common Sense and Splendid Rhetoric. — 

Brown's Phenominal Development. — Sharp Sparring. — Brown, " D d sound in 

his Doctrine." — Porter Ingram's Retort. — The Mountain Plow Boy Judge elected 
Governor over his brilliant Rival. — Know-Nothiugism buried forever in Georgia. — 
Gaddistown Triumphant. — The Man for Revolutions had come. 

Who is Joe Brown ? was tlie earnest inquiry that rang over the state 
upon the adjournment of the Convention. It came sneeringly from the 
opposition press. It v/as echoed interrogatively by the Democratic 
papers. The pjeans of local fame in the mountain countries, unpene- 
trated by the iron track, had not sounded beyond their borders. A 
brief service in the State Senate was easily forgotten in eight years of 
stirring public event, when one remained in the back ground out of 
sight. ' In a lively sketch in the Constitution, " H. W. G." thus refers 
to this matter: 

" General Toombs when in Texas, hearing that Joe Brown was nominated for Gov- 
ernor, he did not even remember his name, and had to ask a Georgia-Texan ' who the 
devil it was.' 

" But the next time he met him he remembered it. Of course we all remember when 
" Know-Nothings " took possession of the whig party, and Toombs and Stephens seceded. 
Stephens having a campaign right on him, and being pressed to locate himself, said he 
was neither whig nor democrat, but " was toting his OAvn skillet," thus introducing that 
homely but expressive phrase into our political history. Toombs was in the senate and 
had time for reflection. It ended by his marching into the democratic camp. Shortly 
afterwards he was astounded at seeing the standard of his party, upon the success of 
which his seat in the senate depended, put in the hands of Joe Brown, a new campaign- 
er, Avhile the opposition was led by Ben Hill, then as now, an audacious and eloquent 
speaker, incomparable on the stump. Hill and Brown had had a meeting at Athens, I 
believe, and it was reported that Brown had been worsted. Howell Cobb wrote Toombs 
that he must take the canvass in hand at once, at least until Brown could learn how to 
manage himself. Toombs wrote to Brown to come to his home at Washington, which 
he did. General Toombs told me that he was not hopeful when he met the new candi- 
date, but after talking to him a while, found that he had wonderful judgment and 
sagacity. After coquetting with Mr. Hill a while, they started out on a tour together. 



40 THE KNOW-NOTHING LEADERS, 

going to south Georgia. General Toombs has talked to me often about this experience. 
He says that after two or three speeches Governor Brown was as fully equipped as if he 
had been in public for forty years, and he was amazed at the directness with which lie 
would get to the hearts of the masses. He talked in simple style, using the homeliest 
phrases, but his words went home every time. There was a sympathy between the 
speaker and the people that not even the eloquence of Toombs could emphasize, or the 
matchless skill of Mr. liill disturb. In Browu the people saw one of themselves — lifted 
above them by his superior ability, and his unerring sagacity — but talking to them com- 
mon sense in a sensible way. General Toombs soon saw that the new candidate was 
more than able to take care of himself, and left him to make his tour alone — impressed 
with the fact that a new element had been introduced into our politics and that a new 
leader had arisen." 

The American or Know-Nothing party held a convention. Fifty-sev- 
en counties were represented. The gentlemen most prominently spoken 
of for the American nomination were Dr. H. V. M. Miller, Judge 
Robert Trippe, B. H. Hill, A. R. Wright of Augusta, General J. W. A. 
Sanford, Judge Baxter, and Col. John Milledge, a uright, brainy, elo- 
quent galaxy of men. Dr. Miller, though a physician, had won the 
soubriquet of the " Demosthenes of the Mountains " in his innumerable 
political encounters, for which he had the same passion that the Irishman 
is popularly believed to have for a " free fight." Deeply versed in con- 
stitutional law and political lore, a reasoner of rare power, and as fine 
an orator as we have ever had in Georgia, capable of burning declama- 
tion and closely-knit argument, he was the peer on the stump of any of 
the great political speakers of the last half century in Georgia. Unfor- 
tunately for him, he had two perilous peculiarities, a biting sarcasm that 
delighted in exhibition of its crushing power, and that spared neither 
friend nor foe, and a contemptuous and incurable disregard of party af- 
filiations. He never in his life worked in harmony with any party, or 
swallowed whole, any single party platform. And no man ever had 
more stubborn independence and self-assertion. 

Ranse Wright, as he was called familiarly, was another brilliant per- 
son, a strong impassioned speaker, with a high order of mind. He was 
at times too self-willed and combative. He could not temporize 
enough, often raising unnecessary antagonisms. But he was a very 
gifted man, a powerful writer, an effective orator, and a rare lawyer. He 
made the Augusta Chronicle a newspaper power. He was a long time 
disappointed in political preferment, but he finally received the promo- 
tion he so richly deserved, and was elected to Congress, but died soon 
after, just when long delayed gratification of his ambition was especially 
dear to him, and his ripe maturity of mental gifts gave large promise 
of brilliant public usefulness. He was a very handsome man of the 



BEi^JAMIN H. HILL NOMINATED. 41 

blonde order. He was offered the Know-Nothing candidacy for Gov- 
ernor, but finally declined. Among the other leading- Georgians who 
were members of this party, were, F. S. Bartow, Jas. Johnson, N. G. 
Foster, A. J. Miller, Wm. H. Crawford, Washington Poe, E. G. Caba- 
nlss, James Milner, F. H. Cone, Jno. McPherson Berrien, C. Peeples, 

C. A. L. Lamar, J. A. Billups, Stapleton, E. A. Nisbet, Thomas 

Hardeman, and others. 

The American Convention put out Mr, Benjamin H. Hill as its nom- 
inee. Mr. Hill in some respects is as wondrously endowed a public 
man as the state has ever known. Tall and of commanding presence, 
with a marvelously mobile face, he has never had a superior in oratory 
and pure mental power in the commonwealth. It falls to the lot of few 
men to have such magical potency of speech, such irresistible mastery 
of assembled masses of men. A mind clear as a sunbeam in its intel- 
lectual perceptions, operating with a grand simplicity and invincible 
strength, and a capacity of expression so fluent, so luminous, and so 
intense as to be perfect, form a. brace of qualities that make the man" a 
demi-god in brain and eloquence. But he has somehow lacked the 
steady purpose and cool judgment that belonged so richly to Governor 
Brown, and Mr. Hill has not been what could be called a successful polit- 
ical leader, though he has won valuable victories, A pyrotechnical poli- 
tician, he has had hosts of impassioned admirers, and generally an 
ardent minority following in the state. His superb abilities have won 
him office, in spite of defects that Avould have been fatal to a less gifted 
man. He is now in the Senate, where he has it in his grasp to achieve a 
great fame. His nomination by the Americans in 1857, created a sen- 
sation, and his party exulted in his certain triumph over his plain and 
unknown competitor. 

The campaign became an earnest one. Judge Brown was greeted 
with a ratification meeting at Canton, his home, and made a strong, 
sensible speech, full of practicality. He referred modestly to his past 
career. He discussed the Kansas matter, condemning the course of 
Gov. Walker and upholding Mr. Buchanan, He touched upon State 
matters, foreshadowing his purpose to make the State road a paying 
enterprise — a purpose carried out with signal success. He promised to 
call around him safe counsel, and administer the State government for 
the best interest of the people. His letter of acceptance of the nomi- 
nation was brief, and a model of good taste and sound statesmanship. 
It was like the man, clear and wise, a;nd it excellently typified his intel- 
ligence. Two parts deserve reproduction. He said: 



42 THE CALICO BED-QUILT. 

" The circumstances of my nomination preclude the idea that I have made any prom- 
ises either express or implied ; and I shall neither make nor intimate any, to any one, 
as to the distribution of executive patronage in the event of my election. If your 
nomination voluntarily tendered, should be ratified by my fellow-citizens at the ballot 
box, I shall enter upou the discharge of the duties of the important official trust which 
may be committed to me, perfectly free and independent of personal obligations. I 
shall exercise all power I shall have under tlie constitution and laws according to my 
best judgment, with an eye single to the promotion of the public interest, holding as I 
do, that tliose powers are granted for the sole purpose of upholding and advancing 
the rights and interest of the people." 

The following" paragraph is a remarkably fine one, and embodied in a 
nutshell the Democratic creed: 

" The Union is the effect of the Constitution. We value it. We cherish the Con- 
stitution as its foundation, and because it provides the wisest plan of government for 
confederated States, and secures, if properly administered, the blessings of civil, relig- 
ious and political liberty to the people. With hearts of patriotism we are devoted both 
to the Constitution and to the Union." 

The committee of notification were C H, Williams, Geo. N. Phillips, 
E. D. Tracy, Wm. Phillips, Lawson Fields, W. Hope Hull, R. M. 
Johnston and Wm. Schley. 

Much amusement was created and an infinite deal of fun was expended 
by the opposition press over the fact that the ladies of Cherokee Co. 
presented Judge Brown with a calico bed-quilt in honor of his nomina- 
tion. The Democratic press turned the matter effectively in Brown's 
favor. The incident took with the rural masses. Says the Milledge- 
ville Uiiion, concluding a witty article on the subject: 

" All we have to say is — go ahead gals — give Joe Brown just as many calico bed- 
quilts as you please — it will be a compliment to the Afountain Boy, and save the state 
some hundreds beside. Hurrah for the girls of Cherokee, the plough-boy Judge and 
the calico bed-quilt." 

The Cherokee girls and their calico bed-quilt became a slogan of vic- 
tory for Brown. 

Mr. Hill was notified of his nomination by a committee comj^osed of 
Hines Holt, R. J. Morgan, and J. W. Jones. His letter of acceptance 
was confined almost to an elaborate discussion of the \Yalker-Kansas 
matter, and a rasping indictment of President Buchanan, and said very 
little on State matters, and that merely a general expression of opposi- 
tion to the Democracy. 

The Georgia Democracy was divided upon the subject of Walker's 
inaugural in Kansas, and the resolution of the Democratic convention 
condemning Walker had created some spirited discussion in the Demo- 



THE KNOW-NOTHING ISSUE. 43 

cratic press. The Know-Nothings hoped to profit by this division. 
They veiy adroitly assaulted Walker, but held Buchanan responsible, 
and assailed him and the National Democracy. 

The real issue of this gubernatorial race was a tapering continuation 
of the ephemeral but fiery Know-Nothing agitation. It was a stormful 
flurry while it lasted. The people of Georgia especially took the swift 
epidemic hard, and had a tumultuous paroxysm of it. Along in 1856 
there were mammoth mass meetings running up into the tens of thou- 
sands. October 17th and 18th, 1856, there was a vast Democratic gath- 
ering in Atlanta, fully 15,000 people present. Thursday the 17th, John 
A. Calhoun, W. A. Wright of Newnan, George Hillyer of Walton 
county, and R. J. Moses of Columbus, spoke. And on Friday the 18th, 
Robert Toombs, Alex. H. Stephens, B. C, Yancy, Hiram Warner, Thos. 
P. Saffold and L. J, Gartrell made speeches. Col. James Gardner was 
chairman of the huge affair. A banner was given to Newton county as 
the one sending the largest delegation. 

In October, Toombs spoke in Augusta against Know-Nothingism in a 
noisy tumult. Savannah had upon this inflammable question the hottest 
municipal struggle she had experienced in years. The Democrats nom- 
inated Dr. Jas. P. Screven ; and the American party Col. E, C, Ander- 
son — both representative citizens, Dr, Screven was a stern, slender, 
wealthy little gentleman, a most positive and influential leader. Col. 
Anderson was a large, genial, frank -mannered gentleman of a worthy 
and powerful family of the old and honored inhabitants of the place, a 
man of indej^endence and brain. This fine old city was convulsed with 
this contest. It was a close race, the two mettled racers running nip 
and tuck. But the Democratic candidate came in on the home stretch 
with 1,101 votes against 971 for the Know-Nothings. 

The Democratic mass meeting in Atlanta was followed by an equally 
huge convocation of the earnest Americans. This was October the 2nd, 
1856, The lowest estimate of the number present was 12,000, Hilliard, 
Alford, Hill, Miller, Trippe, Wright and others spoke. At this meeting 
an ominous incident occurred. In raising a flag on a lofty pole, John 
McGehagan, a delegate from Morgan county, fell from the j^ole eighty 
feet to the ground and died in a few minutes. 

In December, 1856, the Southern convention, called in the interest of 
Southern prosperity, met in Savannah, It had assembled in Richmond 
in February, 1856, and adjourned to meet in Savannah. Southern con- 
ventions w^ere held at Macon, Augusta and Charleston in 1838 and 1839, 
Memphis in 1845 and 1849, Baltimore in 1852, New Orleans in 1851 and 



44 BROWN AKD HILL IN DISCUSSION". 

1854, and in Charleston in 1855. Among the objects of these conven- 
tions were the valuable ones of enlarging Southern industries and diver- 
sifying Southern agriculture. Upon these industrial questions both 
parties were united, but upon the policy as to guarding Southern politi- 
cal rights the two were very widely apart, and the gubernatorial battle 
involved largely the national issue. The Georgia Know-Nothings were 
getting uneasy about their name, and showed some anxiety to get rid of 
this objectionable designation and establish their title as the American 
party. Linton Stephens, who was nominated in the seventh district, in 
his letter of acceptance made the most incisive and trenchant presenta- 
tion of the issues. 

The discussion between Judge Brown and Mr. Hill began at Newnan. 
It would be difficult to conceive two more radically different men in 
mind and methods. Mr. Hill was and is a hard foeman to tackle on the 
stump. He is both showy and strong. He had brilliant repute as a 
political controversialist. Judge Brown was unshowy, conversational 
and unknown. Both were bold men. Hill was imprudent sometimes, 
Brown never. Brown was just the man to puncture imaginative rhet- 
oric. When the heat occasioned by Hill's entrancing declamation had 
passed off. Brown had the faculty to put the common sense of the situa- 
tion in a clear, direct, unanswerable way. Brown was cool, wary and 
ready-witted. In his first speeches alone he did not pass for his real 
worth. His conversational talks disappointed expectation. But he 
grew wonderfully. And discussion drew out his power. Hill made 
some inaccurate statements. Brown used these inaccuracies with tre- 
mendous effect. Hill was magnificently mature. Brown improved with 
an accelerating rapidity every trial. It was with him a constant and 
marvelous development. Every discussion added to his controversial 
capacity. He never winced under a blow no matter how severe, and the 
harder he was hit the harder he struck back. Without humor he yet 
had a grim perception of incongruity that he put so plainly that it was 
like humor. The Democratic press crowed lustily over some of BrOwn's 
strokes at Hill. At Newnan, Brown said that the Federal government 
should act slowly. Hill replied that Buchanan was too slov) a President 
for him, that he believed in ajxist government, and he was afraid Brown 
would make too slow a Governor. Brown retorted very happily and 
tellingly upon his bright rival. 

"It w.as true he was not a fast man. Mr. Hill was a Fast Young Man, he was a Fast 
Candidate, and if elected would doubtless make a Fast Governor. As for liiniJ^elf he 
was a slow man, and if elected would make a slow Governor. He liked ^Ir. Buchanan 



THE COXGRESSIOXAL CONTESTS. 45 

for his slowness and prudence in deciding upon great questions affecting the people. 
Every President/ holding in his grasp the destinies of a mighty nation like ours, should 
be cautious and slow to act." 

The applause was lively over this palpable hit, and no little badinage 
was used at Hill as the " Fast Candidate,-" afterwards. At Columbus 
they met. Columbus is a very fastidious place, used to city manners 
and college graces. Mr. Hill therefore suited better the ideas of such 
an audience with his more showy declamation and impassioned utter- 
ances. Judge M. J. Crawford tells the good anecdote that while the 
Know-Nothing side was endeavoring to depreciate Brown for his plain 
ways and homely talking, Mr. Porter Ingram came to the rescue and 
turned the tables by saying earnestly that Brown was " d — d sound in 
his doctrine," unconsciously putting the invincible excellence of the 
man into the terse brevity of an axiom. The two candidates did not 
have many discussions. They each had their separate appointments, and 
there was a good deal of sparring about being afraid to meet the other. 
Judge Brown in all of his appointments invited Mr. Hill to be present. 
The result was a foregone conclusion before the election. The Ameri- 
can party only claimed that they would reduce the Democratic majority. 

There were several exceedingly racy Congressional contests go- 
ing on that added considerable piquancy to the gubernatorial fight. 
The two Stephens brothers were both running for Congress and 
both on the stump making effective speeches. Linton Stephens' oppo- 
nent was Joshua Hill, a gentleman of very superior ability. Hill's 
letter of acceptance was a model of political satire. He made a happy 
use of the Democratic predicament in condemning Walker but approv- 
ing Buchanan whose appointee Walker was. Linton Stephens and 
Joshua Hill were marked opposites, one vehement and intense, the 
other placid and plausible. In the First District, James L. Seward was 
the Democratic nominee against that most brilliant Savannah gentle- 
man, Francis S. Bartow, Seward was cool, adroit, managing. Bartow 
was eloquent, impulsive and wholly artless. The other Democratic 
candidates for Congressmen were, Martin J. Crawford, L. J. Gartrell, 
James Jackson, David J. Bailey, A. R. Wright of Rome. 

A leading issue in the canvass was the sale of the State road, Mr. 
Hill being for its unconditional sale, and Brown advocating its dis- 
position only upon advantageous terms to the State, The road had 
been a source of expense to the State, and there was a good deal of 
desire that the State should dispose of it in some way. 

The election resulted in the success of Judge Brown over his gifted 



46 THE MAN FOR THE TIMES. 

competitor by an increased Democratic majority over the majority in 
1855. The movintain plow-boy Judge ran with a nimble pair of heels 
and came in over 10,000 votes ahead. Alex. Stephens beat T. W. Miller 
easily for Congress. Joshua Hill left out Linton Stephens by a close 
shave of 275 votes. Robert Trippe, the Know-Nothing, beat David 
J. Bailey by a small majority. James L. Seward whipped out both 
Gaulden and Bartow. L. J. Gartrell, A. R. Wright and James Jackson 
went in over Tidwell, Tatum and Simmons by large majorities. And a 
Legislature was elected overwhelmingly Democratic. It was certainly 
a crushing victory for the Democracy, and it buried Georgia Know- 
Nothingism forever out of sight. It was the practical end of that 
short-lived but animated political doxy. After this, with a few mild 
flickers, it disappeared out of Georgia politics. Graver issues were 
rising, that involved something more than mere party success. The 
shadow of great events, drifting to an awful culmination, was darkening 
the country. Mightier matters than political changes were pending. 
The spirit of revolution, cruel and implacable, was surely preparing for 
its colossal work of rupture and upheaval. And amid the marked forces 
of that vast civil convulsion, was the young plow-boy of the Georgia 
mountains, the hero of the calico bed-quilt, slender, obscure and homely, 
who had just won in a gallant battle the glorious Governorship of his 
great State. Talk of Providence and romances ! Both were united in 
the philosophical chances of this pivotal election. The man for the 
times had come, iron- willed and fitted for revolutions. 



CHAPTER VII. 

BROWN'S ELECTION AS GOVERNOR THE PRECURSOR OF 
A STRH^ING ERA OF CHANGE. 

The Drift to a Stately Regime Checked. — A Popular Eevolution. — The Antithesis of 
Gov. Johnson and Gov. Brown. — The Aristocrat and the Man of the People. — 
Brown's Inauguration. — His Appearance. — The Bank Suspension. — Brown's Decla- 
ration of War on the Banks. — The General Assembly of 1857. — Its Personelle. — 
John E. Ward. — John W. H. Underwood. — Robert Toombs. — Joseph Henry Lump- 
kin. — Toombs the Genius of the Impending Revolution and its Providential Instru- 
ment. — An Analysis of the Great Slavery Issue Pending. — A Conflict between 
Legally Fortified Wrong and Unconstitutional Right. 

The inauguration of Gov. Joseph E. Brown stamped the beginning 
of a new. era in Georgia. In the course of state progress and individ- 
ual advancement, families of talent, decision and wealth had become 
aristocratic and dominating. The cities had steadily grasped control- 
ling power, representing culture and accumulations of bank capital and 
corporate influence. In the executive administration there was a ten- 
dency to costly display and court entertainment, far removed from the 
Republican simplicity supposed to belong to our free institutions. 
Men of high family connections and polished manners had the best 
chances for public honors. 

In this drift of things to a stately and aristocratic regime, the elec- 
tion of a simple man of the people like Gov. Brown, representing to 
the fullest extent popular customs and ideas, was a decisive check to 
this tendency. Coming direct from the country people, and the mountain 
country at that, symbolizing severe simplicity of life and utter absence 
of social display. Gov. Brown's elevation to the chief magistracy of our 
great and growing commonwealth was a shock to the dominant public 
men and their views and practices. It meant serious innovation upon 
existing customs. It meant a grave warfare upon powerful institutions 
and cherished influences. It betokened an important revolution in 
well-established prejudices. It foreshadowed a severe struggle between 
conflicting theories of both social and financial government. And it 
seemed as if fortune had hit upon the right agent to conduct such a 
contest — an agent embodying the ideas he championed — an agent, 
earnest, firm-nerved, with unerring, intuitive popular discernment. 



48 BKOWN AND H. V. JOHNSOjV CONTRASTED. 

The writer at that time was just about grown, had been closely famil- 
iar with administrations for several years previous, and was well situated 
to be impressed with the new regime. Gov. Johnson, who preceded 
Gov. Brown, was an aristocrat intellectually and socially. He did. 
everything in a royal way. He had little popular tact, knew nothing 
of popular influences, and how to reach the masses. To strong intellect 
he added classic culture, and attached great value to courtly proprieties. 
He paid a large measure of deference to custom and social and intel- 
lectual authority. Gov. Brown was the opposite — socially a democrat; 
looking under the garb for the throbbing heart and breathing humanity. 
He did everything simply and plainly, disliking display and averse to 
forms. He was full to the brim of popular ideas, had an almost infalli- 
ble popular tact, knew wisely every popular influence, and had the 
keenest power of reaching the masses *of any public man we have 
ever had in Georgia. His powerful mind sought nothing from orna- 
ment, dealt in no rhetorical finish, and was disregardful of ceremony. 
He was free from any sentiment of reverence for custom or authority 
unless his judgment approved. He gave no homage to power, and 
never hesitated to tackle it boldly. Social influence and ofiicial prestige 
affected him not at all. And yet Gov. Brown was under the strong 
despotism of old-fashioned and primitive ideas of moral government. 
But for either social glitter or the glamour of official distinction, he 
cared nothing. Whether fighting banks, legislature, the press, or a 
Confederate administration, this simple, plain-mannered man of the 
masses took up the wager of battle with a cool confidence in himself, 
and an invincible, unyielding spirit that was something dramatic. He 
was certainly a native-born belligerent. Nature had endowed him with 
powers of intellectual combat that few men possess. He showed him- 
self at once a positive influence and a new and acknowledged success- 
ful leader on a large arena. 

His inauguration, in 1857, is well remembered. He was thirty-six 
years of age. His figure was boyishly slender and fragile, but very 
erect. His face was cleanly shaven, rather square-shaped and oblong, 
having no comely attractiveness about it, and 3^et a pleasant, placid 
countenance, with a mild expression in marked contrast with his iron 
temper and combative disposition. His mouth was wide and thin- 
lipped, something like Henry Clay's, though not so extensive, and 
to a close observer indicating in its set the firmness of the man. His 
eyes had a gentle expression that in his smiling moods threw some 
sunshine over an otherwise rather expressionless face. His forehead 



GOV. brown's personal appearance. 49 

was very high and a good demonstration of the phrenological theory 
that the brain is symboled in the formation of the head. His hair was 
dark and lay close to his head and behind his ears, leaving a clear out- 
line of the pale, bloodless face. His composure was perfect, though his 
manners, while not easy, were not awkward. There was about the man 
the quiet, steady calm of conscious brain power and self-reliant man- 
hood, but none of the grace of the man of society. His country raising 
was distinct, and in his very clear and not at all musical voice there was 
the peculiar accent, long and tending to a rather drawling tone, with an 
emphasis on the concluding syllable of words that marks rural pronun- 
ciation. His use of the word judgment for instance, with a perceptible 
accent upon the syllable " ment,^^ has given rise in connection with his 
wonderful possession of the golden quality of practical sense to the 
soubriquet of " old judg'menf,''^ alike in recognition of his clear brain 
and his method of speaking. His garb was a plain black without 
attempt at fashionable fit, neat and simple. His very appearance and 
country marks but rendered him the more observable in his high pro- 
motion, and created a varied commentary upon him. His canvass had 
somewhat introduced him to the people, but he was still generally un- 
known. He was emphatically a new man, with his appearance unfavor- 
able in impressing upon strangers his genuine power, and giving no 
indication of his uncommon qualities of will and ability. Those who 
knew him well staked confidently upon his being equal to the new situa- 
tion of responsibility. Those who did not know him, and they were the 
overwhelming majority, underrated him wofully. And, supplementing 
the impression made by his appearance with the accident of his nomi- 
nation, they rated him low. Nor did his brief inaugural allow much 
room for display of power. Yet brief as it was, and purely formal as 
it generally is. Gov. Brown threw out in his quiet way and iii a few 
deliberate words an utterance that fell like a bomb-shell upon the State, 
that occasioned one of the toughest and most dramatic public battles of 
his career, and that gave a startled State a pretty fair example of the 
extraordinary mettle of this untried and youthful country Governor. 

Before Governor Brown's inauguration and during Governor John- 
son's incumbency the banks had suspended specie payment. Gov. 
Johnson in his message stated that " in the midst of prosperity and 
remunerating prices for the products of agriculture our banks have 
generally ' suspended specie payments, resulting in panic, broken confi- 
dence and general stagnation in commerce." 

He stated further that he had taken no action, as the banks claimed 



50 brown's war against suspending banks. 

to have acted in self-defense against heavy drafts on their coin from the 
North, and he thought it prudent to submit the matter to the Legisla- 
ture soon to assemble; and he left it to them whether they would legal- 
ize the suspension ; and he cautiously intimated that perhaps it would 
be better to do so, first, however, instituting rigid inquiry to ascertain 
the sound banks. At this time the banks of Georgia had $12,040,000 
of capital with $5,663,000 circulation, and were in a fine condition. 
Enthroned in the cities, representing the available money of the State, 
animated by the shrewd and cultured financial intelligence and wisdom 
of the successful capitalist, these banks constituted a formidable power, 
and any interference with them was a tremendous responsibility. Gov. 
Johnson, always a cautious man, handled the vast subject tenderly, and 
finally threw the grave responsibility on the Legislature. 

Estimating the question properly, its magnitude and consequences, 
some conception may be formed of how the placid young, rustic Gov- 
ernor stirred the State by announcing in his provincial accents, that in 
their unimpassioned utterance gave no indication of the grim nerve and 
intelligent purpose that lay behind them, that in his judgment the sus- 
pension was unnecessary, and he should at once begin proceedings 
under the law to forfeit their charters. At first men thought it was a 
meaningless menace, uttered in ignorance of the subject, and even if 
intended, the colossal influence of the banks and their friends could bring 
such pressure as would turn the inexperienced executive right. But it 
was no hap-hazard announcement. And circumstances proved the 
country Governor to be the least malleable of metal, and rock-firm 
against any pressure. The excitement soon created, upon the realiza- 
tion that the Governor was in earnest, was overwhelming. Capital is 
easy to be terror-stricken. It is the most tremulously impressible of all 
the mighty powers of the world. And this potential mass of twelve 
millions of solid Bank capital of Georgia became alarmed and aroused 
to frenzy. And it focalized its thunder upon the country Governor, 
who met the storm, the combative commencement of his eventful admin-, 
istration, as cool and r^ame and eao-cr as a a'ladiator. 

Before giving this remarkable Battle of the Banks, it is necessary to 
present some idea of the General Assembly that Gov. Brown had to 
deal with. The Legislature of 1857 and 1858 was a very strong one, 
especially in its Bank representatives. It consisted of 154 Representa- 
tives and 115 Senators. The Senatorial representation had been changed 
since Governor Brown was Senator in 1849 and 1850, when there were 
forty-seven Senators to a system that gave a Senator to each county. 




HON. JOHN E. WARD, Ex-U. S. Minister to Chixa. 



JOH^r E. WARD. 51 

The joint assembly consisted of 269 members, a very large body. In 
its men the legislature was strong. John W. H. Underwood of Rome 
was Speaker of the House, and John E. Ward of Savannah, President of 
the Senate, both brilliantly able men. Mr. Ward was one of the most 
sparkling of our public leaders, a fluent, graceful speaker, a logical 
thinker, capable of effective effort though an indolent man, of inimita- 
ble tact, delightful manners and sweet temper, a charming companion, 
generous, hospitable, genial, and withal, shrewd, able, practical and 
ambitious. Mr. Ward was a born leader of men, and led wherever he 
went. He was strikingly handsome, and a magnificent type of the 
courtly Southern gentleman. He was president of the National Dem- 
ocratic convention that nominated Buchanan, and was United States 
minister to China at the beginning of the war, and conducted the diffi- 
cult diplomatic relations with that country connected with our Chinese 
troubles of those days. He had capacities for anything, and was one 
of our most f)romising Southern men at the commencement of the war. 
He was a rare advocate, in the lead of his profession of the law, ranking 
among the foremost in the able and brilliant bar of Savannah. He 
opposed secession; he had no confidence in the success of the South in 
the war; he was very quiet during the war, and after the surrender 
moved to New York to practice law, thus removing from the most flat- 
tering prospects of public distinction at the hands of his native state. 
It was a cruel sacrifice of rare political promise. Mr. Ward had made 
several fortunes at the bar, but spent them in his lavish hospitality. He 
was the leader of the Bank men in the legislature, and a consummate 
one. 

■In illustration of Mr. Ward's wonderful tact, it may be said that he 
did more to break down the powerful sectional prejudice that a long 
time existed among the up-country Georgians against the people of the 
sea-coast, and especially against the citizens of Savannah, whom they 
regarded as "stuck up," to use a homely phrase of those days. There 
was a sort of aristocratic assumacy, or the people of Upper Georgia so 
thought in the low country folk, that rendered them very unpopular, and 
raised constant antagonism. It was perilous to any measure in the 
General Assembly to originate from a Savannah man. The extent of 
this feeling cannot be conceived now when it has entirely disappeared. 
Mr. Ward, with his wonted sagacity, struck it down by a course of kind- 
ness and conciliation, and he gained a wonderful hold upon the up- 
country members. 

Col. Underwood, the Speaker of the House, was a very bright young 



52 COL. JOHN UNDERWOOD. 

man, who has since been a Congressman and a Judge of the Superior 
Court. His father was a noted wag, who is said to have given his son 
John a letter of recommendation sealed, which the young man took the 
precaution to read before delivery, and which, to his dismay, stated that 
" My son John is introduced by this letter as having the largest aspirations 
and smallest qualifications of any young man I know." The letter, tradi- 
tion says, was not delivered. In spite of the waggish father's badinage 
young Underwood possessed both large aspirations and very considera- 
ble qualifications. A racy talker, a fluent, effective speaker and a good 
lawyer, with a portly, fine presence and manner, he would have made a far 
more commanding figure in Georgia politics, even, than he has with the 
possession of a greater quota of stability. Among the more notable 
men of the House were Augustus H. Kenan of Milledgeville, Thomas 
Hardeman of Bibb county, H. J. Sprayberry of Catoosa county, George 
A. Gordon of Savannah, R. L. McWhorter and M. W. Lewis of Greene, 
D. W. Lewis of Hancock, I. L. Fannin of Morgan, Wm* Luffman of 
Murray, Wm. A. Reid of Putnam, John Milledge of Augusta, B. H. 
Bigham of Troup, George Hillyer of Walton. In the Senate were L. 
H. Briscoe of Milledgeville, Peter Cone of Bullock, Hugh Buchanan of 
Coweta, Jared I. Whitaker of Atlanta, Joel A. Billups of Morgan, Ran- 
dolph Spalding of Mcintosh, James Edmondson of Murray, Permetus 
Reynolds of Newton, William Gibson of Richmond, T. L. Guerry of 
Randolph, Wm. W. Paine of Telfair, A. G. Fambro of Upson, and W. 
A. Harris of Worth. 

Col. George A. Gordon, of Savannah, was chairman of the House 
Committee on Banking, an ambitious, talented young lawyer, who be- 
came a colonel of infantry in the war, moved to Alabama and died there 
after the surrender. Augustus H. Kenan was a stately, imperious 
gentleman, a despotic power in middle Georgia local politics. Thomas 
Hardeman of Macon went to Congress, served brilliantly in the war, has 
been a prominent candidate for Governor, has served repeatedly as 
Speaker of the House of Representatives and President of Democratic 
State Conventions, and is one of the most popular and eloquent public 
men in Georgia. H. J. Sprayberry of Catoosa county was a character ; 
a grotesque, keen-witted, rough backwoods lawyer, with a homely, 
liomespun way of talking to rural juries that was wonderfully success- 
ful. He died several years ago. Dave Lewis of Hancock, as he was 
called, was quite a power in those days, a capital speaker. He is now 
president of the Dahlanego college. A bright youngster full of talent 
was George Hillyer of Walton, barely out of his teens, who made an 



LEADING LEGISLATORS. 53 

entrance into politics and gave high promise of usefulness. He 
wisely after this retired from politics as an unprofitable business for 
young men, moved to Atlanta after the war, was State Senator, is now 
a Judge of the Superior Court and growing in fame and fortune. M. 
W. Lewis of Greene county, was a lawyer of much influence, Avas nomi- 
nated for the present State Senate and died shortly after. R. L. Mc- 
Whorter has been a power in Greene county, controlling it politically like 
a local king. During the stormy days of reconstruction he was a mem- 
ber of the Georgia Republican party, and one of the ablest, boldest and 
shrewdest of its leaders. He was Speaker of the House. He is a 
large, powerful man of uncommon capacity for political management. 
He is a member of the Senate in the present General Assembly, and 
will be a force in politics while he lives. 

Old Peter Cone of Bullock county was another county king, an odd, 
blunt, comical old fellow, who in spite of his oddities had the respect 
of everybody for his honesty and good sense. He is dead. Hugh 
Buchanan of Coweta was one of the most prominent men of that Sen- 
ate — a man of sterling character and fine ability. He has been judge 
of the Superior Court and recently elected to Congress in the Fourth 
District. Of the men who were strong in those da3^s perhaps none has 
had such marked vicissitudes of fortune as Jared Irwin Whitaker of 
Atlanta. Wealthy and influential, the proprietor of one of the leading 
papers, the Atlanta Intelligencer, representing his county in legislatures 
or conventions whenever he wished, member of the State Democratic 
Executive committee and State Commissary General during the whole 
war, handling millions, he was a recognized political power in the State. 
Losing his fortune, then his influence, illy fitted to be a poor man, 
taking to drink, falling lower and lower, drifting down socially and 
pecuniarily, he is to-day to those who knew him in his better days a sad 
spectacle, seedy, impecunious and pitiful. Col. J. A. Billups of Morgan 
county, was a strong man in the Senate of 1857, and is to-day a gentle- 
man of high character and standing. Randolph Spalding of Mcintosh, 
James Edmondson of Murray, and Permetus Reynolds of Newton are 
dead. Spalding was a good liver, luxurious, aristocratic, but a rare fel- 
low; Edmondson and Reynolds were both men of note. William 
Gibson of Augusta was a very able man, a gallant colonel in the Con- 
federacy, and a Judge of high repute since the war. He is still living. 
T. L. Guerry of Randolph was a strong spirit in that legislature, and 
had large promise of political promotion, but since the war seems to 
have retired into quiet privacy. W. W. Paine of Telfair, a practical 



54 JOSEPH HENRY LUMPKIIT. 

useful member is now living in Savannah. He has. been to Congress 
and to the legislature since the war. W. A. Harris of Worth, bluff 
hearty Bill Harris as he is known, will always be a strong influence in 
politics while he lives. A positive, one-sided man, a true friend and an 
implacable enemy, fighting open handed for or against men or measures, 
he has been delegate to state conventions, State Senator, and repeatedly 
Secretary of the Senate, and is prominently spoken of for Congress 
from his district. John Milledge of Richmond was a notable man in 
that day, of ancient and honored blood, his father having been Governor 
of Georgia from 1802 to 1806. He was a stout blondish person of most 
g-enial manners and address, a gentleman of the old school. He died a 
few- years ago, leaving a bright son to wear the distinguished name, who 
is a prominent young- lawyer of Atlanta. 

The legislature of 1857—8, was a strong body, made up of men of 
mark and it did important legislation. It was a fitting legislative ac- 
companiment to the new Governor. A body of ability and decision, it 
was a worthy opponent for the combative young Executive. This gen- 
eral assembly re-elected Hon. Robert Toombs to the United States Sen- 
ate, and put Joseph Henry Lumpkin on the Supreme Bench. These 
were two notable men, who will live long' in the memory of Georgians. 
LumjDkin was the most genial hearted public man we have ever had in 
the state, and the most liberal in his culture. To the sweetest nature he 
added an exquisite learning. To the most gracious benevolence he sup- 
plemented intellect of the highest order. He was a beautiful old man, 
with such grace and dignity as rarely falls to men. He wore his hair long, 
which set off his gentle, handsome, intelligent face, and well proportioned 
figure. He was well grounded in the rigid principles of the law, and yet 
he broadened their application with a magnificent erudition. His mind 
was buoyant with vital force, and was strengthened and ornamented by 
great learning and a robust, healthy imagination. He loved ^"oung men, 
and his kind words have cheered many a struggling young spirit. 

Robert Toombs was one of the princely-brained men of the Union, 
the kingliest character the commonwealth has gloried in, the man of all 
the most affluent in personal gifts. Gov. Brown states that he first met 
him in Milledgeville in 1849, when he was State senator and Toombs 
was a Whig congressman, idolized by his party, and with a national 
fame for eloquence. Toombs, he said, was the " handsomest man he 
ever saw. His physique was superb, his grand head fit for a crown, his 
jn-esence that of a king, overflowing with vitality, his majestic face illu- 
mined with his divine genius." Toombs was about forty years of age, 



ROBERT TOOMBS. 00 

and in the very prime of his magnificent manhood. He had a figure 
Kke an Antinous, the very perfection of manly symmetry, and an impe- 
rial grace of carriage that sat upon him well. His face was noble and 
superbly handsome, with great luminous dark eyes full of flashing soul, 
every feature perfect, a royal forehead, a matchless dome of thought 
that gained in power, through the rich glossy black hair that hung about 
it straying carelessly over its marble front, suggesting rather than reveal- 
ing its extent. His skin was clear with health. He talked constantly, 
his mobile countenance lit with an irradiating smile, or intense with 
some dominating and fiery impulse. His conversation was a torrent of 
striking thoughts, strikingly expressed. His vivacity never flagged. 
The man's mind and spirit were absolutely perennial. He never seemed 
to have a moment of mental or physical weariness. He scattered hu- 
mor, wit, wisdom, with a limitless prodigality. He started, in life mu- 
nificently equipped in fortune and education. His father was rich, and 
he had every advantage. He succeeded right away at his profession, 
making, it is said, $50,000 in five years, achieving success easily. It is 
rare that men so brilliant and impulsive as Toombs have the faculty of 
business. His pecuniary sagacity has been a marvel like his other gifts. 
No man has been a more careful manager of money, making it wisely, 
spending it in a princely way, yet handling it carefully and prudentlv. 
He bought immense tracts of Texan land, of which he has a hundred 
thousand dollars profit, and has enough to realize a quarter of a 
million more. In politics he was as swiftly successful as at the law. 
He went to the Legislature, then to Congress, and then to the Senate, 
grasping these honors by a sort of easy, natural right. He was lordly, 
grand, irresistible. Nothing could daunt, nothing vanquish him. 
Toombs had genius, and men recognized it. He was like an inspired 
man in his speeches. He reveled in public life and intellectual con- 
flict. No man ever tripped him in debate. He was as ready and 
deadly as lightning. A rival on the stump threw up to him a very un- 
popular vote he had made in the Legislature. " Yes," thundered, the 
quick-witted and audacious Toombs, " it was a d — d bad vote ! What 
have you got to say of it ! " And the storm of cheers from the crowd' 
told how well he had baffled a wound. In a period of crazy contention, 
and when the public pulse was perilously inflamed, the opposition at a 
public meeting resolved he should not speak. Weapons flashed in the 
sunlight. Blazing with indomitable fire, declaring they might kill, but 
they should hear him, the man awed down the infuriate mob and forced 
a listenins: to his bold words. 



,56 SLAVERY. 

General Toombs was born for a revolutionary era. No other man did 
as much to precipitate the war as he did. Notwithstanding he came of 
a blood that had the hereditary iiistinct of loyalty to the crown, he has 
shown a wild tendency all of his tumultuous life to rebellion. He be- 
gan it at college ; he continued his destructive instinct upon the Union ; 
he was a defiant officer in the army ; he split from the Confederate 
authorities in fierce altercation ; and since the surrender he has gloried 
in being the single untamed and unappeasable rebel against Federal 
rule. Believing as the writer does, that in the mighty scheme of human 
progress a Providential power fashions the order of things, and that 
great events like our colossal civil war, long preparing and" long con- 
tinuing, and long lasting in great result, are part of the divine plan of 
philosophical advancement, it is but a second step of belief to note that 
human agencies suitable to. such crises are furnished by the same over- 
ruling intelligence that framed the gigantic evolution of history. 
Slavery was a wrong for which the South was not responsible. Its ex- 
tiiiction was inevitable. And some such convulsion had to tear it up 
from its terribly strong rooting. We of the South, had become blunted 
by hereditary training and education of centuries to the proper human 
repulsion at the awful fact of property in human souls. A striking ex- 
ample of the natural sentiment of humanity upon this, occurred in the 
writer's family a short while ago. A little daughter of eight years of 
age in her reading came across the word " slave " and asked its defini- 
tion. Her look of horror, as she understood it, was a revelation alike, 
that a thing that inspires such a feeling in the impartial instincts of a 
pure nature must be appallingly wrong, and that the public condemna- 
tion of the non-slaveholding world would never cease to wage war upon 
the wrong until it was extirpated from christian civilization. 

Toombs was one of the Providential agencies of this inevitable revolu- 
tion, the creature of what was so happily called the " irrepressible conflict" 
between freedom and slavery, and its resultant emancipation. He was 
a sijperb type of the Southerner, the " corner stone " of whose social and 
political system was slavery. He was careless, imperial, defiant, auda- 
cious, volcanic. Toombs represented alike a kingly race of men devoted 
to their institutions, and the grand principle of chartered rights. He 
was aggressive, denunciatory, taunting. He struck for disunion, be- 
lieving that safety lay alone in the severance, and the bond would make 
unceasing strife. Looking at the situation as pregnant with an inevit- 
able issue of attempted separation, and the cure by a storm of an evil, 
Toombs was the man for the work. He inspirited the South and he 



PROVIDENCE AGAINST SLAVERY. 57 

angered the North. The South was not responsible for slavery, and 
had for it the sacred guarantee of the Constitution. The North had 
put slavery upon us and was under bond to protect it. The South had 
legal rights in a great wrong. The North could only do its duty to 
civilization by breaking its obligations. To stimulate the South to de- 
fend its rights, to incense the North in its aggression upon the evil of the 
Union that was its reproach in the eyes of the world, was the work that 
Toombs and his compeers well performed. It was a conflict between 
legally fortified wrong and unconstitutional and high-handed right. 
And Providence gave the victory to civilization against the forms of 
law, heroic devotion to a beloved duty and as grand a chivalry as "the 
world ever knew. Toombs was the genius of the revolution, and will 
so live in history. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

THE FIERY Bx\TTLE OF THE BANKS. 

Brown and Toombs. — Howell Cobb, Alexander Stephens, Pen Pictures. — The young 
country Governor defies the capital and its leaders. — The Tremendous Pressure. — 
Brown single-handed. — Bank Suspension legalized. — Brown's laard-hitting Veto. — 
A striking instance of Nerve. — The white-heated Excitement. — The great Speech- 
of Mr. Ward, President of the Senate. — The Veto overwhelmed. — Doggerel of the 
Day. — " Balanced to a Quarter of a Cent." — The Issue remitted to the People. — A 

hot Campaign of Ridicule, Abuse and Passion. — " "Who is Brown ? " — " A d n 

fool." — Brown Solidly Endorsed. — An Irresistible Torrent of Public Approval for 
Brown. — A Universal Victory over the colossal Moneyed Power for the new rock- 
willed "People's Governor." 

Governor Brown and Gen. Toombs have been dramatically con- 
nected through this long period of Georgia history that constitutes the 
theme of this work. The election that put Brown in the Executive 
chair, placed Toombs again in the Senate of the United States. Dur- 
ing the war, Toombs stood by Brown in his controversies with the Con- 
federate authorities. After the surrender, they were in a deadly antag- 
onism, which nearly resulted in a duel. Arid in this progressive era of 
the state and nation, in 1881, they represent antipodal ideas and con- 
flicting public theories. 

In 1857, of which time we write, there were two others of Georgia's 
gifted sons that wielded a large national influence. Howell Cobb was 
Secretary of the Navy in the cabinet of President Buchanan, and thus 
had the ear of that official in all of the Presidential policy of those dis- 
tracting and momentous public events that so soon were to culminate 
so dramatically. Cobb was an ardent Union man, while intensely 
Southern. He was a wise, conservative man, and firm. If any one 
could have used official opportunity in administrative position to keep 
a harmonious Union, he was the one. He had carried the state trium- 
phantly on the Union issue, against extreme Southern Rights, in 1851. 
He was powerful at home, and honored beyond. He had uncommon 
statesmanship and extraordinary personal tact. But the drift of events 
was beyond the power of men to control. A higher power was at work 
in its own mysterious ways. The revolution was pending, and its genius 
was the destructive Toombs, and not the conservative Cobb, 



ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 59 

Another vital personality was that remarkable man, Alexander H. 
Stephens. He too was a Union man. It is hard to write about Alec 
Stephens. He has been all of his life a human miracle. His advent 
into public life nearly half a century ago was, and his career ever since 
has continued to be, a wonder. Antithesis has been exhausted in de- 
scribing the man, and yet there is no adequate portraiture of him. For 
forty years and more Mr. Stephens has held a foremost place in the 
affairs of the state and nation, and his name and speeches, overleaping 
the bounds of the continent, reached the old world, rendering him 
famous and illustrating Georgia. His purity of life, public spirit, 
stainless integrity, devotion to principle, love of truth, simplicity of 
character, munificent charity, lofty patriotism, independence of popular 
prejudice, sincerity of conviction, indomitable courage, magnetic elo- 
quence and vigorous statesmanshijD have all been continuously disjjlayed 
in his long, useful and brilliant public career, and form a noble example 
for the imitation of our ambitious young men. 

That a mind so powerful and a spirit so knightly should inhabit a 
body so diseased and frail, has been the miracle of his conspicuous life. 
At any time during his laborious and honored existence, his death 
could not have surprised. Yet his physical frailty never impaired his 
public usefulness. Nearly seventy years of age, he. is still at his post 
of duty, filling, in his own unequaled way, the place in which he has 
won his proudest triumphs and most lasting fame — a Congressman from 
Georgia, a representative of the people and chosen by the people — 
Georgia's great Commoner. The people that he has loved so well, and 
the state that he has so faithfully served and resplendently illustrated, 
delight to honor him and hold his solid fame as one of her most pre- 
cious heritages. 

Mr. Stephens, too, was one of the strong union men, and to the very 
last his potential voice was heard eloquently protesting and unanswera- 
bly arguing against secession. Mr. Stephens has been a statesman and 
an orator, but the quality that more than all others has tended to give 
him his vast public influence has been his wonderful moral intrepidity. 
It is a rare equality, heaven-born and God-like, — sucli moral courage as 
he. has shown all of his life long. No adverse public opinion has had 
any terrors for this fearless statesman. Majorities have been utterly 
powerless to sway him. No unpopularity, no prejudice, no popular 
frenzy has ever moved his firm soul one hair's-breadth from any con- 
viction or prevented any utterance he deemed the truth. This is 
remarkable praise, but it is due to the man. But even the miraculous 



60 THE BATTLE OF THE BANKS. 

Stephens was unable to stem the revolution. The storm was coming, 
and Toombs was its genius. 

Recurring to the battle of the Banks, from which digression has been 
made to fill out the personal features of this important period of Georgia 
history, there probably has never been witnessed a tnore stubborn and 
heated contest in legislative walls than was fought in the Georgia Legis- 
lature of 1857, over the bank question. It was soon found that Gov- 
ernor Brown was in deadly earnest in the resolve to hold the banks to 
their full legal responsibility. The lobbies were thronged with bank 
men and their friends. The cool young country Governor met the 
issue unquailingly. Every argument and influence was brought to bear 
upon him, but vainly. It was a crucial test of his nerve. Even a very 
brave and firm man would have wavered. It was boldly claimed that 
he would ruin the state and shock irreparably the public weal in thus 
warring upon the banking capital of the commonwealth. Neither 
appeal nor menace moved him from his position. It was a fearful 
responsibility that he assumed, but he never shrank from it. It involved, 
too, an appeal to the people, and public condemnation if he failed in 
the contest. It portended a no-quarter fight with capital and leader- 
ship and commercial power. He defied them all. He had announced 
his purpose in his ringing inaugural to hold the banks to the law, and 
he stuck to his purpose. A bill was introduced, and after infinite and 
elaborate discussion, pq,ssed, suspending forfeiture proceedings against 
the suspended banks for one year. The act went to the Governor. 
Few believed that he would dare to veto the act. The vote in the 
House was 68 yeas and 33 nays ; in the Senate 58 yeas and 27 nays. 
The excitement was very great. While it was true that the bill had 
passed both houses by a two-thirds majority, which, if it could be held, 
would render an Executive veto a nullity, yet in the heated temper of 
the Assembly and the changing influences of the time, there was no 
telling what might happen. A change of two or three votes would 
alter the result. It was repi'esented to Governor Brown that he had 
made a fair, brave fight, and after a full discussion the legislature had 
given a two-thirds majorit}^, and he could well rest the matter there. 
These importunities fell like water upon a rock. The placid and rural 
Executive was in no terror of majorities, and then, as later, failed to 
learn the lesson of yielding his convictions to any pressure. He gently 
Avaved aside these advisers, and smilingly ignored counsel that he did 
not want, and shutting himself up in his quiet, he fulminated one of 
the boldest state papers he ever wrote, in shar]) and unqualified veto of 



GOVERNOR BROWN AND THE BANKS. 61 

the act. Reading that veto message in the light of all of the surround- 
ings, and testing it by cool criticism, lifted above the heat of the strug- 
gle, it is a very remarkable document. Gov. Brovpn, it must be remem- 
bered, was bred up far from commercial influences and habits. He had 
little practical experience of banks. He had known little of capitalists 
and had few dealings with capital. His views were not the cultivated 
experiences of the commercial world, but they were the instinctive 
notions of an uncommonly sharp mind, entirely unprejudiced, and look- 
ing at the matter with a keen vision of the equities of the great subject, 
and seeking abstract justice at any cost. The views of his message 
clad in this light, are remarkable. He never wrote a more sinewy, ©ven- 
handed and abstractly logical paper, while his personal attitude was 
romantic in the extreme, and eminently characteristic of his self-reliance 
and intrepidity. Take a youthful countryman, unused to the dazzle of 
such high station, with its bewildering accoinpaniments, and put him 
in Gov. Brown's place in this matter, subject to the pressure of every 
powerful influence of social splendor and worldly prestige, and his firm- 
ness in pursuing his convictions to their conclusion, unbacked as he was 
by any support whatever, and perplexed by the gravity of result that 
hung upon his action, was a striking exhibition of personal firmness 
and official duty. It illustrated the man perfectly. It demonstrated 
his superlative fiber. It stamj)ed his exalted power of leadership indis- 
putably. He might be wrong, and doubtless in a calm review of his 
views then uttered so incisively, made now in the light of a quarter 
of a century of unusual practical experience, he would recall much 
that he said then. But the fact still stands out saliently that his 
attitude was one of grand courage, and put him at one bound as an 
established force in the state. His veto was a brave appeal to the 
august tribunal of public opinion, against one of the ablest legislative 
bodies Georgia has ever had, and he struck the popular judgment with 
masterly power and a keen discrimination. There is in the message, 
too, a plain, direct, ungloved style of speech that was far removed from 
the diplomatic politeness of the accustomed state papers. The veto 
indulged in no regrets or Pickwickian expressions^ but it handled the 
vital matters touched upon with simple practicality, and gave facts 
and views in unmincing words. 

The veto was jl lengthy and elaborate one, discussing the subject 
fully. It began by contrasting the money privileges of banks and those 
allowed individuals. The citizen could only loan money, dollar for dol- 
lar, at seven per cent. The bank could issue three dollars for one and 



G2 GOVERNOR brown's BANK VETO. 

use all four, realizing from thirty to fifty per cent. The privilege was 
unreasonable, and he branded banking as a " legalized system of specu- 
lation, oppression and wrong." After using their unlimited privileges 
to amass fortunes, the banks in a pressure suspend, close doors, lock 
up specie, let their bills depreciate, buy them up at a discount, make 
further distress, and then when the storm is over, step out with in- 
creased wealth amid general disaster. It was not right. The banks 
could pay specie by buying it at a small premium with their large earn- 
ings. Why did they not resume. Because it was to their interest not 
to do so. They made money out of the suspension. Warming up, the 
plain-spoken Governor said that the banks that had suspended, and so con- 
tinued were guilty of a " high commercial, moral and legal crime," depre- 
ciating the value of property, causing pecuniary depression, injuring the 
public credit, and violating the law of the state. Private citizens had 
to meet their obligations. Banks should do so. The citizen could not 
suspend. The banks should not. 

Since the establishment of the Banking system in Georgia, several 
periods of distress had occurred, in which the banks made money, while 
the people bore the loss. The banks claimed to be obliged to suspend, 
but it was because of their speculations. The merchant that overtrades, 
gets no sympathy when trouble overtakes him. The banks suspended 
as a speculation. In 1840 there was a financial crisis, when the bad con- 
duct of the banks caused the passage of the very law of forfeiture for 
suspension that was sought to be set aside now. The banks were 
wealthy and powerful, and illustrated the growing power of corpora- 
tions. Who doubts that they could, by a little sacrifice, have avoided 
suspension at the present, have bought gold and redeemed their prom- 
ises. Instead of doing this they set the law at defiance, relying upon 
their jDower. They demand legalization of the vs»rong, threatening in- 
jury to the piiblic interest unless it is done. The issue was boldly ten- 
dered. In his opinion the richest corporation should be compelled to 
obey the law like the humblest citizen. He was resolved to know no 
man or association of men, and that all should bow to the authority of 
the law without regard to wealth, power or influence. 

He alluded to the fact that numbers of banks in other states, and 
four or five in Georgia had not been obliged to suspend. He answered 
the point that our specie would be drawn out from the North by saying 
that too few of our bills were held North to injure us in this way. The 
further point was made that our banks had suspended in response to 
the suggestion of public meetings. His sharp reply Avas that bank men 



JOHN E. ward's great SPEECH. 63 

could easily get up such meetings. The people generally did not want 
suspension.* Their hundred dollars fell to ninety in value by suspension. 
Every point ingeniously made for suspension he as ingeniously met in 
his sledge-hammer way, running through the whole paper an adroit 
comparison of the advantages the banks had over the citizen. He 
struck hard. His last point was that there was a contract between the 
banks and the people to redeem their bills in specie on demand or pre- 
sentation, and this had been violated. The law legalizing suspension 
was a law impairing the obligation of contract, and therefore unconsti- 
tutional. He wound up this caustic and aggressive message with these 
words : 

" I feel it to be my duty I owe the people of Georgia, to do all in my power to avert 
the evils which would follow the passage of an act legalizing the suspension of the 
banks. All solvent banks will doubtless soon resume specie payment. I shall do all 
which the law makes it my duty to do, to have the charters of such as do not resume 
forfeited, and their assets placed in the hands of receivers, and converted into money 
and paid to their creditors as soon as possible. No serious inconvenience will follow, as 
it is believed most of them are solvent, and will resume. Those which are not solvent 
will be wound up, and the sooner the better for the people." 

The reading of the message created an intense feeling in both 
branches of the General Assembly. Mr. Ward, the President of the 
Senate was the bank leader in that body. The veto made a keen sense 
of alarm among the bank men. It was known that it was coming. Mr. 
Ward was selected to reply to it. He sat up all night preparing a 
speech. The message made a sensation. Its exhaustive, common sense 
discussion of the subject, and its determined views, fell upon the body, 
engendering dismay. Mr. Hill of Harris moved to take up the message 
and read it. After the reading Mr. Spalding moved to take up the 
vetoed bill. The yeas and nays were called on this motion, and resulted 
in sixty-one yeas and twenty-one nays. This was an ominous vote for 
the anti-bank men, being a loss of six votes from the twenty-seven that 
voted on its passage against it. Mr. Young of the negative voters then 
moved to adjourn, fighting for time. Upon this the yeas and nays were 
called, yeas nineteen, nays fifty-nine. This was a still farther loss on 
the anti-bank side. Mr. Ward had come from the President's seat and 
he took the floor. He made a speech of great power and eloquence, an 
adroit, persuasive, subtle speech, by long odds the best of the session on 
any subject. With wonderful effect he sought to put the Governor in 
a position of hostility to the cities, and then proceeded to defend the 
cities, blending a careful indignation with a judicious pathos. His 
eulogy upon the banks and his picture of the bad results of ir.tsrference 



64 BANK DOGGEEEL. 

with them, were drawn with eloquent vividness. Every utterance of 
this admirable speech was conciliatory and plausible. It was a model of 
elocution and at the same time the very perfection of argument and 
appeal. It made Mr. Ward great reputation in the state. He closed 
his speech by moving the passage of the vetoed bill and ui3on that 
motion called the " previous question " to cut off reply: The vote stood 
on this fifty-six yeas and twenty-four nays, a small gain for the anti- 
bank men. The vote upon the passage of the bill was then taken and 
stood sixty-one yeas to twenty-two nays, a loss of five votes from the 
nays on its original passage — a loss due to Mr. Ward's powerful speech. 
In the House the vote stood the same as on its first passage, showing no 
change. 

A classification of the voting made a month afterwards in the -heated 
discussion the matter continued to evoke, showed that in the House, 
where the vote stood sixty-eight .yeas to thirty-four nays, forty-eight 
members voted "yea" both times and twenty-nine "nay" both times; 
that thirteen members voted nay first and yea afterwards; that two 
voted yea first and then nay; that fourteen voted yea at first and did not 
vote afterwards; that eight voted nay first and did not vote afterwards; 
and that one voted against and three for the bill on its second passage 
who did not vote first. And forty-four members did not vote at all on 
the perilous question. On the last ballot sixty, or more than a third of 
the House, dodged a vote. 

The following piece of doggerel took the public attention at tae time, 
and had a wide circulation: 

A LEGISLATIVE LAY. 

BY BILL VETO BANKS, ESQ. 

On a night before Christmas when all through the " house " 

Not a member was stirring, not even a mouse ; 

The Sec'taries stood at the Desk in great awe, 

As if 'twas the Devil himself that they saw. 

The members all nestled down close in their chairs ; 

Their hearts alternating with hopes and M'ith fears; 

When up from the Senate arose such a clatter, 

The Speaker sent " Jess " to report on the matter. 

Away to the Senate he flew with a chill — 

He heard that the Senate had passed the Bank bill. 

Then T — e came in, and the House got so still, — 

His hair stood erect like the porcupine's quill. 

He read what the Senate had done, in the aisle, 

Then bowed himself out with such a sweet smile ! 



BANK BOOK-KEEPING. 65 

I knew by the walk, 'twas the " Cherokee brave," 

The Divil may take me, if he could desave ! 

But the fun was not yet over, not by a half. 

Which I'll tell you directly, provided you laugh. 

" As leaves that before the wild hurricane fly," 

Swept clear thro' the House, Bill Vetos' wild cry. 

Confusion at once seized the House with a vim, 

And the shout went around, " up Bankey, at him ! " 

Then the Secretary called the roll over with care, 

While the friends of dear Baiikey sank deep in despair; 

For none in that House could certainly know. 

The result which the ayes and the noes would soon show. 

Not a breath of disturbance the quietness stirred, 

Kot a hem, nor a cough, nor an audible word, 

The roll being called and the vote counted out, 

The Speaker said, passed, tlien as if in doubt. 

Said no, it was lost ; and then in the Mess, 

Some man changed his vote, and settled the fuss. 

And then such a shout ! Ye Gods and small fishes! 

What rattling it made among Cunningham's disiies! 

So Bankey whipped Veto — and winks at his foes, 

And wiggles his thumb at the end of his nose ; 

He exclaimed as he left in the cars the next night, 

Happy Christmas to all and Bill Veto good night ! 

But Bankey will find before he 's much older. 

The people will turn him a very cold shoulder, 

Unless he behaves like honest men should, 

And ceases to speak in the imperative mood. 

But the matter was not ended. The legislative storm was but child's 
play to the public agitation. The young- country Governor had 
awakened a popular tornado. Abuse and ridicule were heaped upon 
him. The use of the expression that the bank accounts " balanced to a 
quarter of a cent " was the theme of unlimited raillery over the alleged 
ignorance of the Governor, of Bank book-keeping. The bank cham- 
pions had stated as a reason for legalizing the suspension, that the peo- 
ple owed the banks twenty-two millions, and the banks only owed the 
people five millions. In response to this argument the Governor said 
in his message that the sworn returns of the banks made to the Execu- 
tive Department showed that the assets and liabilities of the banks 
" balanced to a quarter of a cent," a proper phrase to render the an- 
tithesis striking. 

The bank question became a veritable sensation. The agitation was 

warm enough in the legislature. It greAv hotter with its transfer to the 

tribunal of the entire state. The Milledgeville Federal Union at first 
5 



66 THE STATE OX THE BANK QUESTION. 

was the Governor's only newspaper advocate. The Augusta Chronicle 
and the Savannah Repuhlican were the two champions of the bank side 
of the question. One after another the state press took sides with the 
Governor. The papers were full of it. And the discussion was bitter. 
The Augusta Chronicle thus fulminated : 

" Never have we witnessed in all our eKperience such a display of stupidity, igno- 
rance, and low groveling demagogism as Gov. Brown has made in his veto message. It 
is throughout the low and miserable effort of a most contemptible demagogue, to array 
the prejudices of the poor against the rich. * * * 

" In conclusion we cannot but congratulate the Democracy on their triumphant success 
in finding out thus early, ' Who is Brown ? ' This was a question which excited no little 
solicitude in the outset of the late Gubernatorial canvass, and the faithful in this region 
were very much exercised to ascertain its true solution. Now when asked, ' Who is 
Brown?' they unhesitatingly respond, 'a d — dfoolf" 

The Savannah Republican v/as no less savage. Said this paper: 

" The friends of the Governor should hang their heads with mortification and shame, 
while the author himself should forthwith be'subjected to the surgical ojjeration recom- 
mended by Benton to Cass, viz, to be ' cut for the simples.' " 

But to the supreme astonishment of the Bank men, the people of the 
state rallied to the Governor in almost solid array. Public meetings 
were held on the subject, and the Governor endorsed by strong resolu- 
tions. A meeting for instance, in Carroll county presided over by W. W. 
Merrell, passed unanimously resolutions denouncing the suspension act 
as " Tjnwise and lawless legislation." In Wilkinson county Dr. R. J. 
Cochran offered a resokition that was passed without a dissenting voice 
declaring the Governor's veto " elaborate, full, clear and unanswerable ;" 
and a resolution was also passed unqualifiedly condemning Hon. John 
E. Ward for calling the previous question, and depriving the anti-bank 
men of a chance to reply to him. Whitfield county had a rousing meet- 
ing and passed a strong set of resolutions reported by a committee com- 
posed of W. H. Stansel, C. B. Wellborn, Wm. J. Underwood, Dr. B. B. 
Brown and Rev. John M. Richardson. These resolutions commended 
the " Jacksonian firmness " of Gov. Brown. Even Bibb county en- 
dorsed the Governor. In Monroe county resolutions were passed de- 
manding that the state Constitution be altered so as to prevent the 
passage of laws legalizing bank suspensions. A meeting at CuUoden 
presided over by W, Rutherford declared that Gov. Brown deserved the 
more credit because he did his duty in the veiy teeth of his own party. 
A Pickens county meeting denounced the papers abusing Gov. Brown 
as "hireling bank organs." A Campbell county meeting resolved that 
Gov. Brown was " under all circumstances the friend of the people when 



" WHO IS JOE BKOWN " ANSWERED. 67 

their rights are threatened." Wesley Camp was chairman of this meet- 
ing. A Cherokee county meeting declared its jjride in Gov. Brown as 
a Cherokee citizen. Clinch county went ahead of all in declaring that 
the members who supported the suspension bill after hearing the 
Governor's veto were not deserving support a second time by their 
constituency. 

These j)ublic expressions of opinion taken at random from the action 
of meetings in all parts of the state will give some idea of the emphatic 
unanimity of endorsement that Gov. Brown received from the people. 
It is not ascertainable that a single public meeting sided with the banks 
and condemned the Governor. In spite of the colossal moneyed power 
of the Banks the Executive single handed carried popular sentiment 
overwhelmingly. It constitutes a remarkable victory, and it put Gov. 
Brown, at the very inception of his career, solidly entrenched in the 
hearts of the masses as the friend of the people's rights, a position from 
which no effort was ever able to shake him until the fiery days of recon- 
struction, but which he has regained since then in the most marvelous 
manner. 

No man could >ask after this the sneering question, " Who is Joe 
Brown ? " He had answered the query himself in no uncertain lan- 
guage. He had shot himself like a cannon ball into the very heart of 
the state. In every hamlet the people knew him as a man of brain, 
rock-willed, and the people's friend. He became as exaltedly elevated 
in public esteem as he had been unexpectedly thrown into high office 
from obscurity. He dem_onstrated the fact that his promotion " was the 
inevitable outcome of his young life — disciplined so mai'velously, so 
full of thought, sagacity and judgment." 



CHAPTER IX. 
THE WAY GOV. BROWN GASHED INTO OLD CUSTOMS. 

The Abolition of Levees. — No Wine at His Table. — Interference by the Legislature 
with Pardons boldly Tackled. — The case of Jolin Black.— Old time Ideas of Mar- 
riage. — State Aid. — Salaries Increased. — Peterson Thweatt.— The State Road, and 
a Vigorous Policy. — The Coincidence of Gov. Brown and the State Road. — The 
Southern Commercial Convention. — A summary of Georgia's Leaders, Mark A. 
Cooper, A. H. Chappell, William Dougherty, Junius Wingfield. — The Philosophy 
of Southern Conventions. — Powerful Instriimentalities of Sectional Division. — 
Legacies for the Impending Revolution. 

The installation of Joseph E. Brown as Governor of Georgia was 
truly an establishment of an era of change. The very social features of 
the executive administration were sweepingly altered by this simple- 
mannered and resolute young countryman. It seemed as if no institu- 
tion that he deemed to need correction was sacred against his deter- 
mined hand. And there was no fuss in his reforms. He quietly up- 
rooted long-established customs in a way that evoked the horror of the 
reverential worshipers of venerable follies. It had been the custom for 
governors to begin their terms with a huge popular Levee, when the 
dear people were allowed to come uninvited in masses. Magnificent 
supper was provided at tremendous cost. It was a festivity of mash 
and gluttony and plunder. Crates of crockery were broken. The ple- 
beians came in swarms as their one social opportunity to mingle in high 
life, and they gorged their stomachs and stored their pockets with del- 
icacies. One who has never witnessed one of these hideous levees cannot 
conceive of their character. Floors were ruined, table ware lost, and toil- 
ets wrecked. It was jam and crush. It was becoming yearly worse, 
larger crowds, more disorder, increased destruction, and less regard for 
good manners. The rabble looked forward to, and improved it. The 
custom was old, and supposed to be the very symbol of our democratic 
principles. It was the practical incarnation of equality religiously 
cherished by the poor and the humble. Of all men. Gov. Brown, the 
representative of popular privileges, would have been supposed to guai'd 
such a custom. His practical intelligence, on the contrary, saw it was 
an occasion of license and rabble disorder, and not what it was meant 
to be, the tribute of all orderly citizens to a new Chief Magistrate. He 
swept it out of existence, declining to conform to the ancient precedent. 



GOV. brown's collisions with the legislature. 69 

He instituted in its place a series of Friday night receptions, which 
proved very pleasant. 

Another change he made that drew upon him much bantering com- 
ment, was abolishing wine from his festal board. He was a temper- 
ance man, and carried out his temperance principles practically. But 
the Governor quietly persisted in his plain temperance ways, and the 
people learned that ridicule or abuse were unable to move him. 

He had several collisions with the General Assembly, in every case 
maintaining his views and asserting the prerogatives of his position in 
the straight-forward sort of way that was characteristic of tlie man. 
The Legislature passed a joint resolution requesting the Governor to 
pardon forthwith two female convicts. He vetoed the resolution 
promptly, and his message is a stinging rebuke. Adverting to the 
fact that no reason was given in the resolution for silch clemency, and 
quoting the section of the constitution that gives the pardoning power 
to the Governor, he said that he understood that other resolutions of a 
similar character had been introduced, and gave his decision upon the 
matter in these incisive words: 

"As a general rule, in my opinion, it would be better to leave all these cases where 
the courts and juries have left them. There are a few excepted cases, and for the pur- 
pose of finding them out, it is often necessai'y to investigate the evidence, and the cir- 
cumstances of the trial. The constitution has assigned the duty of investigation to the 
Executive Department of the Government, Avithout dividing the responsibility with the 
General Assembly, and as it would greatly lengthen the sessions, and consume much of 
the time of the Legislature, which could be as well employed in the consideration of 
such matters as the constitution has confided to that branch of the government, I would 
respectfully suggest that it might be better for each department of the government to 
be content to confine itself within the sphere of action assigned to it by the constitu- 
tion." 

This message put the Governor's views on the subject of the Legisla- 
ture interfering with pardons in a pointed and unmistakable manner, 
but it did not settle the matter. The members were somewhat taken 
aback at the sharp terms the Executive used, but the practice of going 
to the Legislature when the Governor would not interfere in criminal 
cases had ripened into too fixed a precedent, and was too convenient 
to be readily abandoned. It was a pernicious practice and plainly 
illegal, yet it had been permitted. Gov. Brown was resolved to check 
and if possible stop it entirely. The Legislature clung to the custom. 
A man by the name of John Black had been convicted of murder and 
sentenced to be hung in Habersham. The Legislature passed an act 
commuting the death penalty to life imprisonment. The Governor 



70 ■ STATE AID. 

vetoed the bill in a lengthy message of remarkable ability. The Legis- 
lature in changing the penalty fixed by law to a crime committed in 
violation of the law, after the courts had finally passed upon the criminal, 
made an assumption of the functions of the Judicial by the Legislative 
branch of the government, and it was unconstitutional. To annul the 
judgment of the court and pronounce another judgment was a judicial 
and not a legislative function. The constitution forbids the exercise of 
the powers of one by the other. The Governor went into the question 
elaborately, quoting largely from the authorities to show* that the legis- 
lative power to pardon in murder cases did not carry the power to 
commute. They either had to pardon entirely, or not at all. The 
message was closed with a reference to the facts of the case, and to the 
considerations of public policy involved. If the Legislature was allowed 
to commute as well as pardon, all murder cases would be brought before 
the body, and there would be no more punishments by death for the 
most flagrant murders. The bill was lost in the house after the "Gov- 
ernor's veto by a vote of 27 yeas to 55 nays. 

Among other vetoes that illustrate the Governor's views, was one of 
a bill allowing a number of married women to run business on their own 
account, on the ground of its destroying the unity of marriage. He 
clung to his old-fashioned ideas which he had so strenuously advocated 
and voted for in the Legislature of 1849 when he was a State Senator, 

The subject of state aid to railroads was very fully discussed by this 
Legislature, but finally voted down. The state aid leaders were Mr. 
Speaker Underwood, D, W, Lewis, Mr, Smith and Col. Hardeman. 
The anti-state aid leaders were Mr. Bigham, Col. A. H. Kenan, Mr. G. 
A, Gordon and Col, Jno, Milledge. At that time the aid of the state 
had already been pledged to the Main Trunk and Brunswick railroads 
to a million of dollars. The removal of the state penitentiary from 
Milledgeville to Stone Mountain was fully argued, but finally defeated 
after an able speech against it by Senator L. H, Briscoe, a very brilliant 
young fellow who had been a secretary of the executive department 
under Gov, Johnson. The new counties were created of Wilcox, White, 
Schley, Pierce, Mitchell, Milton, Glasscock and Dawson, The salaries 
of the following officers were increased: Governor from $3,000 to $4,000; 
Judges of Supreme Coiirt, $2,500 to $3,500; Judges of Superior Court, 
$1,800 to $2,500, The practice of biennial sessions w^as also changed 
back to annual sessions, which had been the law before 1840, and the 
sessions were limited to 40 days, unless lengthened by a two-thirds vote 
of the Legislature, 



PETERSON THWEATT. 71 

The Legislature had elected as state house officers, J. B. Trippe, 
Treasurer; E. P. Watkins, Secretary of State, and Peterson Thweatt as 
Comptroller General. Mr. Thweatt deserves special mention. Before 
his administration the reports of the comptroller had been very meager 
affairs. He instituted a system of statistical returns that have been 
invaluable. He improved the collection of taxes, very largely increasing 
the return of taxable property and the revenue of the state. His 
administration of his office was conspicuously able. He is a short, 
very stout little gentleman with some oddities of manner, such as vocif- 
erous whispering to his friends, and a wonderful faculty for hearty 
laiighter; and he was sometimes very irascible, but withal a true-hearted 
and generous gentleman, and as capable and faithful a public officer as 
the state ever had. He was comptroller a long time, but was defeated 
after the war, and could never get his consent to do anything else. 
His soul was in his office, and he clung for years to the hope of return 
to it, but vainly. He had taken his salary during* the war in Georgia 
war notes, which were repudiated, and he spent years getting the legis- 
lature to let him sue the state for his notes. Legislature after legislature 
refused him the privilege, but with indomitable persistence he kept on 
until he succeeded only to have his suit dismissed. Some of his annual 
addresses to the members were remarkable papers, exhausting the 
printer's fonts of quotation marks, italics and capitals; and indulging 
in such a labyrinthine net-work of parentheses as to make his documents 
rhetorical puzzles. 

In his inaugural Gov. Brown devoted much attention to the state 
road. Li 1856 it had paid into the state treasury $43,500. Necessa- 
rily large amounts had been used in equipping the road, but still the 
people grumbled that it was not a source of more revenue to the state. 
On the 1st of January, 1858, Governor Brown appointed John W. 
Lewis, his faithful friend, as superintendent of the road, under an 
order remarkable for its concise comprehensiveness of reform and man- 
agement. It directed cutting expenses, dismissing every supernum- 
erary, reducing salaries the same as on other roads, requiring absolute 
subordination, discharging dissipated employes, using economy, demand- 
ing trip settlements from conductors and weekly settlements from 
depot agents, and paying every dollar of net earnings monthly into 
the treasury. Lewis faithfully carried out his instructions. During 
his administration Gov, Brown paid as high as $400,000 in a single year 
into the treasury. An amusing incident is related that soon after the 
appointment of Dr. Lewis as superintendent, h-e and Gov. Brown were 



7'^ THE STATE ROAD. 

seen walking the track, picking up the iron spikes that were scattered 
and wasting along the line of road. The incident was circulated at 
the time in derision of the picayune economy of the new regime. Of 
course there was no truth in the story, except that the track hands 
were made to not only pick up the large quantity of loose spikes that had 
been left to rust along the line of the road, but all of the waste iron 
was gathered and advertised for sale, and brought the handsome sum 
of 120,000. The incident illustrates Governor Brown's watchfulness 
of the public interest, and to what an extent his vigilance ran to 
details. There was between six and seven hundred tons of this loose 
scrap iron thus collected and sold. 

It forms a curious coincidence of Governor Brown's life that this 
state road which he managed so successfully for the state while he was 
Governor, and whose brilliant and profitable handling made so marked 
a feature of his gubernatorial administration, should have come under his 
control as president of a leasing company that rented it from the state. 
Tlie road seems to have been destined to become an important factor 
in his career. He is to-day the president of the lease company, and 
the road is most ably managed. It is a strange fact that the road has 
never paid much to the state except under his management. As 
Governor he made it pay from three to four hundred thousand dollars a 
year. And its regular rental is now 1300,000 a year. 

One of those mammoth concerns that filled so large a share of South- 
ern attention, but never seemed to have resulted in any practical benefit, 
a Southern Commercial Convention, assembled during this year in 
Montgomery, Alabama, on the second Monday in May. Gov. Brown 
appointed the following delegates which we give in full, as showing who 
were the leading men of the State at this time : 

Delegates from the State at Large. — AVilson Lumpkin, George R. 
Gilmer, Wm. Schley, Geo. W. Crawford, H. V. Johnson, H. Warner, 
Hines Holt, Thomas W. Thomas, C. J. Jenkins, Wm. H. Stiles, Jas. 
Gardner, B. H. Hill, F. H. Cone, L. Stephens, E. A. Nisbet, M. A. 
Cooper, D. J. Bailey, A. H. Chappell, Joel Crawford. 

First District. — A. H. Hansell, P. Cone, E. J. Blackshear, Charles 
Spalding, J. H. Cooper, F. S. Bartow, J. P. Screven, G. P. Harrison, 
Jno. W. Anderson, A. R. Lamar. 

Second District. — Wm. Dougherty,- T. Lomax, J. N. Bethune, J. 
A. Jones, Jr., Jno. A. Tucker, R. H. Clarke, L. M. Felton, A. H. Col- 
quitt, W. A. Hawkins, W. M. BrDwn. 



THE SOUTHEKX COMMERCIAL C0:N"VEXTI0X. id 

y 
Third District. — W. Poe, O. A. Lochrane, W. K. De Graffenned, 

P. W. Alexander, D. P. Hill, C. Peeples, A. F. Owen, Geo. R. Hunter, 

J. D. Watkins, A. R. Moore. 

Fourth District. — E. Y. Hill, L. H. Featherstone, A. J. Boggess, B. 
H. Overby, J, W. Duncan, Robert J. Co wart, J. O. Gartrell, W. C. 
Daniel, Wm. A. Harris, H. Buchanan. 

Fifth District. — Jno. H. Lumpkin, H. V. M. Miller, S. Fouche, Jno. 
A. Jones, W. T. Wofford, Lindsay Johnson, Joseph Pickett, G. J. Fain, 
C. B. Wellborn, Elisha Dyer. 

Sixth District. — Sumner J. Smith, Robert McMillan, Asbury Hull, 
Wm. L. Mitchell, John Billups, Wm. A. Lewis, Jas. P. Simmons, 
Samuel Knox, W. Boyd, S. Reid. 

Seventh District. — Augustus Reese, George R. Jesup, P. Reynolds, 
Miller Grieve, Sr., S. N. Boughton, R. M. Orme, Sr., David W. Lewis, J. 
W. Burney, Robert R. Slappey, Junius Wingfield. 

Eighth District. — Isaiah T. Irwin, Jno. Milledge, Jas. T. Nisbet, 
W. Gibson, Thomas Barrett, A. J. Lawson, A. R. Wright, E. H. Pottle, 
Robert Hester, Dr. W. Willinghara. 

Of these gentlemen Wilson Lumpkin, George R. Gilmer, Wm. 
Schley, Geo. W. Crawford and H. V. Johnson had been Governor of 
the state. Judge F. H. Cone was the founder of the Know-Nothing 
jDarty in Georgia, a man of great power in his day, who had a desperate 
personal conflict with Alexander H. Stephens, in which he cut Mr. 
Stephens badly with a knife. Mark A. Cooper was a wealthy iron 
manufacturer, who was very prominent in Georgia politics. He was 
one of the famous trio of Colquitt, Cooper and Black that in 1840 
revolutionized the politics of the state, and established the Democratic 
party in power. He was a leading candidate for Governor at one time. 
His large fortune was ruiiled by the war, and for many years he has 
been passing his old age in quiet retirement. A. H. Chappell was a 
noted man for many years, a distinguished Congressman. He was 
known for his long speeches,' which tradition says he used to recite in 
advance of their delivery to his faithful horse in his rides horseback. 
It is also told of him that in a courtship after he was sixty years of age, 
while visiting in Monroe county, where the lady lived, he engaged in a 
game of "blind man's buff" with her. The incident is probably not 
true, as Mr. Chappell was a very stately, dignified gentleman, and it 
was likely invented as a piece of campaign badinage. A, R. Lamar has 
been for the last twenty-five years one of the conspicuous editors of 



74 JUA'IUS WINGFIELD. 

the State, conductin';^ the Savannah Georgian and Columbus Times. 
Few men can equal him in his command of a pure, forcible and elegant 
style of writing. He has been one of the men who have labored long 
for party without reward. Wm. Dougherty, who is dead, was the great 
lawyer of his day — a man of wonderful legal ability. He took little 
interest in politics, devoting himself, unseduced by any charm of public 
station, to his profession. He was a strikinglj^ handsome man. W. 
K. De Graffenreid was a lawyer of ability, much above mediocrity. 
He is dead. Cincinnatus Peeples became a judge. He was a large, 
genial gentleman, possessed of unusual speaking talent, with a rich 
vein of humorous illustration. His warm heart and generous impulses 
made him very popular. P. W. Alexander was a power as a journalist, 
editing the Savannah Republican. Asa war correspondent he was the 
most famous one we had in the South. His war letters were models of 
critical accuracy, and clear, forcible descriptiveness. Of all of these 
leading Georgians of two decades back, none of them recall tenderer 
memories of a beautiful manhood than Junius Wingfield of Putnam 
county. He was a gifted lawyer, possessing both high ability and a 
profound knowledge of the law. But the charm of the man was in his 
pure, gentle, lovable nature and spotless moral life. His domestic 
qualities were exquisite. He was one of the few men who to manliness 
and intellect added an almost womanly tenderness of character. He 
died a few years ago. 

Of the hundred gentlemen above recorded seventy of them have 
passed away, and many of them who were conspicuous persons in their 
day, are almost wholly unknown now. Individuals of brain, culture, 
influence and fame as they were then, they have lapsed out of recollec- 
tion, their names buried in unused records of important events. The 
learned judge, the eloquent advocate, the famous orator, the influential 
leader, the honored statesman, the illustrious Chief JMa^istrate, have 
alike been rewarded with the same undiscriminating forgetfulness. 

The Southern Convention that met in Montgomery in 1858, like its 
predecessors, did nothing tangible. Resolutions by the wholesale were 
passed, but no practical scheme was inaugurated for increasing Southern 
power and enlarging Southern independence. Tennessee, Virginia, the 
two Carolinas, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, Texas, Mississippi, Louisiana 
and Delaware were represented. Mr. A. P. Calhoun of South Carolina 
was made President, and Mark A. Cooper of Georgia one of the Vice 
Presidents. Mr. Spratt of South Carolina set the convention wagging 
fiercely upon a proposition to reopen the slave trade. This inflamma- 



SOUTHEHX CONVENTIOjS"S AGEKCIES FOR -DISUNION. 75 

ble issue, and another equally perilous condemning the conference bill 
for the admission of Kansas as a state in the Union, which the entire 
Southern delegation in Congress had taken as the best they could do, 
were the two main topics of discussion. Looking back to that day in the 
calm philosophical retrospection of this, these conventions were simply 
potential agencies for driving sectional differences to an inevitable rup- 
ture and the logical war that followed so swiftly. Wm. L. Yancey of 
Alabama, and Mr. Rhett of South Carolina were the moving spirits of 
this convention. While its members were patriotic, its objects, its delib- 
erations, its conclusions were sectional, irritating and defiant. Compar- 
ing these Southern movements with the Northern abolition aggressions, 
we can see now what we could not realize then, that the Northern cru- 
sade, while fanatical and unreasoning in its zeal, was without local benefit 
to its zealots and embodied the protest of all disinterested civilization 
against slavery. The natural resistance of the South to these extra- 
constitutional assaults upon the chief institution of Southern wealth 
and labor, and the prop of the Southern social polity, was based upon 
local interest, looked to home prosperity. Southern independence of the 
Union, and the withdrawal of Southern business patronage from the 
North. Not only were they thus practically antagonistic to Northern 
interest in their objects, but in their spirit and language they were bit- 
ter against Northern sentiment. They simply therefore fed sectional 
hostility and division. It would be impossible to conceive of more 
powerful instrumentalities of sectional strife. Not so intended by us 
or so regarded by the North, they yet thus resulted. They were an ef- 
fective .part of the preface to the great struggle in which Providence 
had doomed slavery. They were the concentrated utterance, intense, 
open-voiced, impassioned and majestic, of Southern resentment 
against Northern aggression upon slavery, and they both stimulated 
and foreshadowed the inevitable conflict that was coming so soon. 
Even though their final action was legitimate, that could not remove 
the effect of the fiery sectional deliberations that frenzied the very 
fanaticism sought to be thwarted. This Convention met, argued, acted 
and adjourned, but its only legacies were fuel for the impending Revo- 
lution. 



CHAPTER X. 

THE SPIRIT OF 1858 IN GEORGIA. 

The State Judiciary. — Its Personelle — Judge W. B. Fleming and D. F. Hammond only 
Survive in 1881. — H. L. Benning. — The Bank Cases. — E. G. Cabaniss. — A New- 
Fight of the Banks. — What Gov. Brown did as a Bank Reformer. — Brown as a 
Foeraan. — The Cotton Planters' Convention. — The . State Newspapers. — Wm. T. 
Thompson. — Joseph Clisby. — A. R. Lamar. — Deceased Journalists. — Legislative 
Dots. — The State Road and Brown's Sweeping Reforms — John A. Tucker — John 
E. Ward. — Henry R. Jackson and his magnificent address upon tlie Expansion of 
American Empire and its effect on Southern Institutions, 

The composition of the Georgia judiciary in 1858 was as follows : 

/Supreme Court. — Joseph H. Lumpkin, Chas. J, McDonald, Henry 
L. Benning, 

Superior Courts. — Brunswick Circuit, A. E. Cochran; Blue Ridge 
Circuit, Geo. D. Rice; Chattahooche Circuit, E. H. Worrell; Cherokee 
Circuit, R. Trippe; Coweta Circuit, 0. A. Bull; Eastern Circuit, W. B. 
Fleming; Flint Circuit, E. G. Cabaniss; Macon Circuit, A. P. Powers; 
Middle Circuit, W. W. Holt ; Northern Circuit, James Thomas'; Ocmulgee 
Circuit, R. V. Hardeman; Pataula Circuit, David J. Kiddoo; Southern 
Circuit, Peter E. Love; South-western Circuit, Alex A. Allen; Talla- 
poosa Circuit, Dennis F. Hammond; Western Circuit, N. L. Hutchins. 

Of these officials all of the gentlemen who were Justices of the 
Supreme Court are dead, and fourteen out of the sixteen Superior 
Coui't Judges. The only living ones of this array of judicial talent 
are Judge W. B, Fleming, who is now Judge of the Eastern Circuit, 
and very old, and Dennis F. Hammond, who lives in Atlanta, in fine 
law practice and vigorous health. Judge Hammond is a gentleman of 
peculiar and original character, and has been perhaps as strong a man 
physically as we have ever had in Georgia. A thick-set, massive 
frame of iron strength, backed b}?- a most resolute will and a most 
remarkable volubility of words in talk, belongs to him. While he is a 
preacher as well as lawyer, he belongs to the church militant, and has 
been ever ready to enforce his spiritual expoundings upon refractory 
subjects with a physical drubbing. The anecdotes of his ready and 
irresistible combativeness are numerous and racy. Nature never made 
a sincerer or kinder or a more stubborn spirit. Judge Fleming has 
been an upright and able Judge, and has the gratificatioa of serving on 



HENEY L. BEXNIXG. 77 

the bench of the Eastern Circuit, while he has a son equally able and 
respected, who presides in the Albany Circuit, Judge William O. 
Fleming. Judge Henry L. Benning, of the Supreme Bench, was a very 
marked man in Georgia. He made a gallant record as a Brigadier 
General in the late war. He won for himself the sturdy soubriquet of 
" Old Rock." He was a man of absolutely crystal truth. He had a 
candor and directness proverbial. He spoke with a low, guttural tone 
and a syllabic precision, that heightened the idea of his manly force of 
character. He was able to take unpopular positions without loss of 
respect, so strong was the confidence in his sincerity. A very strong 
effort was made in the General Assembly of 1858 to strike down " Old 
Rock." The suit of Beall vs. Robinson, from Muscogee county, was a 
case involving the liability of the stockholders of a broken bank for 
bills that had been issued. Judge Benning was the son-in-law of Col. 
Seaborn Jones, a stockholder, and had been attorney for Gen. D, 
McDonald, another large stockholder of another bank. He presided 
in the case and gave decision against the bill-holders. A petition was 
presented to the General Assembly urging the body to take some 
action against Judge Benning, and a resolution was introduced in the 
Senate advising and requesting Judge Benning and McDonald to 
resign their offices. The matter created a good deal of feeling, but the 
Senate voted to lay the resolution on the table for the balance of the 
session by a vote of 67 yeas to 45 nays. Judge Benning had been 
urged not to preside in the case, as it was similar to cases in which his 
client and his father-in-law had been interested. He presided because 
he deemed it his duty not to shirk his responsibility, and in the decis- 
ion he explains this very urgency of his duty. The famous lawyer, 
William Dougherty, was the moving power in these cases, and he 
inspired the hostile proceedings in the legislature. The incident 
unjustly did great injury to Judge Benning a long time, which he 
keenly felt. And after the war, when he was defeated for the Supreme 
Bench in the legislature by Dawson A. Walker, it was through the 
active agency of Mr. Douglierty on account of this very decision, 
Dougherty declaring that he would support Benning for Governor, or 
anything else, but he should not go on the Supreme Bench if he could 
help it. Benning, who was a man of sensitive honor, though of 
unbending will, afterwards declined to allow Gov. Smith to appoint 
him Judge of the Supreme Court, because he considered the action of 
the legislature in defeating him as a condemnation of his course in the 
Beall-Robinson matter. 



78 CONTIlSrUED BATTLE OF THE BANKS. 

Of the judges mentioned Judge E. G. Cabaniss had a high measure 
of public esteem and influence. He was a very conservative public man 
of solid sense, and the personal consequence that belongs to careful 
judgment and scrupulous conscience. He belonged to that class of 
citizens known as " safe " men, clear-headed and calm-tempered. 
Judo-e Powers of the Macon Circuit soon resigned, and Gov. Brown ap- 
pointed in his place for the interim Henry G. Lamar, who had been so 
prominent in the gubernatorial contest that resulted in Gov. Brown's 
nomination. . 

During the year 1858 the banks resumed specie payment long before 
the time specified for resumption in November, but some twenty of the 
banks failed to make the semi-annual return on the 1st of June required 
under the law of the suspension. Upon the failure of the banks to do 
this the law required the Governor to issue proclamation publishing the 
names of the delinquent banks, and notifying the Treasurer not to re- 
ceive their bills. This the Governor did, and when the Legislature met 
in November his message was largely taken up with a continued dis- 
cussion of the Bank question. The battle of the Executive with the 
banks had not ended. Popular sentiment had overwhelmingly backed 
the Governor, but the banks were strong and defiant, and in the exist- 
ing condition of the law they were powerful and independent. There 
was no formidable penalty attached to their disobedience of executive 
authority, and .they had under the statutes as they were, in some cases 
issued as high as fifteen dollars for one, or at least previous returns so 
showed. Gov. Brown has always been a perilous foeman, never hold- 
ing up while he could strike upon a resisting antagonist. If the bank 
authorities supposed for a moment they could successfully and with 
impunity defy him in his official authority they were sadly mistaken. 
He came back with renewed vim. He discussed the whole question 
with great ability. He urged that the banks be required to pay a pen- 
alty of two per cent, a month upon their capital stock while they dis- 
obeyed the statute, which is now the law. He also held up to light im- 
perfections of the banking system, which needed correction. Reviewing 
this acrimonious agitation, recalling the abuses that had crept into our 
bank system, and estimating the value of the reforms made in conse- 
quence of the stubborn fight of our resolute young Executive 
against the combined capital of the state in that memorable session of 
1857-8, it will be seen that a very large amount of good was accom- 
plished and a substantial service was rendered to the people. Before 
this the state treasury had suffered a loss of over half a million of dollars 



COTTON planters' CONVENTION. 79 

on account of the Central bank and Darien bank. Besides, numerous 
financial panics in which the banks were controlling agencies had 
brought upon the citizens of the state individual loss-. Gov. Brown was 
the direct cause of a wholesome and sweeping reform in our whole 
scheme of banking, a reform going to the very vitals of our prosperity, 
affecting commerce and agriculture. He so clearly and forcibly brought 
to Kght the evils of the then existing system, and he was so unyielding 
in pressing their reform, that a permanent change for the better was 
effected through his powerfu.1 instrumentality. 

During the year 1858 a Cotton Planters' Convention was held in 
Milledgeville on the 8th of June, of which Howell Cobb was President, 
and Gen. B. H. Rutherford and Gen, J. W. Armstrong, Vice-Presi- 
dents. This convention illustrates the spirit of the South in that day 
to organizations for Southern benefit. Mr. Cobb addressed the conven- 
tion, stating its objects. Committees were appointed on the following 
subjects, comprehensive enough, it miist he admitted: 1. The Cotton 
PoAver. 2. Cotton Power as an American Power. 3. Cotton Power as 
a Southern Power. 4. Cotton Power as a Union Power. 5. Cotton 
Power as a Peace Power. 6. Cotton Power as an anti- Abolition Power. 
7. Direct Trade with Foreign Countries. The cooperation of other 
states was invited, and the convention adjourned to Septembei-, when it 
re-assembled in ]\Iacon. Some reports were made, and the convention 
adjourned subject to the call of the chairman without any action. 

•Among the leading papers in the state at this time were the Savannah 
N'ews, W. T. Thompson, editor; Savannah Ilepiiblican, J. R. Sneed; 
Macon Telegraph, J. Clisby; Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, Wm. 
Smythe; Augusta Constitutionalist, James Gardner; Columbus Times 
and Sentinel, P. H. Colquitt and James W. Warren; Federal V)iion, 
S. M. Boughton; Southern Recorder, R. M. Orme; Atlanta Intelli- 
gencer,* A. A. Gaulding; Griffin Empire State, J. H. Steele; Macon 
State Press^ Calhoun Georgia Platform^' Cartersville Express; Cass- 
ville Standard; Griffin Independent South; Wire Grass Pejjorter; 
Columbus Enquirer, John H. Martin; Savannah Georgian, A. R. 
Lamar; Athens 'Watchman; Newnan Banner and Sentinel; Albany 
Patriot; Columbus Corner Stone, Gen. J. N. Bethune; Bainbridge 
Argus; Lagrange Reporter, C. H. C. Willingham; Madison Family 
Visitor; Bainbridge Southern Georgian; Dalton Times, T. R. Chris- 
tian; South- IVest JVews'; Lumpkin Pcdladium, Dr. J. C. C. Blackburn; 
Temperance Crusader; Athens Panner; Sumter Repidylicccn, C. W. 
Hancock. Of the editors then ruling the Georgia press there are liv- 



80 THE GEORGIA PRESS IN 1858. 

ing, W. T. Thompson, still in charge of the Savannah JSTeios; J. Clisby, 
yet at the head of the Macon Telegraph; James W. Warren is Sec- 
retary in the Executive Department and a most polished writer; J. H. 
Martin, A. R. Lamar and Gen. J. N. Bethune are out of journalism; 
Dr. J. C. C. Blackburn is editing the Madisonian at Madison; J. R. 
Sneed is in the city of Washington, filling the place of Assistant Post- 
master of the Senate. Col. Thompson won an enduring fame as a 
natural humorist by the publication of that inimitable book, " Major 
Jones' Courtship." But he had more than humorous power. A gen- 
tleman of strong convictions and decided views, he was an able polit- 
ical editor. Jos. Clisby of the Telegraph is one of the most versatile 
and graceful writers of the Georgia press. Some of his writings have 
been marked by a remarkable grace and a vein of delicate humor. A. 
R. Lamar was one of the purest writers of English that we have ever 
had on the Georgia papers. J. H. Martin has wielded a simple but vig- 
orous style, and been noted for a judicial sort of conservatism in polit- 
ical commentary. Dr. Blackburn was a facile writer, and flourishes a 
ready sparkling pen to this day. C. W. Hancock is still publishing the 
Sumter Me2niblica7i, one of the best papers in the state, and is a vigor- 
ous and versatile editor. Mr. C. H. C. AVillingham is now editing the 
Cart^rsville Free T'ress^. and is to-day as he was twenty-five years ago 
one of the boldest and most graceful writers in our sta,te journalism. 

Of the deceased editors, Jas. Gardner, Wm. Smythe, S. M. Boughton, 
R. M. Orme and J. H. Steele were all editors of state repute as experi- 
enced, aggressive and capable political controversialists, — men that bore 
themselves gallantly in the memorable campaigns of those days, giving 
hard blows and upholding their respective sides with bright capacity and 
rare vigor. The Milledgeville papers, though weeklies, were powers 
then, having large and general state circulation, and wielding great 
influence. Both Mr. Boughton of the Union and Mr. Orme of the 
Recorder were editors of unusual ability, and their bouts were marked 
by incisive force and a fine grasp of political argument. 

The session of the General Assembly of 1858 has been touched upon 
in connection with the bank matter. Among the changes that had 
taken place in the body, Mr. Cumbie, the representative of Baker 
county, had been cut of£ in the formation of the new county of Mitchell, 
and Alfred H. Colquitt, the present Executive of Georgia, was elected 
as the representative from Baker. In the middle of the session, Mr. 
John E. Ward, the senator from Chatham county, and the president of 
the senate was appointed the United States minister to China, and re- 



RELIGION ON THE STATE ROAD. 81 

signed his place. Mr. T. L. Guerry was elected president, and Mr. 
Wm. H. Stiles was returned from Chatham county, as its senator. 
The new counties of Banks, Brooks, Johnson, Echols and Quitman 
were created at this session, making thirteen new counties formed by 
this General Assembly. A bill was introduced and excitedly discussed 
to. lease the state road. It is a curious coincidence that in his mes- 
sage, Gov, Brown, in discussing the state road, maintained its great 
value and remunerativeness, and avowed that as a private citizen, he 
would be ready to lease the road and bind himself to pay $25,000 a 
month to the state for a long term of years. This very arrangement he 
afterwards consummated and is now executing. In spite of Gov.Brown's 
succes.^iful management of the road, the opposition press fought him 
savagely upon it. He persisted in his policy, cutting down every ex- 
pense, keeping the road in good order, and paying monthly into the 
treasury large sums, until the opposition were silenced, and reluctant 
enmity was obliged to accord to him a great practical triumph of rail- 
road government. 

Every species of detraction was employed against him. He had ap- 
pointed as solicitor general of the Cherokee Circuit, in the place of J. C. 
Longstreet, deceased. Col. J. A. R. Hanks, who belonged to the Bap- 
tists and sometimes preached. A howl was raised against Gov. Brown, 
on the ground that he was giving a monopoly of his official patronage to 
his Baptist brethren, and the charge was made that he had stocked the 
state road with this favored persuasion. Some statistical employes of 
the state road undertook to vindicate the Governor from this accusa- 
tion, and published a table showing the religious complexion of the road 
force. There were 7 Lutherans, 60 Missionary Baptists, 12 Primitive 
Baptists, 5 Campbellite Baptists, 31 Presbyterians, 57 Methodists, 8 
Episcopalians, and 15 Catholics. This exploded the charge. There 
were many personal inducements for opposition to the Governor, in his 
administration of the road. He had made an entire change of manage- 
ment ill the force from superintendent down, thus creating an intense 
enmity in the discharged employes. The public complaint because the 
road had paid so little money into the treasury, under previous admin- 
istrations had been so great, that the Governor deemed it best to estab- 
lish a new regime. Again, the leading politicians of the state had 
enjoyed the privilege of free passes upon the road, and Gov. Brown cut 
off this, to the great dissatisfaction of the favored gentlemen. In se- 
lecting officers to run the road, he appointed men solely on his 
knowledge of their qualifications, and without regard to ap^Dlication or 



82 SPEECH OF GEN. HEjSTEY E. JACKSOiST. 

endorsement, frequently tendering places to men who had not applied. 
The clamor of disappointed applicants thus added volume to the oppo- 
sition. But the Governor had resolved to make the road a paying in- 
stitution, and he pushed this purpose to completion, with his accustomed 
judgment and decision. The petty fuss against his reform, was soon 
lost in the great current of popular appreciation of his genuine public 
service. " Nothing succeeds like success " has a profound truth in it. 
A state income from the road of $200,000 the first year, and $300,000 
the second, and $400,000 the third, was an argument well calculated to 
silence grumblers and please the people. 

The Governor in every matter that came under his control had an eye 
to promoting the State's interest. There was a large amount of the state 
school fund lying idle in the treasury. He deposited it with the Bank 
of Savannah until the time came to pay it out under the law, under an 
arrangement that brought the nice little sum of $6,000 interest into the 
treasury. Under previous administrations, beginning with Gov. Geo. W. 
Crawford, a Whig executive, some twelve years before, who set the prec- 
edent, the practice was to publish executive proclamations in only one 
of the papers at the seat of government, selecting the organ of the 
party in power. Gov. Brown broke this custom, giving the proclama- 
tions to both papers. 

It was during the year 1858 that a gentleman of very considerable 
repute, John A. Tucker, of Terrell county, committed suicide. He was 
a man of strong natural talent, without culture, of great local influence 
and state prominence. He took his own life in one of the moods of 
melancholy superinduced by occasional dissipation to which he was 
addicted. It was also during this year that a very general cattle dis- 
ease prevailed, a sort of sore tongue among cows, that seized every- 
thing, but was not very fatal. 

This year saw a distinguished Georgian, Hon. John E. Ward, selected 
as the United States minister to China, while another equally distin- 
guished Georgian, Hon. Henry R. Jackson, had returned to his home in 
Savannah, after brilliant service as United States minister to Austria. 
Mr. Jackson was invited to address the Legislature on public matters, 
ana did so on the evening of the 23d of November, 1858, in a speech of 
remarkable eloquence and power, on the theme of the " Extension of 
American Empire, and its Effect on Southern Institutions." It was a 
masterly vindication of the idea of territorial expansion, and abounded 
in passages of impassioned and beautiful rhetoric. The Federal Union 
in speaking of the address, said, " that golden thread of poesy, which 



SPEECH OF GE?r. HENRY R. JACKSOIST. 83 

in other days linked his soul to the beautiful and the good of earth, 
still shines through the inner, and sways the sweet influences of the 
outer man." The following passage will give an idea of the exquisite 
eloquence of this address : 

" First and foremost among men, Washington, declining to place a crown upon his 
own brow, immaterialized the principle of government, taking it out of material forms 
and placing it in the abstract law. There it stands, cold jet pure, unsympathizing yet 
incorruptible, a crowned abstraction, holding the scepter <jf empire in its pulseless hand, 
the constitution of these United States. (Cheers.) Sublime reflection! that the 
American citizen is the subject only of thought. Exalting prerogative ! that wherever 
or whoever he may be, whether seated in the executive mansion, the nation's chief, or 
following his plow in the broad blaze of the noon-day sun in the solitude of the Western 
wilderness, he recognizes no material medium between himself and the soul of all 
thought, of all law, of all truth, and that when he kneels he kneels alone to his God ! 
(Cheers.)" 

He thus concluded in a storm of ajDplause : 

"Not yours the vast commercial emporium with its countless temptations to corrup- 
tion and crime ; not yours the ancient capitol, enriched by the accumulated hoards of 
lapsed ages of enervating time ; not yours the luxurious palace, adorned with the works 
of semi-sensual art ; but yours at last is The State, in the simple words, but sublime 
thought of the poet : 

' What constitutes a State ? 
Not high-raised battlement, nor labored mound, 
Huge walls nor moated gate. 
Nor cities proud with spire, and turret-crowned ; ■ 
Nur starred and spangled courts 
Where low-born baseness wafts perfume to pride, 
But men, strong minded men. 
Men who their duties know, but know their rights. 
And knowing, dare maintain. 
These constitute a State !' " 



CHAPTER XL 

GOVERNOR BROWN'S SUPERB PUBLIC ENDORSEMENT 
AND RENOMINATION. 

The Codification of Georgia Law. — Thomas R. R. Cobb. — The Universal Demand for 
Gov. Brown's Re-election. — The Unknown Gaddistowner, the Master of the State 
in Twelve Months. — The Unparalleled Torrent of Popular Puaise. — Some of the 
Royal Voicings of Press and People. — Wonderful and Unprecedented Tributes. 
— A Monotony of Encomium. — The Democratic Nominating Convention. — Its 
Persouelle. — John B. Walker's Plashing Speech. — Formalities Dispensed With- 
— Brown Renominated in a Unanimous Wliirlwind. — The Exquisite Lnpromptu 
Speech of Henry R. Jackson. — A Gem of Eloquence. — Brown Brouglit In — A Re- 
markable Acceptance. — Resolves to make no Canvass. 

It was at this time that the important work of the codification of our 
laws began. The General Assembly elected as Codifiers, ex-Gov. 
Herschell V. Johnson, ex-Judge David Irwin, and Judge Iverson L. 
Harris, at that time presiding over the Ocmulgee Circuit. Judge Har- 
ris was a citizen of Milledgeville, a lawyer of great ability and high 
character, who was afterwards elevated to the Supreme Bench. He 
was a gentleman of purity of nature and very positive and conscientious. 
He and ex-Gov. Johnson declined the duty, and Gov. Brown with ad- 
mirable judgment appointed Judge Richard H. Clark and Thomas R. 
R. Cobb in their places. Mr. Cobb was the brother of Hon. Howell 
Cobb and one of the leading lawyers of the state. He possessed both 
high order of intellect and an elegant culture. He was also a man of 
herculean capacity for work. His industry was tireless. He had been 
for years reporter of the Supreme Court, was author of a Digest of 
Georgia law, and an erudite work on the Law of Slavery. He was a 
man of deep religious feeling and an elder in the Presbyterian church. 
He was also a professor in the Lumpkin law school at Athens. The 
Code was finished and adopted in 1860, to go into effect on the 1st day 
of January, 1862. A legislative committee consisting of Hines Holt, 
Dan'l S. Printup and W. W. Paine of the Senate, and Geo. N. Lester, 
Isham S. Fannin, W. G. Delon}^, M. W. Lewis, C. N. Broyles and C. 
J. Williams of the House examined and reported in favor of the code. 
The work was an extensive, original and unprecedented accomplish- 
ment, embodying in concise and symmetrical form the vast body of 



THE GUBEBNATOEIAL SUCCESSION^. 85 

common and statutory law in force in the state with the judicial expo- 
sition of the same. In 1863 the Code was remodeled to conform to the 
Confederate Constitution. In 1867 a revision of the Code was made by 
David Irwin, covering the changes made since the surrender, including 
the Constitution of 1865, and this revised Code was examined and re- 
ported upon by a committee of citizens, appointed by Gov. Jenkins un- 
der a resolution of the General Assembly, composed of Gen. Andrew J. 
Hansell, Col. Logan E. Bleckley and Col. Nathaniel J. Hammond. 
This has been known as the Code of 1868. The last revision of the 
Code was in 1873, by David Irwin, Geo. N. Lester and Walter B. Hill, 
and the examination of it was done by the Attorney General of the 
state, Hon. N. J. Hammond, under direction of a resolution of the Gen- 
eral Assembly of 1872. This revision contained the Constitution of 
1868, and the supreme court decisions and the statute laws up to 1873. 

In the beginning of the year 1859 the agitation of the gubernatorial 
succession commenced. The convention was called for June. The 
whole drift of democratic preference was for Governor Brown. No 
Executive in the history of the state has ever made such an impression 
upon the people. His establishment and maintenance of leadership 
was something phenomenal. His clutch of the popular heart was a 
miracle of personal achievement. His fierce strifes of public policy 
and sturdy championship of the public interest had rooted him deep 
and fixed in the affections and admiration of the masses. His popu- 
larity was so pronounced that no democrat allowed his name to be 
canvassed in opposition to the people's manifest desire for Brown. It 
must be considtered that at this time it was but a little more than 
a year since he had been sprung, an unknown man, upon the people of 
the whole state. Yet in this brief time, in spite of inexperience and 
the drawbacks of his obscurity, he had by his iron force of character, 
magnificent genius of common-sense, and inborn statesmanship, im- 
pressed himself upon the commonwealth as a vital, foremost, irresistible 
public leader, the uncontested and dominant master of the state. It 
was a proud work. 

The spontaneous utterances of the press, and the unprompted resolu- 
tions of county meetings in all parts of the state testify strikingly to 
the public estimate placed upon Governor Brown after this one short 
year of public service as chief magistrate. It was a realization of the 
ancient fable of the consummate Minerva springing full armed and 
matured at birth from the brain of Jove. "Without the usual appren- 
ticeship in public life, he had shown himself a full-grown statesman. 



86 PRESS ENDORSEMENTS OF GOV. BROWN. 

handling the great and complicated affairs of state government with 
unsurpassable ability. Some of the endorsements of him are remark- 
able. Col. W. A. Lewis of Forsyth Co., who had opposed Brown, 
wrote to the Lawrenceville News that " he cordially endorsed Gov. 
Brown's administration of the affairs of the state." Hon. Wm. H. 
Stiles, who was before the last convention, saw his name mentioned in 
the " Southern Confederacy," at Atlanta, as a probable candidate for 
Governor. He published a brief letter, saying, " I have no desire to 
disturb an administration which, so far at least as the public prints 
indicate, seems to afford such general satisfaction." In a very strong 
editorial Dr. Blackburn of the Lumpkin Palladium used these incisive 
sentences: 

" His Excellency, Governor Brown, has, as we predicted in an editorial of May last, 
when the bank organs of the state were hunting him down with blood-hound ferocity, 
proven himself fully competent to discharge the duties of Governor of a great and 
growing commonwealth, and now is entitled to the jjroud epithet of being the model 
Governor of this Union. He is a safe custodian of the people's honor, a fearless 
exponent of correct principles, and a safe keeper of the mighty resources of the Empire 
state. He has by his fearless course forced his traducers to acknowledge his adminis- 
trative capability. He is our only choice for Governor for the next term, and we believe 
that we but reflect the honest sentiments of four-fifths of the Democracy of South- 
western Georgia." 

The Columbus Times used this forcible language: 

" The administration of Joseph E. Brown has been from the period of his inauguration 
to the present moment, successful and satisfactory to the people. We need not refer to 
the acts of his administration in proof of what Ave say — we need not allude to his bold, 
independent course in displacing officers — adhering to true and correct principles, and his 
successful management of the state affairs, to vindicate us in awarding to him what 
justice demands. We mean simply to echo the sentiments of the people in wishing the 
shafts of malice thrown at him to be broken, and that he will remain another term in the 
office which he now fills with so much credit to his party and honor to his state." 

The Milledgeville Recorder, the uncompromising organ of the oppo- 
sition, in the following paragraph of bitter sarcasm bore unconscious 
testimony to the Governor's influence: 

" It is known that Gov. Brown has won an enviable reputation as an honest man, 
especially in a financial point of view, and the knowledge and belief of it was quite 
visible upon the legislature. For it was a noticeable fact, that whenever a bill or resolu- 
tion that had for its intention the appropriation or paying out of money, it was 
immediately suggested that it be referred to the Governor to do as he thought best. In 
other words, the legislature seemed willing to shift all responsibility, and dodge behind 
the accredited honesty of the Governor." 

The Macon Telegraph stated emphatically: 



milledgeville's eemaekable tribute. 87 

" It 13 universally conceded that the people, or ninety-nine in one hundred, at least, of 
the democracy are favorable to the re-nomination of Gov. Brown." 

These are specimens of the complimentary endorsement that the party 
press of that day gave Gov. Brown. It was, however, in the resolutions 
of the county meetings that popular approval seems to have uttered its 
most ardent expressions. At a democratic meeting held in Milledgeville 
in March, presided over by Col. D. C. Campbell, a committee composed 
of Judge I. L. Harris, M. D. McComb, F. G. Grieve, Dr. W. A. Jarratt 
and D. P. Brown, reported the following extraordinary resolutions, 
which were unanimously adopted, and constitute as powerful a public 
tribute as any public man ever received: 

" The year 1859 is destined, politically, in Georgia in some respects from appearances 
to be remarkable. Within the memory of the eldest among us, the high honor of being 
the Governor of the state has never been won and worn without a severe, and most 
usually, a bitter party contest. It has not unfrequently, also, been a matter of difficulry 
to ascertain the choice of the people, and hence the necessity which has hitherto existed 
for conventions to collect, concentrate and reflect their will. 

" In the ranks of the democratic party there is no contest for this high oiBce; if there 
have b§en any aspirations for it, they have been hushed in the general voice of the 
people of Georgia. One name — one person only is thought of — talked of for Governor. 
It is folly, — it is worse, — it would be madness, to attempt to frustrate that will that 
makes itself so unmistakably and audibly heard. Of the people — he is emphatically at 
this time the favorite of the people. 

" It will be, we think, the peculiar good fortune of Gov. Brown, though he should again 
be presented by the democratic party for re-election — to meet with an acceptance from 
the state at large, which it never was the lot of any of his many distinguished prede- 
cessors to secure. Such an event — a probability "most likely to occur — is strikingly 
suggestive. Can it be otherwise than that his administration of the executive depart- 
ment has been singularly wise, prudent, just, vigilant, firm and energetic, and in 
accordance with the pulsations of the popular heart, to have commanded, as it has done, 
such an unwonted popular approval. 

" Compelled by official duty to reside within our limits, the citizens of Baldwin county 
cheerfully bear testimony to the modest, affable and unpretending deportment, and to 
the plain, simple, republican habits of this distinguished citizen of the Cherokee section 
of Georgia, by which he has secured our affections and esteem." 

This magnificent and spontaneous encomium, unlike the hackneyed 
formalism of such occasions, coming from the source that it did, 
extorted as it was by sheer merit and the luster of unembellished deed, 
giving exalted precedence to the simple man of the people above a long 
line of aristocratic and brilliant predecessors, was indeed such a grand 
public recognition as few men deserve and fewer obtain. The Democ- , 
racy of Talbot county resolved, " That the wisdom and unwavering 
firmness of his excellency Gov. Brown, his upright and judicious admin- 



88 COUNTY ENDORSEMENTS OF GOV. BROWN. 

istration of state government, his practical and praiseworthy manage- 
ment of public j)roperty, his guardian protection of the people's every 
interest in his hands, not only warrant his continuance in office, but 
command the respect and admiration of every true Georgian." The 
democrats of the plucky county of Campbell instructed their delegates 
" To go for Brown first, Brown last, and Brown all the time, and never 
to surrender ' our choice ' to the factious opposition of a minority having 
personal injuries to redress and avenge." L. B. Watts was chairman ' 
of the meeting, and Dr. T. C. Glover chairman of the committee that 
reported these pointed words, Butts county declared that " the admin- 
istration of Gov. Brown meets with unanimous approval." B. F. Ward 
was chairman, and the committee, A. Taliaferro, C. S. Foster, E. Var- 
ner, Thomas McKibben and J. Carmichael. The Wilkinson county 
democracy said that Gov. Brown's administration had " met with the cor- 
dial approbation of almost all parties throughout the state." In a Cobb 
county meeting presided over by Judge Rice, T. H. Moore, chairman of 
committee, reported resolutions declaring " that Joseph E. Brown is the 
people's choice, and they will be content with no other," and t^hat a 
convention was unnecessary. Cherokee and Stewart counties had 
rousing meetings. In the Stewart gathering. Judge James Clarke 
speaking used this slashing language: "Joseph E. Brown at the com- 
mencement of the last political campaign was called in derision ' the 
Cherohee cow driver; ' he has proved himself the driver out of the 
plunderers of youl- country; the driver out of dishonesty in high places; 
the driver out by his intrepid vetoes of vicious and corrupt legislation; 
and the driver out of those exclusive privileges by which one set of men 
are enabled to enslave another." And he added this applauded compli- 
ment : " Brown has proved himself as thoroughly made of hickory as 
Old JTicJcory himself.'''' The Pulaski county democracy resolved to sup- 
port '■'■Honest Joe Brown.'''' In Washington county a meeting presided 
over by Gen. T. J. Warthen, with J. N. Gilmore and Evan P. Howell as 
secretaries, adopted unanimously a graceful and vigorous set of resolu- 
tions reported by a committee composed of Col. James S. Hook, 
Thomas O. Wicker, Beverly D, Evans, Jno. Kittrell and W. G. Robson. 
The resolutions bear the mark of having been written by that writer 
and speaker of unusual power. Colonel, afterwards Judge Jas. S. Hook, 
one of the ablest lawyers and purest citizens of the state. The follow- 
ing resolution is a glowing encomium upon Gov. Brown. 

" Rpsnlfpd, Tlint the administration of Gov. Brown stands out in its own solid, yet 
unpretending grandeur, a splendid monument of high intellectual sagacity and moral 



CASS COUNTY ALONE ANTI-BROWN. 89 

heroism, reminding us most vividly of the stern and manly virtues of those noble and 
great men who illustrate the early history of the republic." 

The Merriwether county Democracy complimented Gov. Brown's 
" watchful guardianship." Wilcox county deemed it " but an act of 
sheer justice" to renominate him; Appling county declared him "the 
man who was not afraid to throw' himself between the frowns of the cor- 
porations and the people's interest." Muscogee county, in a meeting 
presided over by Wiley Williams, declared that Gov. Brown " is our first 
choice." Even Chatham county, the central point of the bank influ- 
ence, endorsed Gov. Brown's administration as a whole. 

The endorsements above selected are taken from an unbroken current 
of commendation, that the people of the' state gave to Gov. Brown. No 
public man has ever been so endorsed. There was almost literally no 
dissent in the Democratic party. Fulton county at first seemed divided 
upon Gov. Brown, there being many disappointed state road ex- 
employes in Atlanta, but a public meeting decided overwhelmingly for 
Brown. Polk county sent a divided delegation to the convention. 
And Cass county alone sent an anti-Brown delegation headed by a dis- 
charged railroad official. The Wire Grass Reporter with a grim humor, 
said editorially, " We were really getting a little wearied and jaded at 
the everlasting resolution, recurring in every county, pronouncing in 
favor of the renomination of Joseph E. Brown, until we came to Cass. 
Here we found a change come over the spirit of the meeting; a new 
sensation sprung cjuite refreshing amid the Brown monotony; a new 
' hu-r-r-ah,' reminding us strongly of Rip Van Winkle's approach to the 
whig meeting after his thirty years' nap, swinging his beaver and huz- 
zaing for old King George; and like Rip if the Cass boys do not get 
hustled for it, we shall wonder." Even some of the opposition press - 
were for Gov. Brown. The Sumter Repuhlican, edited by Mr. Han- 
cock, was for calling an American state convention, but urged that the 
convention should endorse Gov. Brown. 

The Democratic convention, assembled in Milledgeville, on the 15th of 
June, 1858. It was a very large and able body. There were 405 dele- 
gates from 117 counties. Among them were Gen. Henry R. Jackson, 
and Hon. Julian Hartridge of Savannah, Hon. James Jackson of Clarke, 
Gen. William Phillips of Cobb, Milton A. Candler of Dekalb, E. W. Chas- 
tain of Fannin, Logan E. Bleckley of Fulton, Daniel S. Printup of 
Rome, W. A. Lofton of Jasper, F. H. West of Lee, Samuel Hall of 
Macon, Randolph Spaulding of Mcintosh, T. P. Saffold of Morgan, 
Porter Ingram of Muscogee, H. Fielder of Polk, L. J. Aired of Pickens, 



90 THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1858. 

Dr, J. C. C. Blackburn of Stewart, W. A. Hawkins of Sumter, D. 
N. Speer of Troup, C. J. Wellborn of Union, E. H. Pottle of Warren, 
George Hillyer of Walton, J. A. R. Hanks and W. K. Moore of 
Whitfield, Gen. T. J. Warthen and T. O. Wicker of Washington, and 
Hon. James L. Seward of Thomas. 

The business went through with a rush in this large convention. The 
party had spoken with an emphasis and a unanimity rarely seen. The 
great gathering was merely met to record the popular will. The ordi- 
nary formalities were brushed aside. Mr. Steele moved to dispense 
with the calling the list of delegates and go to business, and it was 
promptly done. Col. John A. Jones moved ' a committee on organiza- 
tion. E. W. Chastain moved that John B. Walker be made president 
by acclamation, and it went through like a flash. Mr. Walker was a 
farmer, but he made a ripping little speech. Modestly claiming to be 
no presiding officer, he glittered out in a rare succession of eloquent 
utterances. Said he, warming up: 

" We have not assembled here, gentlemen, to discuss our political creed, to repair 
our political platform, to add a plank to it, or take one from it. No, gentleruen, we feel 
that our old political platform is one so durable, that time may wither at its base, 
eternity play around its summit. We have come here to place upon that old political 
platform a man that is worthy of our full and entire confidence, and who will secure 
the popular vote of the state." 

He closed in a whirlwind of applause. Several motions were made 
for a business committee, but the body was in no mood for formalities. 
Hon. James L. Seward offered a crisp trio of resolutions. The first 
reaffirmed the Cincinnati platform of 1856; the second endorsed Pres- 
ident Buchanan; the third was as follows: 

" Resolved, That the honesty, fidelity and ability which Joseph E. Brown has mani- 
fested, as the Executive of Georgia, entitles him to the confidence of the whole people 
of the state, and we hereby nominate him by acclamation, as the candidate of the dem- 
ocratic party of Georgia for the next Governor." 

The first and third resolutions were immediately adopted unani- 
mously. The second resolution about Buchanan was adopted by 371 
yeas to 34 nays. Hon. Henry R. Jackson was called on by the conven- 
tion for a speech. Rising in response to the call, Mr. Jackson began 
in that musical, tremulous, penetrating voice that so well suited the 
exquisite diction and eloquent thought that marked his speeches. 

" And what am I to say, Mr. President, in response to a call so flattering to my vanity, 
but at the same time so wholly unexpected by me. Indeed tlie occasion for a speech 
would seem to have passed, when by its action tliis convention has already announced 
the almost universal thought. I seize upon the mouient, then, not for argument but for 



GEN, HENRY E. JACKSOn's ELOQUENT SPEECH. 91 

congratulation that argument has been in truth at no time necessary to secure among us 
concert of opinion, of feehng and of action. The principles we profess, the course and 
character of the men we support — more potent than words of eloquent persuasion had 
already secured it for us. 

"If I begin where the action of the convention left off — if I begin with the nomination 
of Joseph E. Brown for re-election to the Gubernatorial Chair, I feel that my last re- 
mark comes with peculiar propriety from one who represents in part the County of 
*" Chatham and City of Savannah. It seems to have been at one time supposed that such 
a nomination might not be acceptable to the Chatham Democracy. But I am assured 
that I utter the sentiments of those who have sent me here as a delegate, and also the 
sentiment of my colleagues, in that delegation, when I say that our honored Chief 
Magistrate, by the general ability of his State Administration, by his integrity of pur- 
pose and energy of action has deservedly secured for himself the earnest support of the 
true-hearted democracy of Chatham, precisely as he has this day commanded the ap- 
proval of the entire democracy of Georgia. It is not that there may not have been some 
conflicts of opinion between us. in the past ; nor that the possibility may not still exist of 
similar conflicts in the future; but because in the essentials of our political faith we are 
with him, and with him in full, honest and warm accord." 

The applause that followed Mr. Jackson in these beautiful allusions, 
to Gov. Brown showed how warmly he echoed the popular pulsation. 
He concluded with a brilliant defense of President Buchanan's course to 
the South. A committee was appointed of S. J. Smith, J. H. Steele, 
H. R. Jackson, D. C Campbell and Porter Ingram 'to notify Gov. Brown 
and request his acceptance of the nomination. The committee returned 
in a few moments escorting the fortunate recipient of this marvelous 
honor. Gov. Brown came in amid a storm of feeling, placid and com- 
posed as he ever was. But a brief two years had elapsed since, un- 
known to the state at large, he had while binding wheat — Cincinnatus 
like — on his mountain-valley farm, away from the telegraph and the 
iron track, received the unexpected news of his nomination for gover- 
nor. • The question that pealed from the public voice, " Who is Joe 
Brown ? " was an honest one. It had to be answered. The people did 
not know. The homely young countryman had answered it, and the 
answer was a real one. It was a response of unparalleled power. 
But a year and a half of executive duty was needed to result in a 
unanimous and irresistible demand by the great popular will for his re-in- 
stallation in his exalted trust. The state knew him, and knew him so 
well, that the people, — the " Woolhats " that he came from, and whose 
interests he had guarded as well as the aristocrats who ridiculed him 
and whom he had fought, stood shoulder to shoulder in admiring recog- 
nition of his high public service, and vied in doing honor to this simple 
but superb public administrator of the people's affairs. And it was a 
singular and impressive coincidence that the man of all others that 



93 GOV. brown's speech of acceptance. 

stood as the eloquent mouthpiece of a great state in emphasizing this 
matchless tribute to the plain self-made man of the democratic masses 
was the aristocratic descendant of one of the great and illustrious fami- 
lies of the republic, — a family princely from its achieved distinctions, — 
who represented the courtliest constituency in the state, that placed 
high value upon the hereditary transmission of gentle blood and 
thorough-bred ancestry. Not only this, but this constituency had been 
the very pedestal of these financial influences that the executive had so 
successfully antagonized, and it was a striking reward of honest pur- 
pose and undeniable ability that even these embittered powers joined 
in this splendid and substantial ovation. 

Gov. Brown's impromptu response on this supreme occasion was in 
some respects a remarkable one. Expressing the deep sense of appre- 
ciation of the public confidence, modestly referring to his past execu- 
tive course, incisively endorsing the national policy indicated by the 
ponvention, he went on to speak with pride of the position of Georgia 
in the sisterhood of states and her unequaled resources. Her bonds 
were quoted at a higher premium than those of any other state. Her 
debt was only two and a half millions, while she owned property worth 
from seven to ten millions. Her railroad enterprises were being pushed 
rapidly, so that the people of remote sections were becoming neighbors. 
His earnest expressions of interest in the subject of popular education 
drew enthusiastic cheering. But the part of his speech that surprised 
the convention and illustrated his dutiful ideas, was his declaration that 
he should not undertake to canvass the state. He said : 

" My official course has been open and above board, and is known to the people. I 
am willing to be judged by my acts. While in office! could not canvass the state with- 
out frequently neglecting important official duties ; and I am unwilling to neglect the 
duties of an important official trust confided to me by the people for the purpose of 
canvassing for another term in office. If my health permits, and I perform faithfully 
my executive duties, and by necessary co-operation with the able, efficient and trust- 
worthy officers of the state road, can assist them to pour into your state treasury from 
thirty-five to forty thousand dollars in cash per month, I shall feel that I am doing the 
state more service than I or any one who may be my opponent could do by traveling 
over her territory and making stump speeches. This monthly argument I expect tx) 
continue to repeat. Thirty-five to forty thousand dollars per mouth is an argument in 
favor of the democracy that will be felt in the elections." 

Singularly free from the slightest attempt at rhetorical display. Gov. 
Brown's speeches have been exceptionally effective. His avowal that 
he would not canvass for re-election placed him, if anything could, with 
increased strength before the state. 



CHAPTER XII. 

THE GUBERNATORIAL TUSSLE BETWEEN GOV. BROWN 
AND WARREN AKIN. 

The Opposition Convention called by an Extraordinary Pronunciamento. — Sharp As- 
saults on Gov. Brown. — Personelle of the Convention. — Warren Akin Nominated. 
— The Canvass of Col. Akin. — The Congressional Canvass. — Martin J. Crawford. 
— Gov. Brown Re-elected. — The Legislature of 1859. — Its Personelle. — Clifford 
Anderson, John Screven, Robert N. Ely, George N. Lester, A. R. Lawton. — Gov. 
Brown's Second Inauguration. — Review of Gov. Brown's Rare Administration. — 
Brown's Reference to Federal Affairs — His Affinity with the Southern Side of 
the Slavery Question. — A Stroug Message. — Tribute to Sir James Oglethorpe. — An 
Uuerected Monument Appropriated. 

The Know-Nothing flurry was over. The name of " Know-Nothing " 
had been discarded for " American," and this title was becoming weari- 
some. The party was anti-Democratic, but at sea for a proper name. 
The press of that party was divided. The Macon Journal and Mes- 
senger, and Columbus Enquirer were against running a candidate. 
The Sumter Republican wanted a convention, but wished it to endorse 
Brown. A number, however, were for a convention, among them the 
Lagrange Reporter, Atlanta American, Athens 'Watchman, Bainbridge 
Georgian and others. The central executive committee of the Ameri- 
can party, composed of J. H. R. Washington of Macon, J. W. A. San- 
ford of Milledgeville, J. M. Calhoun of Atlanta and Foster Blodgett of 
Augusta issued an address declaring that they did not deem it advis- 
able to call a convention of the American party. They, however, 
arraigned the Democratic party for a " series of unparalleled abuses and 
frauds upon the American people ; " and enumerated among these the 
" Kansas swindle," squandering the public money, encouraging sectional 
feuds, conniving at Mormon protection and electing an abolition Gov- 
ernor over a Southern state. The evils connected with the naturalization 
of foreigners would be corrected in due time. To hurl the corrupt democ- 
racy from power was the high public duty of the day. The committee 
therefore called an Opposition Cokvention to meet in Milledgeville 
the third Wednesday in July, 1858, to consist of delegates chosen 
Avithout respect to political antecedents, provided they were opposed to 
the party in power. This remarkable pronunciamento, one of the most 



94 THE OPPOSITION CONVENTION. 

astounding political documents ever issued, wound up with these Avords, 
" Our word for it, we shall be able to organize such a party as will not 
only correct all local abuses, but rout the plunderers, and save the 
national government of our fathers from demoraliza.tion and ruin." 
This formidable fulmination of a bewildered committee representing a 
shattered and floundering j)arty organization, occasioned a flood of rail- 
lery from the Democratic press of Georgia. Grandiloquence, bombast, 
last splutter of the wet powder pyramid, possum party, womble- 
cropped family, conglomerated, ring-streaked, were some of the ridicul- 
ing phrases that found vent against this amusing manifesto. 

The Savannah Hepuhlican was the most savage of the ojDposition 
press against Gov. Brown. It flamed out ferociously against him. It 
called him " that inflated little demagogue Joe Brown," that flapped his 
wings like " a bantam cock ; " said he was " disgustingly puerile " in 
his speech in the convention ; that an " ass " would rule the people of 
Georgia as well. These terms were somewhat different from the pol- 
ished encomiums of the eloquent Jackson. The Milledgeville Recorder, 
the organ of the opposition party candidly owned that Gov. Brown 
" has done well and deserves the thanks of the whole people of Georgia." 
Thus divided among themselves, the opposition were undecided what to 
do. There was one controlling reason why the organization under some 
name should be kept alive, and this was that in several congressional 
districts they could secure congressmen. The convention was called 
by the central committee in July in Milledgeville. The Savannah 
Republican, in bitter opposition to Gov. Brown, insisted that the 
opposition convention should not meet in Milledgeville, because Brown 
had been nominated there. A call was issued for Macon, and the conven- 
tion met there and adjourned until the 10th of August, 1858, in Atlanta. 
The re-assembling of the convention in Atlanta was during a wet, 
gloomy spell of weather, that typified the spirit and the prospects of 
the party it represented. Hon. D. A. Reese was chairman of the con- 
vention. A business committee consisting of C. H. Hopkins, Jonathan 
Davis, R. P. Trippe, B. H. Hill, Dr. H. V. M. Miller, Dr. R. D. Winn, David 
W. Lewis, John Milledge, was appointed. Messrs. Trippe, M^inn and 
Lewis not being present, their places were filled by Peter W. Alexan- 
der, Mr. Gibbs of Walton and Miles W. Lewis. Dr. Miller, the chair- 
man of the committee, reported that the committee had failed to agree 
as to the propriety of nominating a candidate for Governor, and desired 
to refer the matter to the convention. 

A spirited scene occurred in the body over this matter. Col. W. F. 



COL. WARREN" AKIIST. 95 

Wright of Newnan, who was running' for congress against Col. Gartrell, 
let it out that in the event the convention decided to nominate the com- 
mittee had determined on the man. Mr, Alexander wanted the vote of 
the convention to be by counties and not by delegates. These two 
matters created quite a disturbance. Both Mr. Alexander and Col. 
Joshua Hill of Morgan charged upon Col. Wright a blunder in divulg- 
ing the action of the committee. The confiision was very great. One 
delegate whose name is not given in the proceedings threw a bombshell 
in the stormy assemblage by saying that " he had supposed all along 
that the cjuestion was not v)ho they should nominate, hut v^ho they 
could get to taJce the nomination. If they could get a responsible man 
to take it, he thought it foolish to waste ajiy more time in determining 
how it was to be given to him." 

After a tumultuous time the convention voted to have a nomination 
and the committee reported the name of Col.' Warren Akin of Cass 
county, now Bartow, for Governor. The committee to notify Col. Akin 
of his nomination was James Johnson, John Milledge and Cincinnatus 
Peeples. Col. Akin accepted the nomination in a brief letter that con- 
tained no enunciation of policy, but declared that he would not be able 
to canvass the state. This he re-considered afterwards, however, and he 
did make a series of speeches. 

Col. W'^arren Akin at this time had not been prominent, in state pol- 
itics, though he had considerable local reputation as a very able and 
successful lawyer. He Avas a self-made man, possessing decided ability, 
and very effective speaking power, and as much purity of private char- 
acter as any public man we have ever had in Georgia. He was a local 
methodist preacher. Col. Akin was rather a small man in physique, 
but had a voice of remarkable compass, both shrill and deep, with pe- 
culiar ringing quality in its high notes. He had unusual fervor and 
sincerity of conviction and earnestness of character. He could not be 
called a popular gentleman, on .account of a certain unyielding vigor, 
and a forcible impatience at what he condemned. As a laborious 
student, in a clear comprehension of the law, and in strong argument, 
Col. Akin had no superior, and few equals in his circuit. No man in 
his section enjoyed a larger share of individual and public esteem than 
he, and his selection to lead the forlorn hope of the opposition was a de- 
served tribute to his worth and ability. He was afterwards elected to 
the confederate congress, and made merited reputation in that field. 

He was a strong speaker, but in his canvass he was not at a proper 
advantage. He was principally confined to a warfare upon Gov. 



96 GOV, BEOWN RE-ELECTED. 

* 

Brown's administration, and that had been too good a one to admit of 
succe'ssful assault. He traversed the state, making as much of the can- 
vass as any one could have done. The opposition press settled into a 
very bitter and slanderous war upon Gov, Brown, assailing him with 
detraction and scandal. Gov. Brown staid in his office quietly discharg- 
ing his executive duties, and letting the democratic press and the peo- 
ple fight his battle. Col. Akin made a gallant but an unavailing 
campaign. He had no hope of success, nor did the sensible men of his 
party. He made much reputation in the state for eloquence and ability, 
but he gained no votes from Brown. On the contrary, Gov. Brown in- 
creased his previous majority of something over 10,000, to over 22,000, 
or more than doubled it. In Brown's own county, Cherokee, and 
Akin's own county, Cass, as Avell as in Baldwin, that had never given 
a democratic candidate for governor a majority, Brown obtained majori- 
ties. 

Mixed with the gubernatorial canvass was the congressional cam- 
paigns. The democrats had nominated Peter Love, Martin J. Craw- 
ford, Alexander M. Speer, Lucius J. Gartrell, John W. H. Underwood, 
, James Jackson, R. G. Harper, and Jenks Jones. Mr. Stephens had 
retired from public life, and Jenks Jones of Burke was the democratic 
nominee in his place. Against these gentlemen the opposition party 
was running J. Mclntyre; against Crawford, Gen. Bethune and Mr. 

Douglass; Thomas Hardeman, Jr., W. F. Wright, Shackelford, 

Lytle, Joshua Hill and Ranse Wright. The opposition elected 

Hardeman and Hill by small majorities. Three of the democrats re- 
elected had made high reputation, Martin J. Crawford, James Jackson 
and Lucius J. Gartrell. All of these had delivered eloquent speeches in 
Congress, that had attracted much attention. Mr. Gartrell' was a large, 
powerful man, robust, hearty and full of* animal spirits, a bold, buoyant 
declaimer, and a ready debater. Crawford and Jackson were both 
slender, nervous men, but of intellectual vigor and earnest speakers. 
Crawford has, all of his life, been marked by a dry vein of exquisite 
humor, and a keen, practical wisdom that have made him not only an en- 
tertaining companion, but a man of strong influence. Jackson, of the 
two, was the most fervent orator. No man -in the state has been more 
free from partisanship, whether political or personal, than Crawford. It 
is a little curious that three of the gentlemen, conspicuous in that con- 
gressional canvass of 1859, Crawford, Jackson and Speer, now occupy 
the supreme bencn of Georgia, in this year 1881, and constitute a very 
able court. Mr. Speer was defeated, but he has from that day to this 



THE LEGISLATUEE OF 1859. 97 

been an influential public man, especially noted for practical ability and 
•a genial disposition. Mr. Jenks Jones is still living in Burke county, 
one of the honored and influential citizens of that fine old county, a 
lawyer of ability, and a gentleman of great local power. 

The Legislature convened in November. It was overwhelmingly dem- 
ocratic. Of those who had so vigorously fought the bank veto of Gov. 
Brown, few had been re-elected. The House included among its leading 
members, Clifford Anderson of Bibb, Julian Hartridge and John Screven 
of Chatham, George N. Lester of Cobb, R. N. Ely of Dougherty, T. W. 
Alexander of Floyd, R. L. McWhorter and M. W. Lewis of Greene, J. 
L. Harris of Glynn, D. W. Lewis of Hancock, L Fannin of Morgan, C. 
J. Williams of Muscogee, William Gibson of Richmond, and S. J. Smith 
of Towns. The speaker elect was Isaiah T. Irvin of Wilkes county. 
Among the brightest of these men was Julian Hartridge of Savannah, a 
very ornate and eloquent speaker and brilliant lawyer, who afterwards 
became a congressman and died in congress. His colleague, John 
Screven, was a son of Dr. James P. Screven of Savannah, who was the 
chief founder of the Atlantic and Gulf railroad, in which the state took 
a million dollars of stock. Col. John Screven is still living, a stately, 
slender gentleman of delightful address. He was for years mayor of 
Savannah, and succeeded his father as president of the Gulf road. Two 
members of this general assembly, by a curious coincidence, have held 
the position of Attorney General of the state under the present execu- 
tive Gov. Colquitt, Robert N. Ely and Clifford Anderson. The admin- 
istration of Mr. Ely as Attorney General, has been a cpnspicuous 
success, being especially noted for his collection of nearly a quarter of a 
million of back taxes from the railroads. Col. Anderson is a large, dig- 
nified gentleman of high ability, and a graceful, strong speaker. Col, An- 
derson was a member of the confederate congress, as also was George N. 
Lester. Mr. Lester has been Judge of the Superior court, and was de- 
feated candidate for congress in the hot contest in the 7th district, in 
1878, with the famous Parson Felton. Few men have equaled Judge 
Lester on the stump. Thick-set and solid in figure, with heavy, mas- 
sive, homely features, bearded to the very eyebrows with dense black 
whiskers, with a voice of remarkable sweetness and power in its low 
tones, with an inexhaustible fund of humorous anecdotes, and an inimita- 
ble humorous way of telling them, with a fine sonorous flow of words, 
and especial capacity of pathos, this gentleman is a rare talker on the 
hustings. 

The Senate, which was an enormous bodv, comprising 132 senators, 

7 



98 ALEXANDER E, LAWTON. 

was au unusually able council. L. H. Briscoe, Phil Tracy, Peter Cone, 
A. S. Atkinson, Alexander R. Lawton. A. T. Hackett, Daniel S, Printup, • 
Thomas Butler King, Geo. T. Bartlett, Harrison W. Riley, R. Spalding, 
R. P. Trippe, Hines Holt, Greorge W. Jordan, T. L. Guerry, Clement 
A. Evans, W. S. Wallace, W, W. Paine, James L. Seward, Edward A. 
Flewellen and William A. Harris, were in this senate. Philemon Tracy 
of Macon, was a most brilliant and promising young man, who died 
early. A. T. Hackett is at present a state senator, a ready speaker. 
Col. D. S. Printup has amassed a large fortune by successful practice of 
the law. George T. Bartlett has been a judge of high repute. Old 
Gen. Harrison W. Riley was a character, an illiterate man, but a local 
king, an odd, burly, shrewd old fellow, long since dead. Clement A. 
Evans brilliantly distinguished himself as a Brigadier General in the 
confederate army, and is now a shining light in the Methodist Georgia 
conference — a preacher of great power and piety. George W. Jordan 
still continues to come to the legislature from Pulaski county, when he 
wishes. The strongest man in this legislature was probably Alexander 
R. Lawton of Savannah, who has frequently represented Chatham 
county in the Legislature, who was afterwards Quartermaster G^eneral 
of the confederacy, and who recently was defeated by Joseph E. 
Brown for the United States Senate. Gen. Lawton has been a force 
in Georgia for the last twenty-five years. His erect, solid, sturdy, 
well-set figure and fine, open resolute face, well typify the man, intel- 
lectually and morally. His clear intelligence, intrepid firmness, unwav- 
ering truth, straight-forward candor, unpretentious simplicity, blended 
dignity and politeness and business energy and promptness have made 
him a person of growing public influence. Hon. T. L. Guerry was 
elected president of the Senate, and F. H. West secretary. 

Gov. Brown was inaugurated and entered upon his second term as 
the Executive of Georgia under circumstances peculiarly auspicious. 
He had made an adminstration especially original and salient. He had 
ripened from being unknown into a state influence and political power 
unprecedently rapid and potential. He had received a pojDular endorse- 
ment absolutely conclusive. He was enthroned in the public confidence. 
His ability, practical judgment, energy, immovable will, fearless courage, 
sagacity and devotion to the public interest, had all been shiningly 
shown and tested. He had performed great and undeniable public ser- 
vice. He had reduced the rate of taxation from nine cents to six and 
one half cents on 1^100. He had brought up the State railroad from a 
condition of almost entire unremuneration to where it had paid over 



GOV. brown's second inaugural. 99 

$400,000 in a single year, into the state treasury, to relieve the tax bur- 
dens. He had established a school fund of $150,000 a year. He had 
canceled an extra $100,000 of the public debt beyond what was due. 
He had been the direct means of hedging in a latitudinarian banking 
system with safeguards and restraints that to this day are preserved. 
He had vindicated the independence of the executive department of 
the state government from legislative encroachment. He had fearlessly 
inaugurated the practice of a true civil service policy. He had instilled 
into every branch of the state administration a healthy activity and 
official responsibility. And the people knew and credited him with his 
valuable work. His position at this time was a proud one. He stood 
upon a splendid vantage ground of popular influence. He had attained 
this power by his own unaided brain and resolute will. And from this 
time on he was destined to be the master spirit in Georgia affairs, holding 
his firm rule through all the tumultuous phases of a great strife, and 
amid every shifting change of personal influence. 

His inaugural address was a practical, characteristic emanation. Allud- 
ing to the fact that he had become Governor the first time in a 
period of trouble and distrust, he modestly said that he had tried to 
meet his official responsibilities conscientiously. The people had passed 
their verdict upon his administration. He then entered into a brief 
review of the present condition of the State, making an eloquent sum- 
mary of the resources and advantages of the commonwealth. Amid 
all of this sunshine and prosperity, however, there was a cloud upon 
the northern horizon that portended evil. He thus clearly stated the 
national issue pending. 

" Our fathers consented to enter the confederacy of these states only upon terms of 
perfect equality ; and we, as their sons, -would be unworthy of our sires, if we consented 
to remain in the confederacy a day longer than this principle of, equality is recognized. 
Prompted by ambitious leaders, who are willing to sacrifice their country for place and 
power, a majority of the people of the northern states have formed themselves into a 
great sectional, political party, which virtually denies our equality in the Union." 

Proceeding to state that in the great presidential contest of 1860, 
soon to come, the issue lay between the Black Republican and Demo- 
cratic parties, he thus concluded: 

" I love the union of these states, and am prepared to make every reasonable sacrifice 
to maintain it, so long as it does not violate the rights of my native South. But should 
the two come into conflict, I love the rights of the South more, and am prepared to defend 
them at any sacrifice and at every hazard. In the present condition of affairs I would 
advise the citizens of Georgia to stand united with the National Democracy, so long as 
they continue to stand by her rights, and to protect them in the Union.- But should this 



100 SPIRIT OF THE YEAR BEFORE THE AVAR. 

organization be broken down, and her constitutional rights be denied, and her equality 
in the Union destroyed, I would then advise her citizens to "strike for independence out 
of the Union — and to pledge each other, ' their lives, their fortunes, and their most sacred 
honor,' never to forsake each other till triumphant success shall have crowned their 
efforts. My fervent prayer to Almighty God is, that this necessity may be averted, — 
that wisdom, moderation and justice may control all our National and State councils — 
and that the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, may be thus perpetuated." 

The concluding expressions of this inavigural were the outcome of the 
national situation in politics, and betokened the dangerous temper of 
the southern people at that time, but a little more than a year before 
the great civil war of the century. Gov. Brown's utterances were sig- 
nificant, and emanating from that source, were full of portent. He was 
not a man to utter meaningless words. He was a singularly true expo- 
nent of the controlling popular sentiment, and has been all of his life. 
A subtle sympathy with the masses added to extraordinary common 
sense methods has made him a natural born, popular leader. In the 
premonitory phase of the great conflict that began in 1861, Gov. Brown 
was in profound affinity with the southern side of that important moral 
and political convulsion. He represented two especial and practical 
characteristics of southern spirit, the intense state's rights conviction, 
and the decisive purpose to enforce that conviction. This matter will 
be more fully touched upon a littlfe farther on, but at the present the 
narrative of state affairs will be resumed. 

Gov. Brown's second annual message was an entirely practical docu- 
ment. It contained some of those business-like suggestions that his 
common sense intelligence was ever deducing from actual experience. 
And they were made in that direct, unmincing sort of way that belonged 
to the man. There was no circumlocution, no red-tape diplomacy in 
Gov. Brown's official utterances. He went directly to the pith of mat- 
ters, and dealt with facts without ceremony. In his views he was 
governed by no consideration of the majesty of a coordinate branch of 
the state government. There was no glamour of official authority that 
affected him. He attacked what he conceived to be an error or a wrong 
practice in the General Assembly, and asserted what he conceived to be 
a constitutional prerogative of the Governor's office in a fearless and 
frank manner, and without any punctiliovis palaver of etiquette. He 
was a homespun man of business, doing what he deemed his duty care- 
less of opposition or consequences. He rasped in his message what is 
to-day, and has always been, an evil practice of legislatures, viz., neg- 
lecting the earlier part of a session, and hurr3dng business at the close, 
resulting in hasty and inconsiderate legislation. He also attacked 



THE VETO POWER. 101 

another chronic practice of legislation, demanding reform, and which 
the new Constitution of 1877 endeavored to correct, — trivial class and 
local action. He took ground against the expensive multiplication of 
new counties which had become a nuisance. He urged the reduction of 
the Senate from its unwieldy size. He assaulted the costly clerk system 
of the legislature, whicji had become an onerous pecuniary burden to 
the State. His entire message was full of plain, sensible recommenda- 
tions in regard to the judiciary, education, militia, etc. Among other 
valuable suggestions he urged what has since been commenced, a miner- 
alogical and geological survey of the State. He was then an ardent 
advocate for state aid in developing the resources of the commonwealth. 
His views on education, as can be supposed, were liberal and broad. 
All of his messages and inaugurals pressed the enlargement of free 
educational facilities for the people. 

During his first term Gov. Brown had used the veto power more freely 
than any Governor in the state's history. His enemies had attempted 
to impair him in the public estimation for this. In his message he made 
a brief allusion to his exercise of the veto power, in which with a few 
sharp sentences he shattered these assaults. The constitution had 
assigned to the Governor certain powers and duties as well as to the 
General Assembly, and the people should hold himself responsible for 
the independent exercise of those powei's. The revision of bills passed 
by the legislature was a constitutional power of the Executive. If the 
Governor out of mere respect for the General Assembly signed bills 
his judgment did not approve, he denied to the people the exercise of 
that executive revision which under the constitution they had a right 
to demand as a protection against hasty or unwise legislation. And the 
Governor went on with his vetoes. He vetoed a bill relieving a surety 
on a criminal bond; a man standing between the law and a criminal 
must take the consequences. He vetoed a bill granting a divorce to 
certain parties; divorces belonged to the courts. He vetoed a bill 
giving to certain minors the privileges of adults; the law fixing twenty- 
one years as legal maturity is a wise one, founded on the experience of 
ages, and it is safe to adhere to it. He made other vetoes, but all of 
them based upon clear, sound reasons of law or public policy, and 
evincing the vigilant care and unyielding decision that he brought to 
the discharge of his executive duties. 

The session of 1859 elected Hon. R. F. Lyon and Linton Stephens 
judges of the supreme court in the place of Henry L. Benning and 
Charles J. McDonald. Judge Lyon was almost wholly without speak- 



102 UNEXPECTED TRIBUTE TO OGLETHORPE. 

ing ability as a lawyer, but he was an able counselor and gentleman of 
fixed views. He is still living and in the practice of his profession. 
The abolishment of imprisonment for debt was a subject of discussion 
by this Legislature. The following resolution passed the House, but 
seems not to have been acted on farther, and is a tardy tribute to the 
man it honors: 

"Whereas, it has been customary from time immemorial with all civil and enlightened 
nations to honor the memory of their illustrious and noble dead, and emblazon their 
deeds in marble or brass for coming posterity, it is therefore but right and proper for 
us as Georgians, and the dictates of patriotism and a grateful people demand that the 
life, memory and character of the illustrious founder of our great and growing state, 
should be rescued from the darkening shade of oblivion ; therefore be it 

Resolved, That the Governor be authorized and requested to have erected in the Capi- 
tol yard a handsome, elegant and appropriate marble monument to the memory of the 
illustrious founder of our state, Gen. James Oglethorpe, who combined in liis life and 
character the great and uoble qualities of a soldier, scholar, statesman, philanthropist 
and christian." 



CHAPTER XIII. 
A HOT CHAPTER OF GATHERING REVOLUTION. 

The Drive to Disunion. — Yancey's " Leaguers of the South." — Alec Stephens Retired.— 
Toombs' Disunion Speech. — Senator Alfred Iverson's Griffin Disunion Speech. — 
Alec Stephens' Union Speech of Farewell at Augusta. — The two Utterances a 
striiving picture of Contrasts. — The Disastrous Political Effect on Iverson. — The 
John Brown Raid, and the Georgia Legislature's Burning Resolutions. — The State 
Aflame. — Two State Democratic Nominating Conventions in Georgia to send dele- 
gates to the National Democratic Presidential Convention at Charleston. — The Split 
of the Georgia Democracy. — Howell Cobb and Alec Stephens, Presidential Timber. — 
Cobb endorsed by one Convention, and not by the other, withdraws. — The Delegation 
to Charleston. — Personelle of the Georgia Conventions. — A Succession of Exciting 
Events. — Another Great Speech of Mr. Toombs. — "Pull Down the Pillars and 
Bring a Common Ruin." — Georgia the Dominant Factor in the Revolution at hand 
and Toombs its Genius. 

During the year 1859 the gpeat conflict between the North and South 
was steadily maturing. Pubhc sentiment in regard to slavery was in 
an inflamed and inflaming condition. The popular pulse tingled at the 
very mention of the subject. The Black Republicans of the North 
were avowed in their purpose to crush slavery. We had in the South 
bold open disunionists. In Alabama an association had been estab- 
lished by the Hon. William L. Yancey, called the " Leaguers of the 
South," the motto of which was, " A Southern Republic is our only 
safety." Alexander H. Stephens, the most conservative leader of the 
South, bade farewell to public life, and thus was eliminated from the 
national councils the most prudent, influential and eloquent union 
power we possessed. Mr. Toombs long before had made a burning 
speech in the United States Senate that thrilled the country, in which 
he daringly declared that unless the aggression upon slavery and the 
rights of the South ceased, he was for Disunion. The Supreme Court 
of the United States had decided in the celebrated Dred Scott case that 
there was no difference between slave property and other property, and 
a Territory could not discriminate against slaves. Mr. Douglas had 
planted himself upon the famous " squatter^ sovereignty " doctrine, 
which claimed the right of Territorial legislatures to determine the ques- 
tion of slavery in the Territories. Mr. Douglas was bitterly abused by 



104 SENATOR IVERSOn's DISUNION SPEECH. 

a large portion of the Southern Democrats for this doctrine, while Mr. 
Buchanan was denounced by those who sustained Mr. Douglas. 

Senator Iverson came home and made a lengthy speech in Griffin, 
Georgia, on the fourteenth day of July, 1859, that created intense and 
acrimonious discussion. It was a most aggressive Southern Rights 
speech. His slogan was, " Slavery, it must and shall be preserved." 
He denounced the Missouri Compromise which, " to save the union," 
had divided the national territory into " free " above and " slave " 
below a certain line of 36° 30^ He denounced the Wilmot Proviso, 
which was to shut out slavery from all the territory acquired from 
Mexico. He denounced the famous Compromise measures of 1850, 
which provided for the admission of all new states, with or without slav- 
ery, as their Constitutions might prescribe. He declared " all lost at 
the North," and the Northern Democracy " paralyzed and powerless." 
He denounced the Kansas bill which made Kansas a free state. He 
had once embraced the " squatter sovereignty " heresy, but he now 
repudiated it, and declared that it was the duty of Congress to protect 
slavery in the territories. Reading this speech of Mr. Iverson in the 
light of events since, it was profoundly prophetic. He declared that 
1861 would witness the inauguration of a free soil President, and he 
boldly announced that the election of such a President he should con- 
sider a declaration of war against slavery, and be in favor of separation 
and the formation of a Southern Confederacy. He was in favor now 
of a square defiance to the abolition party, a repudiation of all com- 
promises, and a distinct unconditional demand for the equality and pro- 
tection of slave property everywhere. 

This speech was widely circulated and heatedly discussed. Mr. Iver- 
son was charged with pandering to extreme Southern prejudice to get 
re-elected to the senate. Mr. Stephens but a few days before made his 
well remembered speech in Augusta, in retiring to private life, in which 
he had declared that the great questions of difference between the 
North and South he considered honorably and finally settled, and the 
country was in a most prosperous condition. He declared that slavery 
was firm and secure; that it was getting stronger and will continue to 
get stronger. He declared the compromise of 1850, which opened the 
territories to slavery and left them free to all, was a grand triumph of 
constitutional equality. He did not be*lieve that we would have much 
more slave country without an increase of African stock. Mr. Stephens 
wound up with this tribute to the Union: "With our common country 
I leave like good wishes and the earnest hope for undisturbed peace and 



STEPHENS AND IVERSON. 105 

prosperity, and that our institutions unimpaired, national and state, may 
long continue to bless millions, yet unborn, as they have blessed us." 

It would be difficult to conceive of two utterances of public view and 
policy so utterly and absolutely antipodal as these speeches of Mr. 
Stephens and Mr. Iverson. Mr. Stephens saw an era of peace, pros- 
perity, order, the triumph of slavery and the South, and settled princi- 
ples and a fixed Union. Mr. Iverson read in the public aspects, sectional 
strife, hopeless conflict of interest, the victory of abolitionism, con- 
tinued aggressions and internecine struggles with the horror of Disunion 
which he demanded in preference to Mr. Stephens' settlement. It is 
bootless now to enter into any comparison of the conflicting views of 
these two distinguished and able public men. Both were right in some 
things, and both wrong. No fallible human intelligence, however 
strong, can grasp the great plans of a Divine Providence. The mighty 
convulsion that was to end in the utter uprootal of slavery was swiftly 
culminating. Under the ordinary human judgment, Mr. Stephens 
seemed right, and the general Georgia and Southern public sentiment 
concurred with him. Mr. Iverson was generally condemned, and there 
is little doubt that his radical disunion speech lost him his re-election as 
United States Senator. He was marvelously and prophetically right 
in many things. He did not exaggerate the truth when he said that 
there could be no compromise with abolitionism, and there would be no 
let up in its war upon slavery. He saw with amazing correctness the 
nature of the crusade against the slave institution, and he portrayed in 
wonderfully accurate words the drifting portents of the times. He 
diagnosed the coming storm clearer than his more generally sagacious 
contemporary. The earthquake was at hand, and he foretold it with a 
wise wit. He was wonderfully right in another thing. Compromises 
had but postponed the day of a square fight for slavery. The true 
Southern policy was to have met the issue at once, and fully to have 
resisted concession at the beginning. The battle had to come for its 
existence. It would have been wise and politic to have maintained its 
proud and vital equality against every assault. Concession but 
strengthened the enemy. But Mr. Stephens was grandly right in his 
essentially wise and correct judgment that the proper place to fight 
abolitionism and defend slavery was In The Union. Every advan- 
tage was given the North in leaving it the name, the memories, the 
glory, the organization and sacred power of the Union. The Southern 
people were with Mr. Stephens then. Less wise and firm than he, they 
did not stay with him when the hour of passion was upon them. And 



106 THE JOHN BBOWN RAID. 

strange, most strange inconsistency, they repudiated Iverson and his 
policy at its very suggestion, and followed his policy when the con- 
tingency he predicted came, and disregarded the counsel of the wiser 
Stephens. Iverson was for disunion if a sectional free soil president 
was elected, and the State of Georgia condemned the man and de- 
nounced the suggestion. When the event happened, in accordance 
with his prediction, they followed his counsel, though they had buried 
politically its author. It was a comical yet a pathetic political incon- 
gruity. 

But none the less did Senator Iverson's speech demonstrate the domi- 
nant possibilities of revolution alive and flaming unconsciously yet pow- 
erfully, and growing swiftly in the Southern heart, and working out 
mysteriously the colossal purposes of Providence. Mr. Toombs, in 
response to an invitation, made a speech in Augusta, September 8, 1859, 
which was a careful, exhaustive and masterly review of the whole sub- 
ject of federal legislation upon slavery, in which he, notwithstanding 
the squatter-sovereignty views of Mr. Douglas, from which he differed, 
declared his preference for him. Mr, Toombs also took position against 
putting a plank in the Democratic platform demanding the protection 
of slavery in the Territories. While he believed in the right of Con- 
gress to do it, he was against the exercise of the power. This speech 
was a remarkably conservative one. 

There occurred at this time an incident that stimulated sectional pas- 
sion to fever heat. Old John Brown, or, as he was better known, Ossa- 
wattamie Brown, of Kansas notoriety, organized a slave insurrection at 
Harper's Ferry, Virginia. Both the Governor of Virginia, Henry A. 
Wise, and President Buchanan promptly acted in suppressing the mat- 
ter. This occurrence was like the application of a lighted match to a 
powder magazine. It inflamed the whole country. North and South. 
It drove argument and reason from the public forum. The South 
believed that the Harper's Ferry affair was but the small part of a 
general abolition movement to strike down slavery. In the Georgia 
Legislature Mr. Hartridge offered a set of resolutions declaring the fixed 
determination of the people of Georgia as to their future course and 
conduct. Referring to the John Brown raid, they said: "Fanaticism 
grown bold by impunity has invoked the aid of treason, murder and 
rapine, has crossed the border, and, advancing upon Southern soil, has 
spread bloodshed and excitement throughout a Southern State." These 
bold words of accusation concluded with this resolve: 

" The State of Georgia holds herself ready to enter into any concert of action with 



TWO STATE DEMOCEATIC CONVENTIONS CAJ.LED. 107 

the sister Southern States, which will secure their common rights under the Constitu- 
tion in the Union, or if that be no longer possible, their independence and security out 
of it." 

Mr. Lewis, of Hancock, offered an amendment of bitter defiance that 
"We do not waive or postpone the conflict which such aggressions seek 
and provoke," and further, that the history of the past taught us " that 
it is unreasonable to expect the protection of our rights by the Federal 
government." Resolutions were passed thanking Governor Wise and 
President Buchanan for their prompt action in the matter. These 
ofl&cial declarations of the General Assembly will afford some concep- 
tion of the spirit of the people of Georgia and the crushing drift of 
sentiment to a dissolution of the Union and Southern independence. 

The National Democratic Convention to nominate a Presidential can- 
didate was to meet in Charleston, S. C. Already public attention in 
Georgia was converging to that important gathering. On the evening 
of the 21st of November, 1859, a large portion of the Democratic members 
of the Legislature met in the Representative Chamber in Milledgeville. 
Peter Cone presided; James J. Diamond was Secretary. Thomas F. 
Jones, of Newton, offered resolutions, which were adopted, calling a 
State Convention for the 8th of December to appoint delegates to 
Charleston. On the 22d of November the State Executive Committee, 
composed of D. C. Campbell, E. J. McGehee, Thos; P. Saffold and S. 
W. Burney, called the Democratic State Convention for the second 
Monday in March, 1860. Col. Wm. K. De Graffenreid, of this commit- 
tee, dissented from the committee and joined the Democratic members 
of the Legislature in their call for a convention for December, before 
the Legislature adjourned. Thus there was a conflict upon this matter. 
It seemed as if the unfortunate slavery controversy that was convulsing 
the country and so swiftly sweeping to a great upheaval of peace, was 
affecting everything with its discordant spirit of dissension. The strife 
in the Georgia Democracy became lively over this twin convention busi- 
ness. The practice had begun as far back as 1842 of the party mem- 
bers of the Legislature calling State Conventions to appoint delegates 
to the Presidential nominating conventions, and had continued unbro- 
kenly up to this time. And these State conventions consisted chiefly 
of the members of the Legislature, who represented their counties in 
the convention. If counties were not represented or represented only 
in part in the Legislature by Democrats, such counties sent other dele- 
gates. The call of the members, therefore, for the convention of the 
8th of December was in conformity with precedent, and its advocates 



108 THE LEGISLATIVE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION. 

claimed that the Executive Committee could only attend to guberna- 
torial contests. 

The convention of the 8th was held, but was not a full body, only 75 
counties out of 132 being represented, while it was a large one. Isaiah 
T. Irwin was made president, and F, H. West and George Hillyer sec- 
retaries. The committee on business consisted of Messrs. Seward, 
Deloney, Smith of Talbot, Printup, Briscoe, Smythe, Oliver, Smith of 
Towns, Hill, Lawton, Broyles, King, Tracy, Cone, Rice, Fulton, Jones, 
Ragsdale, Hutchins and Morris. The resolutions of the convention 
recommended Howell Cobb for the Presidency, endorsed Buchanan for 
his course in the Harper's Ferry affair, and 

" Pledged support of the nominee of the Charleston convention upon the condition 
that it determines to maintain the equality.of the states and the rights of the South — 
that we will yield nothing of those rights for the sake of harmony, but will demand a 
firm, strict and unqualified adherence to the doctrines and principles on the subject of 
slavery, and the rights of the South in the common territories of the Union, which 
have been recently declared by the Supreme Court of the United States." 

The following delegates were elected to the national convention: 
From the state at large: Isaiah T. Irwin, John H. Lumpkin, H. L. 
Benning, Henry R. Jackson; alternates, Charles J. McDonald, Thomas 
Butler King, William H. Stiles, O. A. Lochrane. 

The district delegates were: James Ij. Seward, Julian Hartridge, 
Arthur Hood, J. W. Evans, L. B. Smith, E. Strohecker, James J. Dia- 
mond, L. H. Featherston, G. J. Fain, W. T. Wofford, William H. Hull, 
S. J. Smith, J. M. Lamar, L. H. Briscoe, D. C. Barrow, L. A. Nelms. 

Fifty-two Democratic members of the legislature published their dis- 
approval of the action of the convention in appointing delegates to the 
Charleston convention and protested against the authority of what they 
contemptuously c'alled the "meeting" to bind the Democratic party. 
Among these were William A. Harris, A. S. Atkinson, A. B. Math'ews, 
C' J. Williams, R. N. Ely, and James S. Reed. The two members of 
the executive committee in Milledgeville, Col. Campbell and Dr. Me- 
Geehee, issued a temperate card stating their reasons for calling the 
March convention and leaving the matter to the party to ratif}^ or dis- 
approve. Judge Benning, Gov. McDonald, Col. Featherston and Col. 
Lochrane of the delegates selected, declined to recognize the validity of 
their appointment and refused to serve. The papers rushed into a hot 
controversy over the matter. A good deal of temper was shown, and 
considerable recrimination indulged in. Mr, Howell Cobb was charged 
with inspiring the late convention and molding its action in the interest 



HOWELL COBB FOE PEESIDEKT. 109 

of his presidential ambition. The name of Alexander H. Stephens was 
sprung by his friends for the Presidency, and a decided antagonism was 
created between the adherents of these distinguished Georgians in con- 
nection with the glittering prize of the national chief magistracy. 

Hon. William H. Stiles, one of the alternate delegates chosen, wrote 
a letter to the Savannah JEjxpress maintaining that the March convention 
was the only regular and legitimate one, but suggesting a compromise 
for harmony. His plan was for the delegates chosen to resign and the 
March convention to re-appoint them, and show the spectacle of a united 
Democracy and a united South. Hoi:|j» Howell Cobb wrote a most patri- 
otic and characteristic letter, in which he used this conciliatory language : 

" I can but repeat that my name shall not divide and distract the party. If there are 
a sufficient number in the Democratic party of Georgia opposed to my nomination, to 
justify the idea of serious divisions in the party, then I will unconditionally withdraw 
my name. This is no time for divisions in the south, and especially with southern Dem- 
ocrats, and any personal sacrifice, which I may be called upon to make, to ensure union 
and harmony, shall be cheerfully made." 

And he gave this positive assurance: 

" So far as I am personally concerned, a demonstration of serious opposition to my 
nomination from the democracy of Georgia, in any shape or form, or from any conven- 
tion, would end all connection of my name with the nomination at Charleston." 

The position of Mr. Cobb was a peculiar one. He had, as secretary 
of the treasury under President Buchanan, made a national reputation 
for ability and statesmanship. The objection to him in Georgia was 
formulated in the following words of the Columbus Times: "Mr. Cobb 
is far from being the choice of the Georgia democracy for the jDresidency, 
as his extreme Union views are in antagonism with the j^rev ailing senti- 
ment iti the Democratic ranks.'''' And this criticism shows the tendency 
of public opinion to the final dissolution, and that conservative views 
were becoming powerless in the seething agitation. 

Mr. Cobb's friends were advised by him to unite in sending delegates 
to the March convention, in order that the will of the party might be 
tested. At the various county meetings the matter was fully discussed, 
and the opinion was conflicting and varied. In many counties the del- 
egates of the December convention were reappointed. A large number 
of counties endorsed Mr. Cobb for the presidency. A number expressly 
repudiated the action of the December convention. It was a warm 
issue and it stirred the State violently. 

The March Democratic Convention assembled on the 14th, 1860, in Mil- 
ledgeville. Ninety counties of the 132 in the State were represented by 



110 ' THE CONVENTION OF MARCH, 1860. 

203 delegates. Among these were L. H. Briscoe, L. N, Whittle, O. A. 
Lochrane, P. Tracy, A. R. Lawton, Julian Hartridge, A, S. Atkinson, 
L. N. Trammell, D, S. Printup, Solomon Cohen, Geo. A. Gordon, Jno. 
M. Guerard, Gen. G. P. Harrison, W. Phillips, R. N. Ely, J. W. Duncan, 
C. W. Styles, J. M. Mobley, J. G. Cain, Samuel Hall, T. P. Saffold, 
Porter Ingram, John A. Jones, P. H. Colquitt, L. J. Aired, Henry Cleve- 
land, Claiborne Sneed, J. D. Ashton, J. L. Seward, D. N. Speer, C. J. 
Wellborn, George Hillyer, E. P. Howell and E. R. Harden. Of these 
Henry Cleveland was the editor of the Augusta Constitutionalist, a bright 
writer, and who since the war has written a life of Alexander H. Stephens. 
Claiborne Sneed is now judge of the Augusta circuit, and has been a 
state representative, a gentleman of talent and force. E. P. Howell is 
now the editor of the Atlanta Constitution. He was state senator for 
two terms, and has evinced an extraordinary aptitude for public life, and 
is a gentleman of great shrewdness and practicality, and is destined 
to wield a strong public influence. D. N. Speer is the present State 
treasurer. 

Hon. Alexander R. Lawton was made president of the convention. 
The proceedings continued for two days, were stormy and inharmonious, 
and finally adjourned, leaving the party in the State angry, rent, and at 
sea. Of the ninety counties forty-seven repudiated the December con- 
vention and forty-three sustained it. Of the forty-two counties not 
represented in the convention, twenty-four were represented in the 
December convention. There were eighteen counties not represented 
in either convention. The forty-three counties in the March convention 
that supported the action of the December convention, added to the 
twenty-four counties represented in the December convention that were 
not represented in the March Convention, made sixty-seven counties, or 
two over half of the counties in the State that favored the December 
action. These figures will show how the party was split. The resolu- 
tions of the December convention were voted down, thus throwing over 
Mr. Cobb and leaving the party without any enunciation of principle. 
The same delegates at large were appointed, but the alternates were 
different save ex-Go v. McDonald alone; Hiram Warner, Solomon Cohen 
and J. A. Wingfield being the three others in place of King, Stiles and 
Lochrane. Four delegates from each district were chosen by the dele- 
gates of the respective districts. These were: 

1st. J. L. Seward, J. Hartridge, H. M. Moore, Wm. B. Gaulden. 

2nd. W. Johnson, John A, Jones, Wm. M. Slaughter, Jas. ]\L Clark. 

3rd. E. L. Strohecker, L. B. Smith, O. C. Gibson, E. J. McGeehse. 





^^^^^^^ ^t^t:^t^ 



HOWELL COBb's WITHDRAWAL. Ill 

4th. J. J. Diamond, L. H. Featherston, W. Phillips, S. C. Candler, 

5th. G. J. Fain, W. T. Wofford, James Hoge, Lawson Fields. 

6th. Wm. H. Hull, S. J. Smith, H. P. Thomas, A. Franklin Hill. 

7th. L. H. Briscoe, Jefferson Lamar, J. W. Burney, James Thoming. 

8th. L. A. Nelms, D. C. Barrow, J. D. Ashton, H. R. Casey. 

Alternates from the districts were also appointed. The district dele- 
gates of the December convention were all re-appointed save Arthur 
Hood and J. W. Evans. The alternates were nearly all different. An 
important resolution offered by Julian Hartridge, and unanimously 
adopted, provided for the appointment of an Executive Committee by 
the President of the convention with power to call all conventions of 
the Democratic party of Georgia, and to exercise all the other powers 
belonffino: to such committee until another convention meets. This 
established the practice that has been uninterruptedly followed since of 
the appointment of an Executive Committee empowered fully to repre- 
sent the party until another convention and the creation of a new com- 
mittee. And Mr. Hartridge's resolution was intended to remedy the 
disastrous party difficulty, whose effects were being experienced in the 
existing widespread dissension. The committee appointed consisted of 
Porter Ingram, A. S. Atkinson, P. Tracy, C. Murphy, D. S. Printup, S. 
J. Smith, L. H. Briscoe, and Henry Cleveland. 

The action of the convention in refusing to adopt the action of the 
December body urging Mr. Cobb for the Presidency, and failing to 
make a declaration of sentiment and policy, was a most unfortunate mat- 
ter, and left a deep breach in the party. Mr. Cobb, in accordance with 
his published declarations previously made, addressed a letter to the 
President of the December convention, Mr. Irwin, un,conditionally with- 
drawing his name from the canvass for the presidency. His letter 
was a very graceful and appropriate one, in admirable temper and full 
of patriotic feeling. While he claimed for the convention that endorsed 
him absolute party legality, yet he waived all question of regularity. 
He only regarded the party will. He frankly owned that while a major- 
ity of the state Democracy supported him, there was a decided opposi- 
tion to him. The connection of his name with the nomination was 
calculated to produce discord where there should be harmony, and he 
therefore withdrew it. The letter was a model of its kind, and its 
noble spirit and lofty utterances, so free from the slightest tinge of 
irritation or disappointment, placed him higher than ever in popular 
esteem. He wound up with a reference to the approaching contest, in 
which a fanatical enemy was striving to seize the Federal government 



112 ROBERT TOOMBS' GREAT DISUNION SPEECH. 

to bring dishonor upon the South. To overthrow this enemy, and save 
the government and the South from dishonor and ruin, which would fol- 
low the successful inauguration of a Black Republican administration, 
was our duty. Union and harmony were necessary to do this, and to 
them he should contribute all he could with the confident hope of being 
fully and cordially sustained by the people of Georgia. 

At this time the tendency to peace between the sections was not at 
all helped by a brilliant, daring and masterly speech of Robert Toombs 
in the United States Senate, on a resolution offered by Stephen A. 
Douglas directing the judiciary committee to report a bill for the pro- 
tection of each State and Territory against invasion by the authorities of 
every other state and territory. Mr. Toombs made a terrible arraignment 
of the Black Republican party. He said that the country was virtually 
in civil war; that a large body of the Senators before him were enemies 
of his country, and were using their official power to assail and destroy 
the institutions of the states. We demand peace or war. Reviewing 
the action of the Republican party in regard to slavery, he asserted that 
the Republican hands were soiled with the blood of our constitutional 
compact. They mocked at constitutional obligations and. jeered at 
oaths. They had lost their shame with their virtue. The speech was a 
scorching, splendid piece of invective, but it was more, it was a pro- 
found, exhaustive and unanswerable argument, welded like an iron bar. 
Gathering vehemence as he concluded, this audacious Mirabeau thun- 
dered these unforgivable words at his colleagues of the opposite party 
representing millions of Northern people. 

" I denounce the Republican party as enemies of the Constitution and enemies of my 
country, and I shall treat them as such. I submit it to the judgment of the Senate, 
the country and the civilized world, if according to the public law of all civilized na- 
tions, vv^e have not just cause of war against our confederates." 

The impassioned orator then declared that with the success of the 
'* traitorous " Republican party " peace and safety are incompatible in 
the Union," and concluded with these burning words : 

" Listen to no ' vain babblings,' to no treacherous jargon about ' overt acts ; ' they have 
already been committed. Defend yourselves, the enemy is at your door ; Avait not to 
meet him at the hearth-stone — meet him at the door-sill — and drive him from the temple 
of liberty, or pull down its pillars and involve him in a common ruin." 

The effect of these fiery and war-like utterances was simply indescrib- 
able. They rendered peace impossible. They frrenzied the Republi- 
cans, they enthused our own hot-heads beyond restraint. They drove 
on the revolution by a million-spirit power. Coming from a Senator, 



THE REVOLUTION AT HAND. 113 

spoken in the great and august forum of the national Senate Chamber 
representing the solemn sentiment and grand majesty of a sovereign 
state, they were tremendous expressions. They made a peaceful solu- 
tion of the impending strife an impossibility. They made the State of 
Georgia the dominant factor of the strife, and the foremost and control- 
ling agency of the Revolution. It booted little that such conservative 
and Union instruments as Stephens and Johnson were stemming the 
deadly drift. The spirit of discord was regnant. It had sundered the 
Georgia Democracy, and in that unhappy division had shorn the rising 
Cobb of his power and promise. It was not an undramatic coincidence 
that while Georgia was foremost in her influence in the national coun- 
cils through her imperious Toombs, and was potentially stimulating the 
threatening disunion, she had two prominent candidates for the Presi- 
dency of the Union, the most prominent of whom she herself slaugh- 
tered. But a higher power was ruling the destinies of nations. The 
great revolution was at hand, and our Georgia Toombs was its genius. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

THE FATAL SPLIT OF THE NATIONAL AND GEORGIA 
DEMOCRACY, IN 1860. 

The Charleston Convention. — The Georgia Delegation Sundered. — A Majority led by 
H. L. Benning, secede. — A Minority Remain. — Solomon Cohen. — William B. Gaul- 
den the " Lion of Liberty." — Georgia Democracy Riven like the Delegates. — A 
vivid Batch of Letters on the Split from Hiram Warnei', Howell Cobb, Joseph 
E. Brown, A. II. Stephens, Peter E. Love, Robert Toombs, H. V. Johnson and 
E. A. Nisbet. — Brown's cool Practical View. — The strange Reversals of Howell 
Cobb, and H. V. Johnson. — The Constitutional Union Convention. — Its personelle. 
— The Democratic Convention. — Its Personelle. — A Volcanic Session and a Burst 
up. — A National State Democratic State Convention organized. — Two sets of 
Delegates to Baltimore. — Discord Rife. — The Disunion Drift Irresistible. — The 
Baltimore Convention. — Georgia Refused to go in. — Douglas and H. V. Johnson 
Nominated. — The National State Right's Convention organized. — Breckenridge and 
Lane Nominated. — The Deadly Work Done. — The Democracy in Eragments and 
the Revolution Sure. 

Startling events sped swiftly in Georgia, as in the Union, in this cru- 
cial year of 1860. The Charleston Convention met on the 23d of April 
and continued in turbulent session until the 2nd day of May, when it 
adjourned without making a nomination, to reassemble in Baltimore on 
the 18th of June. Some 57 ballots were taken, Mr. Douglas leading 
with 152|- out of 319, but unable to get more. The platform was hotly 
contested. Three reports were made by the committee on platform. 
One was the majority report made by the members of fifteen Southern 
states and the two states of Oregon and California, being seventeen of 
the thirty-three members of the committee. This report presented the 
Cincinnati platform with some additional resolutions declaring the 
equal right of slave property in the territories and the duty of Congress 
to protect it. The Cincinnati platform declared for non-interference by 
Congress with slavery in the territories. The majority report went be- 
yond the Cincinnati platform in declaring it the. duty of Congress to 
protect slave property in the territories. Two minority reports were 
presented, one offering the Cincinnati platform with some resolutions 
simply condemning interference with the fugitive slave law, but leaving 
out the protection of slave property in the territories. The last minor- 
ity report was adopted, which was the squatter sovereignty programme 



THE CHARLESTON COiSTVENTIOISr. 115 

of Mr. Douglas. On the defeat of the majority report and the adop- 
tion of the minority report, the delegates of Alabama, Mississippi, 
Florida, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas and a part of those from Dela- 
ware, seceded from the convention under lead of William L. Yancey of 
Alabama. The Georgia delegation obtained leave to retire, to consult 
as to their course, and split into fragments. A majority, consisting of 
Junius Wingfield, Henry L. Benning, Henry R. Jackson, J. M. Clark, 
William M. Slaughter, John A. Jones, D. C. Barrow, J. J. Diamond, A. 
Franklin Hill, E. L. Strohecker, O. C. Gibson, H. P. Thomas, P. Tracy, 
J. M. Lamar, E. J. McGeehee, George Hillyer, Mark Johnson, E. R. 
Harden, J. H. Lumpkin, J. G. Fain, James Hoge and W. J. Johnson, 
withdrew from the convention as a duty, as they declared. I. T. Irwin, 
W. H. Hull, L. H. Briscoe and Julian Hartridge withdrew in obedience 
to the vote of the majority. The balance of the delegation remained to 
share in the proceedings, consisting of Solomon Cohen, Hiram Warner, 
J. W. Burney, William B. Gaulden, James L. Seward, James Thomas, 
S. C. Candler, J. A. Render, L. A. Nelms, and Henry Cleveland. 

Mr. Solomon Cohen made a speech explaining his position. Mr. 
Cohen was a leading citizen of Savannah, who was at one time Post- 
master, a gentleman of high social standing and considerable speaking 
ability. He and his colleagues, while in sympathy with the seceders in 
principle, remained behind hoping that a better spirit might prevail and 
justice be done to the South by the Northern Democrats. Mr. Mont- 
gomery of Pennsylvania, replied that he was willing for the Southern 
members to retire, if they wished, and that-the majority of the conven- 
tion had made up their minds and would not change. Upon this Col. 
Wm. B. Gaulden, who enjoyed the soubriquet of the " Roaring Lion of 
Liberty County, " arose and made a speech that convulsed the conven- 
tion with laughter. He denounced protection to slavery as a humbug, 
and said he intended to. stand by his Northern brethren until the last 
day, late in the evening. He then branched into an unqualified sup- 
port of the African slave trade. But the fragment of the delegation 
were not permitted to vote, on the ground that the state delegation 
was instructed to vote as a unit. Mr. Seward had previously attempted 
to cast his individual vote, and the resolution of the Georgia Conven- 
tion upon the matter had been discussed, and the unit rule had been de- 
clared to apply to the Georgia delegation. Mr. Cohen vainly protested 
against the disfranchisement and denounced it as a usurpation. 

The seceding members of the Charleston Convention, including most 
of the majority part of the Georgia delegation, formed a separate con- 



116 VIEWS OF DISTINGUISHED GEORGIANS. 

vention, and called a Convention for the 2nd Monda}^ in June, in Rich- 
mond. 

The course of the Georgia delegation created a jjrofound feeling at 
home. The minority of the delegation issued a brief card explaining 
their course, and stating that they did not feel at liberty to bolt the 
convention and disrupt the party. The majority published a more 
lengthy address, signed by Henry L. Benning, the chairman of the 
delegation, elaborately arguing the whole question. They wound up 
this very able paper with the statement that some of the Northern dele- 
gates had shown a disposition to modify the platform, and there was 
some hope of this. They advised that a State Convention be called, 
and that such convention appoint delegates to both the Richmond 
and Baltimore conventions. The Executive Committee of the party 
issued a call for a state convention to assemble in Milledgeville, "the 4th 
day of June. A number of gentlemen of Macon, Robert Collins, John 
J. Gresham, James W. Armstrong and others, addressed a letter to the 
leading public men of the State, expressing alarm at the rupture of the 
Charleston Convention and asking their views of the situation. Re- 
plies were received from Hiram Warner, Howell Cobb, Joseph E. 
Brown, A. H. Stephens, Peter E. Love, Robert Toombs, H. V. Johnson 
and Eugenius A. Nesbit. 

Judge Warner had been one of the staying delegates in the Charleston 
convention. His letter was an incisive one. Believing the democratic 
organization of the Union to afford the best guarantee for the preser- 
vation of our rights, he resisted Mr. Yancey's bold attempt to destroy it. 
Believing also in the doctrine of congressional non-intervention, and 
having thought the Cincinnati platform a good one in 1856, he deemed 
it a good one in 1860, and declared the bolt from the Charleston con- 
vention to have been based upon a flimsy pretext. Howell Cobb fully 
endorsed the action of the seceding delegates, and said that the democ- 
racy of the state should sustain them. Every state whose delegates 
were for the majority platform was a democratic state, and the other 
sixteen states were republican. The nomination of Mr, Douglas he 
condemned. He suggested a state convention that should reappoint 
the same delegates to go to both Baltimore and Richmond, and advised 
a postponement of the Richmond convention until after attempt was 
exhausted at Baltimore to unite the party. The letter of Mr. Stephens 
was such an one as might be expected from him, calm, dispassionate, firm, 
statesmanlike. He argued that non-intervention had been the estab- 
lished policy of the party. He had not favored it originally, but had 



EGBERT TOOMBs' LETTER. 117 

acquiesced in it, and now thought we should abide it. A convention 
should be called and delegates sent to Baltimore. The demand of the 
seceders should be withdrawn and nomination of a good man made. If 
we were determined to quarrel with the North on general account, base 
it on the aggressive acts of our enemies and not the supposed short- 
comings of our friends. He repeated his previously expressed views of 
the impregnability of the slave institution. Mr. Toombs wrote a char- 
acteristic letter, short, pithy, snapping like a pistol shot, with consider- 
able moderation ostensibly, but holding the sword in a gloved hand. 
The seceding delegates should meet at Baltimore with the adjourned 
convention and endeavor to affect an adjustment. If this adjustment 
could not be made the Richmond convention could be held with clearer 
light for its guidance. If such a policy as he urged met with any 
considerable opposition in Georgia, let a party convention be called to 
take action. The reserve hostility of this sententious letter was seen, 
however, in the significant acknowledgment that he was purposelv 
yielding nothing, with the ultimate idea of demanding everything, and 
the unqualified declaration that, he never could give his assent that there 
was any rightful power anywhere to exclude slave property from the 
territorial domain. He wound up with the suggestive and pregnant 
sentences: 

" Our greatest danger, today, is that the Union ivill survive the Constitution. * * * 
Look at the preservation of your rights. The Union has more friends than you have, 
and will last as long, at least, as its continuance will be compatible with your safety." 

Mr. Love would not have advised secession, but did not condemn the 
seceders. The seceders should go back to Baltimore and try to harmo- 
nize. Ex-Gov. Johnson's letter was a long and able one, a model of 
rhetoric and argument. He took the same view that Mr. Stephens did. 
Non-intervention was the accepted policy of the party. A demand for 
intervention was unnecessary, while intervention was valueless and of 
questionable right, and doubtful policy. He had opposed the compro- 
mise of 1850, but he was now for sticking to it. It was a matter of 
honor to stand to the compact. He advised calling a convention to 
determine our policy, and send delegates to Baltimore. Let us save the 
national democracy to destroy Seward and his myrmidons. Judge E. 
A. Nesbit wrote a most positive, out-spoken letter and a strong one. 
He condemned the action of the seceders, and repudiated the Richmond 
convention. He asserted that some of the bolters of the other states 
had purposely seceded Ito split the party and disrupt the Union. He 
was against intervention as inconsistent, in bad faith, dishonorable, crip- 



118 LETTER OF GOVERNOR BEOWK. 

pling to the northern democracy, unsound in constitutional principle, 
carrying the dangerous right to strike down slavery, and unavailing. 
He urged a convention and sending delegates to Baltimore, regardless 
of the Charleston action, to harmonize the party. 

The letter of Joseph E. Brown Avas just such a cool, clear, practical 
common-sense, conclusive view of the perplexing subject as might have 
been expected from the man. It embodied a simple solution of the 
problem in his plain business way. Ascribing the discord to the per- 
sonal ambition and animosity of leaders, and claiming that the masses 
of the Democracy were true to the constitution, both North and South, 
he proceeded to discuss the situation. Making no reflection upon the 
Georgia delegates who seceded or those that remained in the conven- 
tion, he ascribed good motives to both, and believed that the difference 
projDerly used could be turned to benefit. As an abstract question, he 
believed in the right to protection of slave property in the Territories. 
The wisdom and utility of making an issue on it was another question, 
and it would seem to be wise to wait until an occasion rises, which 
mio-ht never happen, before making such an issue. The Democratic 
doctrine heretofore had been non-intervention by Congress. The 
trouble now was over an attempt to put a new plank in the platform 
of the party. Men might honestly differ on the expediency of such an 
innovation. It had been said that the Democratic construction, North 
and South, was different on the Cincinnati platform. The answer to 
this was that the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case had decided the 
principle, and the Northern wing of the party was willing to recognize 
the decision of the Supreme Court as the correct exposition. This 
should be a satisfactory settlement of the issue. He urged a State Con- 
vention of men of age and experience, to discuss and decide the matter 
without passion or crimination. Let delegates be sent to Baltimore and 
accept the Cincinnati platform with the additional resolution that the 
Northern Democracy was willing to offer, recognizing the binding force 
and correct exposition of the Supreme Court decision, or something 
similar, and the trouble would be healed. The Democratic party alone 
presented any hope for the South in the contest with the Black Repub- 
lican party, and we should cling to it. It will be time enough for the 
Richmond Convention when harmony at Baltimore on the ground indi- 
cated fails. 

These were a masterly vivid group of letters, and strangely variant. 
There were some curious changes indicated l^y them, the most notable 
being that Howell Cobb and Herschell V. Johnson, who had been in 



THE STATE CONSTITUTIONAL UNION CONVENTION. 119 

1850 SO opposed, Cobb being the Union representative and Johnson the 
pronounced Soiithern Rights champion, had completely reversed posi- 
tions. Cobb was the Southern Rights advocate, and squarely defending 
the seceders from the Charleston Convention; Avhile Johnson con- 
demned them and stood the Conservative exponent. Douglas and 
Buchanan were very hostile, and Cobb, as a member of Buchanan's 
Cabinet, naturally antagonized Douglas and his platform. It was at 
the time charged that the Presidential aspirations of both Cobb and 
Johnson somewhat controlled them in that exciting crisis. 

The conflict of opinion among the leaders was the outcome of the 
popular agitation. The State was convulsed over this great political 
issue. In many localities there was a fiery feeling. A duel occurred 
between Dr. Holmes and Mr. Nelms about the burning of the staying 
delegates in effigy, in which Mr. Nelms was wounded. 

The opposition had been for some time showing activity. The party 
was disorganized, but still vital. The Chronicle and Sentinel made a 
suggestion that met with favor and was soon adopted, of rebaptizing 
the party under the name of the "Constitutional Union Party." 
A Convention was called and held in Milledgeville on the 2d of May, 
1860. Gen. John W. A. Sanford was made President, and John Mil- 
ledge and Dr. R. A. T. Ridley, Vice-Presidents; C. R. Hanleiter, L. F. 
W. Andrews and C. H. C. Willingham were Secretaries. Forty-four 
counties only were represented by 111 delegates. Among the leading 
members were A. H. Kenan, R. M. Orme, Clifford Anderson, M. W. 
Lewis, R. L. McWhorter, D. W. Lewis, R. P. Trippe, C. H. Hopkins, 
G. E. Thomas, P. Reynolds, John Milledge, Ranse Wright, C. A. Evans 
and B. H. Bigham. 

The resolutions adopted pledged the party to co-operate with all men 
who believed in the duty of the government to protect slave property 
in the territories, and that any legislation to defeat the fugitive slave 
law was unconstitutional. An Executive Committee was made of J. W. 
A. Sandford, C. H. Hopkins, IT. Holt, L. F. W. Andrews, R. A. T. Ridley, 
Dr. H. V. M. Miller, Dr. S. H. Freeman, D. W. Lewis and John Miller. 
Delegates were appointed to a National Constitutional Union Conven- 
tion at Baltimore, of whom those for the state at large were Dr. R. A. 
T. Ridley, Joshua Hill, A. R. Wright and J. C. S. Lee. The Chairman 
in his speech of thanks declared that the Democratic party that had 
controlled the country so long with a blundering policy was discordant, 
and could not even be held together by the cohesive power of public 
plunder. Good men must now rally to save the country. The resolu- 



120 THE STATE DEMOCEATIC CONVENTION OF JUNE, 1861. 

tions of this convention were ignored by the Constitutional Union Con- 
vention of Baltimore, which nominated the Hon. John Bell of Tennes- 
see, and Edward Everett of Massachusetts, as its Presidential ticket. 
The Republican party had also nominated at Chicago Abe Lincoln of 
Illinois for President, and Hannibal Hamlin of Maine for Vice-President, 
upon a platform that declared the territories free, and denied the right 
of Congress or any other power to give legal existence to slavery in any 
territory. The issue thus made was clear and distinct. It was more, — 
it was defiant and aggressive. 

The Democratic Convention of June the 4th, 1860, was looked to with 
profound interest. One hundred and twelve counties were represented 
by three hundred and forty delegates. It was a large body and in point 
of ability a strong one. Among the delegates were L. H. Briscoe, P. 
Tracy, J. Hartridge, W, H. Stiles, H. R. Jackson, S. Cohen, Howell 
Cobb, N. Tift, J. H. Lumpkin, B. C. Yancey, T. C. Howard, Thos. 
Butler King, W. H. Dabney, W. E. Simmons, Herschell V. Johnson, 
Saml. Hall, Hiram Warner, T. P. Saffold, A. H. Chappell, J. Wingfield, 
T. L. Guerry, A. Hood, Jas. Gardner, Julian Gumming, W. W. 
Montgomery, W. A. Hawkins, T. M. Furlow, H. K. McCoy, J. C. 
Maund, J. L. Seward, George Hilly er, C. W. Styles, J. S. Hook, R. L. 
Warthen, B. D. Evans, J. C. Nichols, I. T. Irwin. 

The President was T. L. Guerry. The chairman of the Business 
Committee was Wm. H. Stiles. On this committee were both Howell 
Cobb and Plerschell V. Johnson. A majority and minority report were 
both made, the latter signed by H. V. Johnson, Thos. P. Saffold, H. K. 
McCoy, and A. Colvard. The majority report took imperative ground 
for the protection of slavery in the territories, endorsed the seceders 
from the Charleston Convention and reappointed the entire delegation 
to the Charleston Convention, to represent the State in the Baltimore 
Convention, and if the slavery programme was not adopted there to go 
into the Richmond Convention. The minority report reaffirmed the 
Cincinnati platform with an additional resolution declaring that slave 
property was entitled to the same legal recognition in the territories as 
any other property, and the right could not be impaired by Congress or 
a territorial government. The minority report further provided for a 
new delegation to Baltimore. 

The session of the convention continued two days. The discussion 
upon the reports was intense and elaborate. T. P. Saffold, Howell 
Cobb, J. L. Seward, Dr. J. Branham, B. C. Yancey, James Gardner, H. 
V. Johnson and Henry R. Jackson all spoke. Several of the speeches 



THE CONVEISTTION SPLITS UP, 121 

were very able. Ex-Gov. Johnson began his speech before the noon 
adjournment of the second day, and concluded it after dinner. His 
speech was powerfully begun and a master-piece of argument and elo- 
quence. Even his opponents acknowledged its magnificent power. 
But what slight causes can affect human effort. Wearied at the close 
of the morning session, and unable from the strain upon him to eat any 
dinner, he took a glass of wine upon an empty stomach to strengthen 
himself, and it sickened him, rendering the continuation of his speech 
so difficult that its diminution of vigor was marked, Jackson and Cobb 
both made strong efforts for the majority report. The Convention was 
nearly one-sided. The majority report was adopted by a vote of 298f 
yeas to 41^ nays. 

The minority of the Convention then entered a protest against the 
majority report thus adopted on the grounds that it asserted proposi- 
tions that were in violation of the established Democratic doctrine of 
non-intervention, and that would disrupt the National Convention; that 
it by implication condemned the delegates who did not secede at 
Charleston; and that its appointment of delegates to Richmond de- 
tached this Convention practically from the National Democracy. 
Among others this protest was signed by James Gardner, George W. 
Lamar, T. P. Saffold, J. L. Seward, Hiram Warner and Jas. S. Hook. 

The minority of the convention, also, immediately organized what 
they called " A National Democratic State Convention," of which Hiram 
Warner was made president. Twenty-four counties with 63 delegates 
were represented. . In addition to the delegates above mentioned as 
protesting against the majority report there were H. V. Johnson, Jas. 
A. Nisbet, Jas. T. Nisbet, A. E. Cochrane, J. W. Duncan, A. H.Chappell, 
Julian Cumming, W, W. Montgomery and others. A full set of dele- 
gates were appointed to the Baltimore convention, and the minority 
report was unanimously adopted. The delegates selected were: 

8tate at large. — H. V. Johnson, James Gardner, Absalom H. Chappell 
-and Hiram Warner. 

District Delegates. — 1st, J. L. Seward, Wm. B. Gaulden; 2d, R. 
Whitely, B. Y. Martin; 3d, N. Bass, S. W. Burney; 4th, J. P. Hamble- 
ton, S. C. Candler; 5th, A. R. Wright, H. P. Farrow; 6th, R. McMillan, 
J. P. Simmons; 7th, T. P. Saffold, J. Thomas; 8th, L. A. Nelms, A. C. 
Walker. 

A committee of three, consisting of H. V. Johnson, Jas. A, Nisbet 
and Nathan Bass, was appointed to issue an address to the people of 
Georgia, explaining their action. The address evidently emanated from 



123 THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION OF 1860. 

the brain of Gov. Johnson. It was a compact, vigorous, polished paper, 
blending force and finish. The minority report, it said, was admitted 
by the majority to be sound in principle, and only differed from the 
majority in not demanding the undemocratic doctrine of intervention. 
It also refused to recognize the sectional convention at Richmond. The 
majority report denationalized the Georgia democracy and made it a 
probable conclusion that the State would not be received in the national 
convention. The minority had appointed delegates upon a sound unob- 
jectionable platform, and if the majority delegates were rejected the 
minority delegates would attempt to prevent Georgia from being unrep- 
resented. The address made no censures upon any one, but candidly 
declared that it believed, that the urging of the doctrine of intervention 
was unwise, and fraught with danger to the national democracy and to 
the best interests of the South. 

It will be seen how every step of events in Georgia during this year 
was marked by unhealed and growing divisions. The spirit of discord 
was rife, and the drift to disunion was steady and irresistible. Men 
either could not or would not harmonize, though harmony was so easy. 
Looking at the differences at this long distance, out of the fever of 
those days, one wonders, with the terrific contingency of a disruption 
of the party and .its certain and immeasurable results of evil, that as 
sensible men as there were in control of matters, did not fix a settlement 
of the party divisions. There can be but one explanation. There were 
enough disunionists to drive party disintegration as the sure agency of 
national dissolution. The abolitionists of the north were equally 
resolved to extirpate slavery, and furnished the needed stimulus of a 
biting and incessant provocation. Conservative men were powerless, 
and a moderate policy impossible in the heated temper of the era. 

The Richmond convention met and adjou.rned until the 21st of June, 
1860. The Baltimore convention assembled. Both Georgia delegations 
applied for admission. The committee of credentials finally made 
majority and minority reports. The majority report favored the admis- 
sion of both delegations with a division of Georgia's vote, and the 
admission of contesting delegations in place of seceders from the other 
Southern states. The minority report favored the admission of all the 
seceding delegations. The convention admitted the seceding Georgia 
delegation headed by H. L. Benning, and rejected the national demo- 
cratic delegation headed by James Gardner. The seceding delegations 
from the other states were rejected and new ones admitted. Delegations 
from Alabama and Louisiana were not admitted at all. Upon this 



THE NATIONAL DEMOCRACY KIVEN. 123 

action the Georgia delegation refused to go in, and the majority of the 
delegations from Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, California and 
Oregon withdrew from the convention, and Delaware declined to take 
any part for the present. Missouri alone was entirely represented from 
the south, and a few delegates remained from Virginia, North Carolina 
and Tennessee. The party rupture was complete. There was no hope 
of reconciliation. The disintegration proceeded. Kentucky withdrew. 
The majority of the Massachusetts delegation went out. Hon. Caleb 
Gushing, the president of the convention, resigned, because his state of 
Massachusetts was thus unrepresented. One hundred and ninety dele- 
gates were left, a new chairman was chosen, and Stephen A. Douglas 
nominated for President, and Gov. Fitzpatrick of Alabama for Vice 
President. Fitzpatrick wisely declined. In Washington on the 25th, 
the Douglas delegates selected Herschell V. Johnson of Georgia in his 
place, who accepted. 

The seceders immediately organized a National State Rights Conven- 
tion. Hon. Caleb Gushing was made president. Two hundred and ten 
delegates, representing twenty-one states, and 284 votes, constituted 
the convention. The states were Vermont, Massachusetts, New York, 
Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North , Carolina, South 
Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiania, Mississippi, Texas, 
Arkansas, Missouri, Tennessee, Kentucky, California and Oregon. The 
majority report of the Charleston convention was adopted, and John C. 
Breckenridge of Kentucky was nominated for President, and Joseph 
Lane of Oregon for Vice-President. 

The fatal work was done. The democratic party in the very height 
of its power was stricken down by its own hand.- The only constitution- 
loving political organization in the country that had the popular confidence 
deliberately enacted its own disintegration, and turned the government 
over to a sectional party. The result was a foregone conclusion. Split 
into warring fragments, the otherwise irresistible strength of the democ- 
racy was w^asted, and a minority party, the Black Republican, regardless 
of constitutions, but battling against slavery on grounds of humanity, 
had an easy victory. In the light of common sense the democratic 
division was a mad piece of policy, useless and destructive. In the 
illumination of a Providential purpose, it was the means to a great end, 
to be worked out through a travail, which, if it could have been foreseen, 
would have frightened back the consummation. The democratic rupture 
at Baltimore was the practical inception of the revolution. 



CHAPTER XV. 

THE MOMENTOUS CLOSE OF THE LAST YEAR OF PEACE, 

1860. 

A Matchless State Prosperity. — Brown's Growth in Public Esteem. — The Gallagher 
Eifle. — D. A. Walker. — H. V. Johnson's Up-hill Campaign. — Electoral Tickets for 
Breckenridge. — Douglas and Bell. — The State convulsed. — Francis S. Bartow and 
his flaming Speech. — An Era of Delirium. — An Epoch of Eloquence. — Georgia's 
Galaxy of Orators. — Varney Gaskill's Expulsion. — No Popular Election in Georgia. 
— The Legislature. — Gov. Brown's Message. — A Bold Paper. — Preparation for War 
Urged. — Ketaliatory Legislation recommended. — A Convention advised. — The Leg- 
islature elected the Breckenridge Ticket. — The Secession Convention called. — Ten 
Thousand Troops authorized. — Money Alarmed. — Business Shocked. — Brown's Bit- 
ter Battle with the Legislature over the Bank Question. — Gov. Brown opposed Sus- 
pension. — Bill Passed. — Veto. — Bill Passed over Veto. — House Attacked Governor. 
— Unquailing Message in Reply. — Resolutions of Censure by House. — A Universal 
Fighting Time. — Brown an Unyielding Foe. — He Denounced the Censure and 
Scathed the House. — The Electoral Ticket call for Gov. Brown's Views on the 
Crisis. — A Strong Reply. 

Amid all this trouble in Georgia over Federal politics, the state con- 
tinued to progress in prosperity under the matchless administration of 
Gov, Brown. ' He took no active part in national matters, but devoted 
himself with his accustomed zeal and vigilance, to the details of state 
government. He steadily grew in popular esteem, and daily widened his 
reputation and influence. He continued to deal with state questions, 
promptly and masterfully. . The state road was made to ^^ay increasing- 
monthly installments into the state treasury. The pardon power was 
rarely exercised. The surplus in the treasury, placed there by his 
superb management, was devoted to taking up bonds not due, and thus 
diminishing the public debt and taxation. 

While he was not an active participant in the political tumult of the 
day, he was a close observer of events, and had a keen, practical eye to 
the future and held in consideration the needs of the state. He foresaw 
the coming conflict, and was for preparing for it. Some Savannah gen- 
tlemen. Dr. M, J, Gallagher and W, H. Gladding, had invented a rifle. 
Gov. Brown had it tested Avith a view to its manufacture and distribu- 
tion in the state. Mr. Eli McConnell and John .Jones made a competi- 
tive trial with it, upon twelve inch planks an inch apart. This rifle beat 




i'-'?-L_^ 



II. V. JOHIv^SON FOE AaCE-PKESIDENT. 125 

both the Sharpe and Minie weapons. Gov, Brown wrote as follows 
about it to Dr. Gallagher and Mr. J. D. Delannoy. 

" Recent events have, I think, satisfied the southern people that it is wise for them to 
arm. I have but little confidence in high-sounding speeches and resolutions. We must 
meet aggression in future by energetic preparation and prompt action. The legislature 
which places your " Georgia Eifle " or some other first rate arm in the hand of every 
person in the state, qualified to do military duty, will have done more to protect the 
South against aggression than has been done by all the resolutions of its predecessors. 
Tlie argument is already * exhausted.' Let us have no more compromises, and if the full 
measure of our rights is denied in future, let us stand by our arms." 

The resignation of L. W. Crook as judge of the Cherokee Circuit was 
the occasion of Gov. Brown apjDointing in his place a gentleman who 
afterwards became quite a marked person. Judge Dawson A. Walker 
was a Tennesseean by birth. A self-made man and very plain in man- 
ners and habits, he was a lawyer of uncommon ability and energy, 
and a citizen of integrity and pure character. He became a Judge of 
the Supreme Court, defeating Henry L. Benning before the legislature 
for that office by the aid of William Dougherty. He M^as the Republi- 
can candidate for Governor against Gov. Smith. He has recently died 
enjoying general esteem. 

The nomination of Breckenridge and Lane was generally endorsed in 
Georgia. The only leaders who supported Douglas and Johnson were 
Alex. H. Stephens, Ranse Wright, Eugenius A. Nesbit, Hiram Warner, 
B.. Y. Martin, J. L. Seward and Absalom H. Chappell. There were a 
few in favor of Bell and Everett, but the mass of the public men, in- 
cluding both the Democrats and the Opposition, were for Breckenridge 
and Lane. But three papers a,dvocated Douglas and Johnson, the 
Augusta Constitutionalist, Rome Southerner and Atlanta Confederacy. 
Gov. Joseph E. Brown gave the Breckenridge ticket a hearty siipport. 
While deeply regretting the division of the Democratic party, and think- 
ing that no sufficient cause existed for a split, as the division was made, 
he stood as he had always stood, with the South. Gov. Johnson,who had 
been so widely popular, experienced the vicissitudes of political favor. La 
Macon he was hung in effigy, but the act was severely condemned by the 
Breckenridge press. Lie spoke a number of times. In Savannah he 
was hissed, and defiantly declared that he repeated his views in spite of 
the hisses of *' serpents and geese," meeting the indignity differently 
from Mr. Toombs, who, when hissed in Boston during his famous speech 
there, good-naturedly told the people that he had no objection to their 
hissing if they preferred that method of expressing their feelings ; and 
again, when at some reference to the fugitive slave law they hissed, he 



126 THREE ELECTORAL TICKETS IN GEORGIA. 

quietly remarked that they were hissing the Constitution of their coun- 
try and not him. Gov, Johnson had an uphill business in this campaign. 
He was a sensitive and not at all a combative man, and illy-suited for a 
struggle against such odds as he had to fight, and against the preju- 
dices of his own people. The papers rang with charges against his polit- 
ical integrity, and these and the personal discourtesy that flamed out 
in this hot canvass were something he was little fitted to meet. 

The Democratic State Convention met on the 8th of August, 1860, 
and selected a Breckenridge and Lane electoral ticket. A hundred 
counties were represented by several hundred delegates, including the 
leading men of the State. Mr. Toombs was a delegate, as also the two 
brothers, Alfred H. Colquitt and Peyton H. Colquitt from different 
counties. W. J. Vason was made President. Mr. Toombs was chair- 
man of the business committee. The resolutions were short and to the 
point. The following bears unmistakable marks of Mr. Toombs' fiery 
spirit. 

" 5th. Resolved, That "we embrace with our wliole hearts and trust with our 'whole 
counsels those uoble patriots in the non-slaveholding States, who, neither disheartened 
by treachery nor overawed by majorities, maintain the truth and stand by the Consti- 
tution and the equality of the States, the only bond of everlasting Union." 

The electoral ticket was: 

Electors at large. — C. J. McDonald, H. R. Jackson. 

Alternates. — A. H. Colquitt, Wm. H. Dabney. 

District Electors. — 1st, Peter Cone; 2d, Wm. M. Slaughter; 3d, O. 
C. Gibson; 4th, H. Buchanan; 5th, Lewis Tumlin; 6th, H. Strickland; 
7th, W. A. Lofton; 8th, Wm. M. Mcintosh. 

The Douglas and Johnson State Democratic Convention met in 
Milledgeville on the 14th of August, 1860. A. J. Lawson of Burke, 
was made President. Sixty-three counties were represented by 190 
delegates. The electoral ticket selected was: 

Electors at large. — Alex. H. Stephens, Aug, R. Wright, of Floyd. 

Alternates. — T. P. Saffold, Jas, Gardner. 

District Electors. — 1st, James L. Seward; . 2d, B. Y. Martin; 3d, 
Nathan Bass; 4th, H. Warner; 5th, J. W. Harris; 6th, J. P. Simmons; 
7th, J. S. Hook; 8th, J. Gumming. 

The resolutions were a simple endorsement of Douglas and Johnson 
and the platform of the convention that nominated them. A resolution 
Avas also passed inviting Mr. Douglas to visit Georgia and deliver an 
address. Gov. Johnson was invited before the Convention and de- 
livered a jDowerful and eloquent speech. 



rKANCIS S. BAETOA^^ 127 

The convention of the Bell and Everett party put the following ticket 
in the field: 

State Electors. — "William Law, B. H. Hill. 

District Electors. — 1st, S. B. Spencer; 2d, M. Douglass; 3d, L. T. 
Doyal; 4th, W. T. Wright; 5th, J. R. Parrott; 6th, H. P. Bell; 7th, J. 
E. Dupree; 8th, L. Lamar. 

The issue was clearly made up with the three electoral tickets, all 
composed of the very best men in the State. There was no personal 
consideration in the support given. The issue was decided on its merits. 
The canvass was very active. The state was covered with large gather- 
ings and swarmed with speakers. Many of the opposition party came 
over to Breckenridge and Lane, notably such men as Dr. H. V. M. 
Miller, and Francis S. Bartow. The canvass was aggressive on all sides. 
Mr. Bell was savagely assaulted for not having endorsed the Dred Scott 
decision. Mr. Douglas was charged with being ready to ally with the 
Black Republicans, and one of his strongest and most influential sup- 
porters, Hon. A. H. Chappell, left him on account of this accusation. 
The point was fiercely pushed upon Gov. Johnson as to what he would 
do if Abe Lincoln was elected, and whether he would submit. He 
thundered back that he would hold the Breckenridge and Lane party 
responsible. The whole tendency of the intensely heated canvass was 
to educate and drive the popular will to disunion if the Black Republi- 
cans succeeded. Said that most brilliant and impetuous spirit, Francis 
S. Bartow, in a burning speech in Savannah, with a sad prophetic fore- 
caste of his heroic death at Manassas in the very beginning of the war: 

" I am tired of this endless controversy. I am wearied with seeing this threatening 
cloud forever above our heads. If the storm is to come, and it seems to me as though 
it must, be its fury ever so great, I court it now in the day of my vigor and strength. 
(Applause). If any man is to peril life, fortune and honor in defense of our rights, I 
claim to be one of these men. (Immense applause.) Let it come now, I am ready for 
it. Pat it not off until to-morrow, or the next day, we shall not be stronger by 
waiting. (Continued applause.) I do not wish to destroy, the government. I am a 
Union man in every fiber of my heart. I have gloried in its missions of humanity, in 
its heroic birth, and youthful struggles, and in tlie grandeur of its maturity. God never 
launched a nation on a more magnificent career. It has been the home of the oppressed 
and the asylum of the desolate from every land. In it to-day are wrapped the hopes of 
universal man — but I will peril all — all before I will abandon our rights in the Union or 
submit to be governed by an unprincipled majority. (Great applause)." 

It is the nature of manly men — men of high spirit, to fret under sus- 
pense, and to precipitate impending and inevitable issues. It was this 
spirit which made the situation in 1860 so full of delirium and peril. 
Southern men saw no end to the slavery agitation save in submission or 



128 A CARNIVAL OF ELOQUENCE. 

fight. The former was out of the question. They invited the latter as 
the only means of settling the struggle. It was a desperate feeling, 
and it seized the most tame-spirited. There perhaps has never been 
a time that brought to the front more vehement and maddening elo- 
quence than that stormy year of 1860. Georgia was full of superb orators, 
and in the themes of that wild day they found constant and congenial 
material for impassioned and irresistible oratory. It is in such whirling 
times of upheaval and passion and madness that eloquent men find their 
most thrilling mission. The canvass was a carnival of splendid speaking. 
Men's blood was at fever heat under a long felt and long-repressed sense 
of wrong. It was no day for reason or argument save what rolled with 
the passions, that were rising higher daily. Georgia has never been so 
affluent in great minds and superlative speakers as in that time. There 
was a superb galaxy of mental giants and genuine orators. Toombs, 
Johnson, Cobb, the Stephens brothers, Jackson, Bartow, Miller, the two 
Wrights, Hill, and Colquitt' were all men of splendid power on the 
stump, all magnetic, and all threw themselves into that dramatic agita- 
tion with the whole fervor of their souls. Any one of these men was 
fitted to lead in any assemblage anywhere, while several enjoyed a 
national reputation of the very largest measure. Mr. Douglas himself 
came to Georgia and spoke in Atlanta during the canvass to an immense 
audience. Ben Hill and Warren Akin bore the brunt of the battle on the 
Bell and Everett side, and did it well. Mr. Hill, near the close of the can- 
vass, published a letter urging the fusion of parties for the sake of the 
country, but he was unmercifully lampooned for the suggestion by the 
Breckenridge and Lane press and speakers. And Col. Wm. McKinley, 
the chairman of the Breckenridge executive committee, published a card 
officially denying for the CDmmittee any idea of such a fusion. It was 
charsfed that the movement was a confession of weakness and a trick 
to defeat Breckenridge, but in the light of results, it was a wise and a 
patriotic proposition. 

As an illustration of the spirit that prevailed, the treatment of Col. 
Varney A. Gaskill is in point. He was chairman of the Fulton county 
Breckenridge executive committee. Believing that he was coquetting 
with the Bell and Everett people, the committee met and passed, and 
published the following bitter resolution : 

" Whereas, V. A. Gaskill having forfeited all confidence of this Executive Committee, 
hy his political course in the presidential canvass, by his public and private political ter- 
giversations, therefore, 

Resolved, That V. A. Gaskill be expelled from this Executive committee, and that he 
is no longer worthy of our political fellovvsliip." 



BRECKENEIDGE AND LAXE ELECTED. 129 

An organization was established in the state that was originated in 
Macon, called the " Minute Men," irrespective of party, whose purpose 
was to " sustain southern constitutional equality in the Union, or fail- 
ing in that, to establish our independence out of it." In Atlanta, the 
" Minute Men" was started by Col. T. C. Howard, and numbered over 400 
members. Such men as Howell Cobb, noted as Unionists, emphatically 
menaced and foreshadowed disunion. Said Mr. Cobb at Marietta, but 
a short while before the election in a most powerful and effective speech: 
" The hour of Georgia's dishonor in the Union should be the hour of her 
independence out of the Union." 

The day of election came at last, and Lincoln and Hamlin were 
elected. In Georgia the vote stood as follows: Breckenridge and Lane, 
51,893, Douglas and Johnson, 11,580, Bell and Everett, 42,855. None 
of the electoral tickets having received a majority of the whole vote, 
the choice of the electors was therefore thrown into the legislature. 
The success of the Black Republican ticket fell upon the South with 
maddening effect. There had been a fixed belief that somehow such a 
result would not happen, and the Breckenridge men in Georgia were 
I^retty sure of carrying the presidency. But there stood the inexorable 
result, and it produced the effect of a volcanic eruption. The Georgia 
legislature assembled for its regular annual session, the same legislature 
that had held in 1859. The speaker of the House, Hon. I. T. Irwin, had 
died, and Gen. C. J. Williams was elected in his place. Several new 
senators and representatives had been elected, among them, R. C. 
Humber, George T. Barnes and John Davison, who have been prominent 
since the war. Mr. Barnes is at present the Georgia member of the 
National Democratic Executive Committee, this being his second term 
in that capacity. He is a gentleman of fine talent and character. 

The annual message of Gov. Brown was devoted to the business mat- 
ters of the state, and made a striking exhibit. The state road had paid 
$450,000 into the Treasury, Of the state debt not due, $117,000 had 
been paid in addition to the interest and principal due. The School 
Fund had been increased $200,000, besides $150,000 paid out for educa- 
tional purposes. The sum of $75,000 had been appropriated at the last 
session to buy arms for the state military. An increase of the appro- 
priation was recommended. All of the institutions of the state were in 
the best condition. The subject of our Federal relations. Gov. Brown 
made the occasion of a special message of great length and elaboration, 
and practical ability. The message was written before it was certain 
that the Black Republican ticket was elected, but when sufficient re- 



130 GOVERNOR brown's MESSAGE. 

turns had come in to render it probable. Reviewing tlie anti-fugitive 
slave law legislation of half a dozen of the northern states, he urged as 
the only means to meet such aggression, a system of retaliatory legisla- 
tion against such states. He recommended measures of reprisal upon 
the property of Massachusetts citizens for instance in Georgia, and with- 
drawal of protection to such citizens, besides discrimination against the 
manufactures and products of the offending states. In the event that 
the Black Republican ticket was elected, he advised the calling of a con- 
vention of the people of the state, to devise a proper course. He con- 
cluded with the recommendation that the sum of one million of dollars 
be appropriated for a military fund, with the \dew of armed resistance to 
any further aggression. 

This message of Gov. Brown was a typical instance of the man's 
methods. Its keen discernment of the situation, its stern recognition 
of disagreeable facts, its thoughtful consideration of remedies, its 
thorough preparation for the worst, its bold assumption of responsibility, 
its daring aggressiveness, its large comprehension of probable needs, 
and its magnitude of plan, all inspired by prompt and iron-willed nerve, 
and conducted with confidence and practical sense, were all just what 
the people had learned to expect from this remarkable man. The mes- 
sage awakened a general interest over the whole Union. It evoked 
bitter denunciations from abroad. For a riionth the table of the execu- 
tive office was covered with letters from every factory in the North, 
representing in every variety of penmanship, orthography and rhetoric, 
the ills which would befall any number of men, women and children, 
should Georgia carry out the policy of her Governor. 

It was but a few days until the election of Lincoln and Hamlin was 
a certainty. County meetings were held in all parts of Georgia, and 
resolutions poured in a steady current upon the General Assembly urging 
action. Savannah led off under inspiration of the impetuous Bartow^, 
and declared that the election of Lincoln and Hamlin ought not to be 
submitted to, and asking for a convention, and measures to org'anize and 
arm the forces of the State. A convention of military companies 
presided over by John W. Anderson, resolved that " Georgia can no 
longer remain in the Union consistently with her safety and best 
interest." The appropriation of a million of dollars for military purposes, 
recommended by the Governor, was endorsed by this convention of 
soldiers, and their services tendered to the Governor. 

Governor Brown issued his proclamation announcing that there had 
been no selection of electors by the people, and the duty devolved upon 



THE FIRST STEP IN SECESSION. 131 

the General Assembly, and he suggested that in view of the fact that 
the Black Republican candidates were elected, and the Georgia vote 
would not alter the result, that for the sake of harmony, so essential now 
in the South, a refusal to go through the forms of an election would 
be politic. He also announced by authority that ex-Gov. McDonald, 
one of the electors on the Breckenridge ticket, would not a-llow his 
name used, as he was too feeble to cast the vote. The legislature, 
however, deemed it imperative to choose the electors, and the Brecken- 
ridge ticket was elected, substituting Alfred H. Colquitt for ex-Gov. 
McDonald. 

This legislature of 1860 did important work. A convention of the 
people of Georgia was called for the 16th day of January, 1861, the 
election of delegates to take place on the first Wednesday in January, 
1861. The act passed unanimously. 

The committee upon the State of Republic addressed a communica- 
tion to the following gentlemen, asking them to meet together in a 
practical and conciliatory counsel, and suggest a line of policy for the 
legislature: Joseph E. Brown, Alex. H. Stephens, R. Toombs, Jos. H. 
Lumpkin, R, F, Lyon, Charles J. Jenkins, J. W. A. Sanford, H. L. 
Benning, G. Andrews, Linton Stephens, M. J. Crawford, B. H. Hill, F. 
S. Bartow, James Jackson, T. R. R. Cobb, H. V. Johnson, E. H. Baxter, 
J. H. Howard. These gentlemen assembled and recommended the call- 
ing of a convention with the following preamble : 

" Whereas, the present crisis in our national affairs, in the judgment of this General 
Assembly, demands resistance ; and, whereas, it is the privilege and right of the 
sovereign people to determine upon the mode, measure and time of such resistance." 

The office of Adjutant General of the state was created; the accept- 
ance by the Governor of 10,000 troops was authorized; the purchase 
of. 1,000 Maynard rifles and carbines for the coast defence ordered; and 
an appropriation of one million of dollars for military purposes made. 
A Direct Trade Company was incorporated; the sum of $2,500 appropri- 
ated yearly to the State Agricultural Society, a practice still kept up; 
and $2,500 appropriated to the Cotton Planters' Convention, All of 
these were practical matters, looking to preparation for the troubles 
impending, and for a changed condition of aifairs. 

The menacing state of politics could, of course, have but one effect 
upon busi*ness. Capital became alarmed. All classes of business felt 
the shock of apprehension. Trade was disturbed, investments ceased, 
and general commerce was paralyzed. Money was locked up, and the 
cloud of financial distress darkened the country. The banks, North and 



132 AXOTHER BATTLE OF THE BANKS. 

South, looked forward to suspension, and a bill was introduced and 
passed,, granting- relief to the Georgia banks. It seemed as if the banks 
were destined to be a fruitful and constant source of combat between 
Governor Brown and the legislatures of the State. Somehow or other 
thej could not agree, and the Executive was not the sort of a person to 
yield his convictions to any pressure, nor to pin his opinions upon any 
number of coat sleeves. He promptly sent back a veto of the bank 
relief bill. He said that he had been opposed in 1857 to bank suspen- 
sions, and his views had been sustained by the people. There was less 
reason now for a bank suspension than then. The advocates of bank 
i-elief admitted that the banks could meet their liabilities, but it would 
cost something. In view of their superior advantages some sacrifice is 
due from them. Bank men practiced upon popular credulity with the 
absurdity that suspensions were for the benefit of the people. If so, 
why were the lobbies filled with bank officers spending money to secure 
the passage of relief bills. He had seen such influences brought before 
in 1857. The people had not asked for suspension. The relief measure 
freed the banks from the penalties of not redeeming their bills, and left 
the bill holder to suffer loss. Was this a benefit to the people ? It 
would be time enough to legalize suspension on account of the political 
state of affairs when an occasion arose, and as far as they should go would 
be to put in the Executive discretion to withhold proceedings against 
the banks if it was required. In the event of suspension of any 
Savannah, Augusta or Atlanta bank, the collection of debts in the state 
ceased until December 1st, 1861, and executions became stopped with- 
out security. These provisions were an injustice .to plaintiffs injz fa 
and to creditors, and gave all advantage to creditors out of the state 
who' could resort to the United States Courts. Northern merchants 
could enforce claims against Southern merchants, while Southern mer- 
chants would be powerless to raise money from their debtors. Was 
this resistance to Northern aggression ?' RegTetting* to differ from the 
legislature, he yet was compelled to- veto the bill because objectionable 
and unjust. 

The bill was promptly passed over his veto, but the matter did not 
stop here. His utterances in the vetO' message about lobbyists seemed 
to have given offense. Mr. Dixon of Muscogee, offered a resolution 
requesting the Governor to give information showing that any member 
had voted for the relief bill for money, or that any bank had used 
money to secure the passage of the bill. The woaxls about which expla- 
nation was asked, were these: 



THE HOUSE RASrS GOVERNOR BROWN. 133 

" Why is it, that these gentlemen never tate upon themselves to guard the people's 
interest, and spend money to secure the passage of bills through the legislature, except 
when it is desirable to pass a bank suspension bill." 

To this resolution the Governor returned a well-tempered, polite 
reply, directed to the Senate, in which he said that he took pleasure in 
saying to the Senate, " that no charge of bribery was intended, that 
the language was general, and was meant to be directed against what is 
known as lobby influence, when gentlemen leave their homes, and spend 
money for traveling expenses, tavern bills, etc., for the purpose of 
hanging around the General Assembly to try to influence the minds of 
members, so as to secure the passage of a particular bill." The unruffled 
and immovable Executive proceeded to say that he saw nothing in the 
message " he desired to retract or modify." No member of the Sen- 
ate to whom his message was addressed appeared to have suspected 
reflection on himself until the discovery was supposed to have been dis- 
covered elsewhere. He did not doubt that upon a calm review each 
Senator would now see that he saw in it no imputation upon himself, as 
" conscious innocence will never appropriate to itself language in' which 
others can see no charge, or even dubious language as an imputation of 
criminality." 

This message gave still farther offense to the House, which passed a 
resolution offered by Mr. Dixon, which was put on the journals of the 
House, reciting that the answer had not been communicated to the 
House, that it was an evasion of a charge the Governor could not main- 
tain, and the language of the answer was disrespectful to the House, 
therefore, 

" Resolved, That liis Excellency, Gov. Brown, has not only abused the privileges of this 
House, but has failed to maintain in his official intercourse with this body, that dignity 
of deportment, which becomes the Chief Magistrate of Georgia." 

It was a war-like time then. Men's fighting blood was up. And it 
took, in the sweeping belligerence of the universal atmosphere, little 
provocation to get up a muss between anybody and about anything. 
Joe Brown too was the worst person in the country to tackle. Nature, 
in making him, had rather put an over than an under stock of com- 
bativeness. It is rather to be suspected that his Excellency had a sort 
of natural relish for a set-to with other folks. Be this as it may, it 
stands true that no one ever struck Gov. Brown without getting hit 
back, and if he ever declined a combat it is not chronicled, nor has it 
been susceptible of proof. This attack on the Governor was a flimsy 
one, and it is surprising that it was made, and that the legislative body 



134 GOVERNOR BROWN STRIKES BACK AT THE HOUSE. 

allowed itself to take part in it. Congregations of men nor official 
veneer never had any terrors for this level-headed man of the people. 
He flung back the House censure with a cool, biting defiance and con- 
tempt. Reviewing the matter concisely he showed that he had not 
evaded the charge, violated any privilege of the House, nor failed in 
dignity in his intercourse with the House. He used this language about 
the resolution of the House. 

" They were conceived in passion, prompted by a spirit of personal revenge, and not 
of public duty— undignified in their bearing, untrue in their statements, and unjust in 
the assault which they make upon a co-ordinate branch of the government." 

He ordered his reply to be entered upon the permanent records of the 
Executive Department, the legislature having adjourned before he pre- 
pared the message. Like everything else that he did, this spirited re- 
ply and the controversy that elicited it, only strengthened Gov. Brown 
with the people as a fearless champion of the public interest and the 
bold assailant of evil. 

It was a striking evidence of the hold he had on the public confidence 
and the estimate that was placed upon his judgment, that the electoral 
ticket chosen by the legislature addressed him alone of all the dis- 
tinguished public men of the State, a letter asking his views upon the 
situation as being " eagerly desired." Gov. Brown's response was a 
practical common-sense view of affairs, in which he said some very strik- 
ino- truths. The election of Mr. Lincoln, simply as a successful candi- 
date, would not justify secession, but as the triumph of the Northern 
section of the Union over the Southern section, upon a platform of 
avowed hostility to Southern rights, justified the South in withdrawing 
from a confederacy where she could not be protected. Submission to 
the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln now would result in the final abolition 
of slavery. If resistance was not made now it would be fruitless here- 
after. He discussed fully the business effect upon the South of the 
abolition of slavery. Impartially scrutinizing the outlook, he expressed 
the opinion that the South could never live in peace with the Northern 
abolitionists unless we could have new constitutional guarantees that 
would stop the slavery agitation. These the Northern people would 
never give. There was no doubt that the States around Georgia would 
secede, and we would thus be surrounded by free and independent 
states, with whom we have a common interest, and to refuse to stand 
with whom would in no way benefit us. Let wise men be sent to the 
convention, and let them act for the best to protect our rights and pre- 
serve our liberties. 



CHAPTER XVI. 
THE STUBBORN BATTLE IN GEORGIA OVER DISUNION. 

A Majority Against Disunion. — The County Appeals to the Legislature. — A Striking 
Batch of Papers. — The Greene County Resolutions and M.W. Lewis. — Stately Invec- 
tive. — Stephens, Johnson and Ben Hill, against Secession. — Dr. Lovick Pierce. — 
Hovv^ell Cobb.— L. J. Gartrell. — The People Halting. — Toombs Drives the Wedge 
rinally. — His Master Stroke of Disunion. — His Conservative Danbury Letter. — His 
Scheme of the Crittenden Resolutions, vv^hich Tested the Black Republican Wil- 
lingness to Compromise. — His Ringing Dispatch for Disunion. — William L. Harris 
of Mississippi. — Gov. Brown and the Banks Again. — The Choice Pardon. — Charles 
J. Jenkins. 

A PRETTY fair criterion of the disunion sentiment in Georgia before 
the election of Lincoln and Hamlin was the Breckenridge vote. The 
union element voted for Douglas and Bell. The Breckenridge plat- 
form naturally attracted the most pronounced Southern rights men who 
were for making an unqualified issue for slaverj'-. The vote showed a 
majority against disunion. The election of Lincoln set the current 
steadily to secession, and fixed a majority for national dissolution. But 
there was yet an immense reserve of decided union sentiment, that 
resolutely sought to stem the disunion tide. Over forty counties held 
public meetings and transmitted resolutions to the General Assembly. 
These solemn utterances of public opinion constituted a remarkable 
body of popular expressions. Whether for or against disunion they 
were tinged with a white heat, and echoed the tumultuous agitation of 
the time. The bulk of them demanded secession, but there were some 
most extraordinary, eloquent and prophetic appeals and pleas for union. 
_ The resolutions from Greene county, presented to the legislature 
by Miles W. Lewis, cover seven pages in the House journals of 1860, 
and furnished a striking and masterly argument for a conservative 
course. Pronouncing the election of Lincoln a violation of national 
comity, and not to be submitted to except temporarily, they yet declared 
it was not per se a sufficient cause for immediate dissolution, for a power- 
ful array of reasons: — Because it was a constitutional election, against 
Northern interest to dissolve the union, because the South was not yet 
united, because time and delay should be given to let the North try to 
do justice, because haste in the overthrow of the government would cut 
off sympathy for our movement, because the masses of the Southern 



136 COUNTY RESOLUTIONS OX THE CRISIS. 

people were not ripe for disunion, because we were not ready for war, 
because no serious effort had been made at reconciliation, because we 
owed a duty to mankind to preserve our republic and its genius, because 
of the injury to our state and national securities and the terrible pecu- 
niary results, and because a dissolution if proper ought to be done with 
slow deliberation and after every effort to preserve it, quoting the 
example of our colonies which only dissevered finally and irrevocably 
the bond to the mother country after two years' fighting. State conven- 
tions, and then a Southern convention, temperate but firm, should be 
held, urging our rights before the North and making a last grand united 
effort for a settlement such as we wished. The last of these powerful 
and statesmanlike resolutions deserves giving entire. 

" Resolved, That in view of the great and solemn crisis which is upon us, we request 
our fellow citizens to unite with us in prayer to Almighty God that he would deliver us 
from discord and disunion, and above all, from civil war and from bloodshed ; and that 
he would so guide our counsels and actions that we may be able to maintain our rights 
Avithout revolution." 

There were a number of the counties that sent up similar resolutions 
to the above, Sumter, Milton, Troup and others. But the majority 
struck hotly for immediate secession. Some were magnificent ebullitions 
of stately and impassioned invective. No man can read this masterly 
set of public resolutions without being impressed with their dignity, 
force, vigor of thought and uncommon excellence of diction and august 
gravity and intensified fervor of spirit. They were the outcome of an 
aroused and welded public sentiment, focalized to the most impressive 
majesty of deep human feeling and conviction. There was an original- 
ity of conception and a variety of treatment too about them that was 
wonderful, and indicated the marked ability as well as profound reflec- 
tion of their authors. The grand problems of our government, the 
difficult questions of civil, social and political policy, the philosophical 
relations of sections and classes, and the practical matters of administra- 
tion were discussed and expounded with a marvelous incisiveness and 
condensation, and an ajDothegmatic felicity of language. 

The Dougherty County resolutions reported to the House by Mr, R. N. 
Ely, presented forcibly an idea, urged by a number of other counties, 
that represented the view of the more conservative secessionists. Tins 
was the necessity of co-operation among the Southern States. It was 
declared, 

"It would be monstrous if a single Southern State should, without consultation and 
by separate action, attempt to decide the great question that now presses upon the 
South, not only for herself, but for lier remaining fourteen sister states." 



THE LONE STAR WHITE FLAG IN AUGUSTA. 137 

This was the very thing that did happen, a thing that was a great 
wrong, that was unwise and impolitic to the last degree, and that was 
remediless. These resolutions put the true wisdom of the crisis in these 
words : 

" The time has come for the final settlement of the slavery question upon an enduring and 
unequivocal basis, and to a General Conference of the Southern States, we would en- 
trust the duty of declaring what that basis shall be." 

The Richmond County action, reported to the legislature by Mr, Wm. 
Gibson, contained this beautiful and significant incident. The chair- 
man having stated the object of the meeting, then informed the assem- 
blage that it had been made known to him that a white flag with the 
lone star, and inscribed thereon: " Georgia — Equality in or Indepen- 
dence out of the Union'''' had been placed upon the cupola of the Temple 
of Justice in which they were then assembled; and was then waving 
over their heads; which announcement was received with long, con- 
tinued applause. When on motion it was unanimously resolved, 
" That this meeting adopt the flag and its position as their act, evincive 
of their determination in the present crisis." It is at such fevered times 
when the public blood is in a state of exalted fervor that poetic trifles 
like the above incarnate the solemn purposes of earnest, iron-minded 
men and idealize a stern gravity into romance. 

But serious as was the crisis, and ominous the drift to revolution, the 
people were not ripe for the plunge. Some very strong men were 
opposing the policy of secession. H. V. Johnson, Alex. H. Stephens and 
Ben. H. Hill stood firmly against it. Mr. Stephens made a speech to 
the Georgia legislature, that take it all in all, was the grandest of his 
life. Unaffected by the whirlwind of passion around him, that terror- 
ized men, he uttered a clear, firm counsel against secession. He daringly 
asserted that the South was not blameless, and with an unsurpassed 
moral and physical courage planted himself against disunion. In the 
calm retrospection of those crazy days this appeal of reason was simply 
sublime. Dr. Lovick Pierce, the powerful methodist Divine, threw his 
strong influence against it. Yet he was taunted in the press with in- 
consistency, because in 1844 he had urged the secession of the southern 
Methodist church, because Bishop Andrews was officially crucified by 
the northern Methodists for being a slave-holder, . Howell Cobb wrote 
from Washington a long and unsurpassably able letter, calm, logical, 
dispassionate and even cold in its temperate, but inexorable argument, 
discussing the whole situation and urging immediate secession. He 
quoted voluminously from all of the Republican leaders, to show the im- 



138 THE DKIFT TO SECESSION. 

movable abolition intent of the party, he demonstrated that the result 
of the election was war to the death on slavery, he showed that there 
was no hope for the South in any other remedy than secession, he 
argued that honor and interest required immediate withdrawal from the 
Union, and he announced that he was coming home to share the destiny 
of his state, and resigned his position as Secretary of the Treasury. L. 
J, Gartrell wrote to Dr. William C. Humphries of Atlanta, a letter 
declaring that it was the policy and duty of Georgia to secede. Mr. 
Gartrell had made an enviable reputation in congress and stood among 
the promising young men of the state. He had delivered several 
speeches in congress that attracted much attention, and had borne him- 
self in debate so as to win the respect of his opponents, as well as the 
apj^lause of his friends. The venerable ex-Gov, Wilson Lumpkin, in a 
letter to x\sbury Hull, H. C. M. Hammond,. R. S. Taylor and others, 
stated that there was no hope from the North and secession was the 
only chance of prosperity. Gov. Lumpkin had not been in public life 
since 1843. 

But the people still were not matured for the grave step. It was re- 
served for Robert Toombs with a consummate management to fashion 
and drive the wedge that rived apart the stately structure into contend- 
ing halves. To him, beyond all question, belongs the leadership of the 
South in sundering the Union. He was the unquestionable genius of 
the revolution. William L. Yancey was a powerful factor in the disin- 
tegration. But Toombs was the chief and master architect of the dis- 
ruption. His final achievement was a master stroke of diplomacy, sure, 
subtle and invincible. It fell upon the South with resistless effect. It 
swept away the last fcot-hold of conservatism. The heaviest objection 
to a resort to disunion, was the idea that the Republicans were willing 
to give guarantees against any further interference with slavery, and 
this willingness should be tested before going to the last extremity. 
To meet this idea a number of southern senators and representatives, 
including Iverson, Crawford, Jones, Jackson, Gartrell and Underwood of 
Georgia, issued an address, brief and pointed, stating that all hope of 
relief was gone, and both southern honor and safety required secession. 
But this was not satisfactory to the conservative element. It was left 
for Mr. Toombs to put the finishing stroke to the indecision and reluct- 
ance of the halting. The legislature had voted down a resolution' in 
favor of immediate secession, and in the senate a motion to reconsider 
was lost after a stiff debate, in which Harris, Lawton, Moore, Spaulding 
and Tracy were for immediate action, and Jones, Trippe, and Ben. Hill 



' EOBEET TOOMBS FIXES SECESSION. 139 

were against it. Spaulding dubbed Trippe a submissionist ; Jones 
sneered that the co-operationists would have the fighting to do; Harris 
retorted that Jones was a " citizen in war and a soldier in peace ;" 
Moore declared that Hill's speeches were on both sides; and Trac}^ 
charged that Hill " was in love with his subject, and that subject him- 
self," The sharp sparring showed the feeling at play, and the result 
evinced^ the proper deliberation before a grave step. 

Mr. Toombs had been invited to address the citizens of Danbury, Va., 
and wrote a letter declining, but giving his views. This letter was a 
very adroit one. It was so moderate as to expose him to taunts 
from the extreme secessionists and conservatives both that he was 
backing down. But it was the most practical drive yet made to unite 
the divided South in disunion. It recommended delay until the 4th of 
March, to test the Republican willingness to do right to the South. At 
the same time he incensed the Republicans by boldly charging upon 
them the purpose to destroy slavery by hostile laws and stimulating re- 
volts and protecting slave-thieves and insurrectionists. He declared the 
only remedy for these enormous evils was new constitutional guaran- 
tees protecting the South. Let these be offered to the Republicans as 
a test of their spirit. These constitutional restrictions were worth a 
cart-load of political planks, and if the Republicans refused to grant 
them, then the time for action was at hand, and he was willing to 
delay for such a test in concession to the earnest and honest men who 
were hopeful of redress in the Union. Mr. Toombs knew well that the 
RejDublicans would hoot at the idea of sucn constitutional amendments, 
but he knew that their rejection would solidify our people. 

In accordance with this programme of Mr. Toombs, the Hon. J. J. 
Crittenden of Kentucky offered before the United States Senate 
Crisis Committee of thirteen, a series of resolutions reciting the pend- 
ing trouble, and proposing as a settlement of it ccfnstitutional amend- 
ments for the revival of the Missouri compromise line, denial of 
right to abolish slavery in the arsenals and District of Columbia, transit 
for slaves over non-slave-holding territory and jDayment for fugitive 
slaves rescued from officers by mobs. A time v>^as appointed when the 
committee agreed to be all present and act on the resolutions. On this 
committee were Messrs. Davis, Doolittle, Collamer, Wade, Toombs, 
Grimes, Hunter, Bigler, Crittenden, Douglas, Rice and Powell. Under 
the rules of the committee no proposition should be considered adopted 
that did not pass by a majority of the Republicans, The propositions 
were all rejected, 3fr. Toombs voting against them., though he declared 



140 HON. WILLIAM L. HARRIS, OF MISSISSIPPI. 

he would go for them if the Republicans offered and went for them in good 
faith. But the fact stands that he voted against them. He immediately 
telegraphed a ringing address to the people of Georgia, reciting that 
the Black Republicans had not only voted against any constitutional 
guarantees for the South, but declared that they had no guarantees to 
offer. He wound up with these momentous words, the most important 
and effective for the disunion movement that had been announced by 
any man or set of men in this tremendous agitation: 

" I tell you upon the faith of a true mau, that all further looking to the North for 
security for your constitutional rights in the Union, ought to be instantly abandoned. 
It is fraught with nothing but ruin to yourselves and your posterity. 

" Secession by the fourth of March next, should be thundered from the ballot-box by 
the unanimous voice of Georgia on the second day of Januar}^ next. Such a voice will 
be your best guarantee for Liberty, Security, Tranquillity and Glory." 

From this time on, though a very considerable portion of the people 
opposed secession, the policy of disunion in Georgia was an established 
fact, and the movement sped swiftly and steadily to its consummation. 
The Hon. William L. Harris of Mississippi, as delfegated commissioner 
from that state to Georgia, made an address to the General Assembly 
communicating officially the fact that Mississippi had called a state 
convention to consider the situation, and asked Georgia's co-operation 
in the adoption of efficient measures for their common defense and 
safety. The address of Mi\ Harris was a very eloquent and effective 
appeal. His references to Baldwin, Jackson and Troup, the famous 
Governors of Georgia, w^ere very fine. He declared Georgia " the bright- 
est exemplar among the advocates and defenders of state rights and 
state remedies. He touchingly alluded to the fact that Mississippi was 
cut off from Georgia, "glorious old mother " — and that thousands and 
thousands of Georgia's sons and daughters were adopted children of 
Mississippi, who still fondly looked to their native state for sympathy 
and guidance. Mr. Harris in his mission for Mississippi but reflected 
the feeling in all of the Southern states which looked to the action 
of Georgia above any other state; and this deep interest in Georgia's 
action demonstrated how powerful and influential was our common- 
wealth. 

The Legislature adjourned on the 19th of December, I860, having 
passed resolutions of sympathy with the message of Mississippi as com- 
municated through Hon. Wm. L. Harris, and resolving that should any 
or all of the Southern states determine in tlie present emergency to with- 
draw from the Union, such seceding states should form a confederacy. 



THE CHOICE PARDOJSr, 141 

Before the adjournment the bank agitation was resumed. After the 
passage of the bank relief bill over Governor Brown's veto, the banks 
began to suspend specie payment, and one bank had suspended before. 
The Governor issued his proclamation as required by law, announcing 
the suspension, but he showed his unabated hostility to the measure 
and his unconquered resolution in spite of legislative majorities, by con- 
cluding his proclamation making known the suspension with the paren- 
thetical statement that he " feared too many know it now to their 
injury." After a brief trial of the suspension act. Governor Brown 
addressed a message to the General Assembly making recommendations 
for additional legislation. He called their attention to the fact that in- 
solvent banks, as well as solvent ones, had the benefit of the act, and 
were relieved of all responsibility. He went on to discuss the suspen- 
pension, and showed that his prediction had come true that exchano-e 
had gone up to three per cent. He put in some heavy blows upon the 
bank relief champions, showing how relief relieved the people, increas- 
ing cost of purchases and freights. If the Legislature would not repeal 
the obnoxious law, at least let it reduce exchange to one per cent., and 
place insolvent banks in a different category from the solvent banks. 
These things were done. 

Another matter that excited much discussion was the pardon by the 
Legislature of a gentleman by the name of Wm. A. Choice, convicted of 
murder. He was very highly connected, and powerful influences were 
brought to bear for the purpose of saving him from the penalties of the 
law. At the session of 1859 an act had passed for his pardon, and 
Governor Brown had vetoed it upon the merits of the case. Ben Hill 
took a strong interest in the case, and it was brought before the Legis- 
lature again. Mr. Hill pushed it with great ability and vigor, and the 
pardon was again granted by the Legislature and again vetoed by Gov- 
ernor Brown. The bill provided for placing Choice in the Lunatic 
Asylum, and was passed over the Governor's veto by a constitutional 
majority. The case attracted general attention in the state, and a right 
warm feeling was stirred up between Governor Brown and the friends 
of Choice. There was some newspaper controversy over it. In the 
Legislature also there was acrimony on the part of members growing 
out of the question whether Governor Brown had a right to veto a par- 
don in a murder case. 

The case illustrated the unyielding persistence of Governor Brown's 
character, and his unswerving adhesion to what he conceived to be his 
duty. The unfortunate subject of this controversy died within the last 



142 C. J, JENKINS JUDGE OF SUPREME COURT. 

year in the asylum. Commenting upon this case, the Augusta Des- 
patch had these words: 

"We are not much of an admirer of the 'one man power,' but the judgment, justice 
and bravery with which Governor Brown has exercised it makes us almost in love 
with it." 

Judge Linton Stephens having resigned as Judge of the Supreme 
Court, this Legislature did a.graceful act of honor to the State in elect- 
ing Charles J. Jenkins. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

THE MOST VITAL CHAPTER OF GEORGIA HISTORY— HER 
SECESSION FROM THE UNION. 

Georgia Foremost in the Slavery Agitation. — Her Potential Men. — Her Destiny of 
Leadership to Continue through Joe Brown. — Carolina Secession. — Its Flaming 
Effect. — Bartow and Lochrane. — Gov. Brown's Seizure of Fort Pulaski. — H. R. 
Jackson — A. K. Lawton. — The Convention Endorses Brown. — The Southern Press 
on the Seizure. — The Macon Companies. — Richard R. Cuyler. — The Secession Con- 
vention. — Georgia the Pivotal State. — Persouelle of Convention. — Ablest Body of 
Georgia Annals. — E. A. Nisbet. — T. R. R. Cobb. — Dr. Joseph P. Logan, — Nesbit's 
Seces.sion Resolution. — ex-Gov. Johnson's Famous Substitute. — A Debate bf Giants. 
— Tom Cobb gives the Key Note. — An Historic Picture. — Robert Toombs. — " We 
Accept War." — Committee to Draft Secession Ordinance. — The Ordinance. — The 
Signing. — The Protest of Six. — The Ship given to the Lightning and the Gale. — 
The Inspiration and the Effect of Georgia's Secession. 

From 1850, when Georgia leaped to the front in the slavery contro- 
versy, and gave to the country the famous " Georgia Platform," as the 
crucial enunciation of Southern doctrine on slavery, up to the crisis in 
1860, our state had been the foremost in the agitation. The phenomenal 
Stephens had focalized the national gaze in the memorable contentions 
about this subject. The imperial Toombs had led the Southern states- 
men with a blended brilliance, ability and audacity, that no man ever 
surpassed in any forensic arena. The large-souled Cobb had guided 
the policy of Buchanan's administration in the culminating years of the 
political strife. In her ponderous-brained Johnson the state had fur- 
nished as a Vice-Presidential candidate on the Douglas ticket one of 
the pivots of the campaign. Around the name and agency of Georgia 
hung the most potential prestige of any Southern state. Her positive 
instrumentality in the drama was destined to continue. We have seen 
how Mr. Toombs drove the impending storm to a crisis. We shall see 
how from this time on, the focal figure in Georgia during the four deadly 
years that followed was Joseph E. Brown. He had done little during 
the long birth of the revolution. But when it became inevitable, his 
agency as a leader was something marvelous. It seemed as if nature 
had put him in the place for the emergency. His peculiar qualities 
found a fitting field for their display and the public benefit. His acts 



144 BURNING SPEECH OF F. S. BARTOW. 

seemed like inspirations. There was a prevision of needs, a forecaste 
of events, a vigor of action and a daring in responsibility, that exactly 
met the appalling crisis and savored of the heroic. The man seemed 
born for the time. The homespun mountaineer, hero of the plowing 
bull and the calico bed-quilt, had ripened into the acknowledged genius 
of a great commonwealth in the ordeal of a mighty revolution. The 
people, masses and leaders, looked to his cool sense, iron nerve, and 
resourceful capacity in this trial, and he met their demands and hopes 
fully. His leadership was intuitive, masterly, "undisputed. He did as 
one made for the era. 

Precisely at fifteen minutes past one o'clock on Thursday, the 20th 
day of December, 1860, under an ordinance of secession passed in sov- 
ereign convention, the State of South Carolina withdrew from the Union 
of the United States, and resumed her independent state sovereignty. 
That act was the first step in the great civil commotion of the century. 
It was the beginning of an end of illimitable extent. It was not the 
practical inauguration of the war, but it was the preface to it. The 
news stirred the South wildly. It fired the Southern people into a sort 
of delirium. All over Georgia the people celebrated the startling event 
with gatherings and speeches, and a general exhilaration. In Atlanta 
guns were fired at sunrise. An immense crowd assembled, and a hun- 
dred guns echoed the public joy from noon until sunset. There was a 
grand torchlight procession and a balloon ascension. Abraham Lincoln 
was burned in effigy, and Howell Cobb made a burning and powerful 
speech. 

On the 28th, a few days later, Francis S. Bartow and O. A. Lochrane 
addressed the citizens of Atlanta. While Bartow was speaking, a 
dispatch was handed him just received, that Fort Moultrie in Charles- 
ton Harbor had been burned by the Federal troops, and the garrison 
had gone over to Fort Sumter, and Charleston had ordered out two 
regiments. The scene that followed baffles description. The audience 
became wild with enthusiasm. Three cheers were given for South 
Carolina amid such a tornado of applause as is rarely heard. The ready 
and impassioned Bartow, resuming his speech with folded arms, rang 
out with a biting sarcasm, " Yes, while you talk of co-operation, you 
hear the thunders of the cannon and the clash of sabers reach you from 
South Carolina." The applause was deafening over this. Continuing, 
the orator thrilled forth : " Is this gallant, noble state of South Carolina, 
that had the boldness to take the lead in this matter, to be left to the 
cold calculating of the co-operationists of Georgia ? " Vehement replies 



SEIZURE or FORT PULASKI. 145 

of No! Never!! Never!!! Never!!!! thundered from every part of the 
dense gathering. 

This action of the Federal authorities in regard to Forts Moultrie and 
Sumter inflamed the already high war fever of the South to an over- 
mastering fury. Even such far-sighted men as Gov. Brown were not 
decided that the North would attempt coercion of the seceded states. 
They believed that war possibly might not follow. But the Fort Sum- 
ter matter left no doubt of the Federal purpose to resist forcibly seces- 
sion. The appointment of Mr. Holt as secretary of war in the place of 
Floyd confirmed this, Mr. Holt being alleged by Mr. Toombs to be 
inimical to the South, and his selection foreshadowing active hostility. 
Under the light of this momentous revelation of policy, so full of un- 
speakable results, the disunion sentiment still further increased. It was 
under this knowledge that the practical genius and prompt decision of 
Gov. Brown came into play with one of those strokes of action for 
which he has been noted. He began a series of daring assumptions of 
responsibility that made Georgia memorable, and himself famous. He 
took a step of decisive leadership that at once showed the people, not 
only of the State, but of the South, and of the rapidly disintegrating 
Union, that Georgia's Governor was fully equal to the needs of the 
emergency. And it was this step that continued the remarkable agency 
of this State as the most potential factor in this great strife, and it gave 
to Georgia whatever of glory may attach to committing the first overt 
act of war. Georgia, it must be remeYnbered, was still a member of the 
Union. She did not secede until the 19th of January, 1861. She was 
in the Union, while Carolina was out of it. The seizure of the coast 
defenses was not only therefore a dictate of military forecaste and 
wisdom, but it was an aggressive act of war against the Federal gov- 
ernment, whose authority was still operative. 

Fort Pulaski at the mouth of the Savannah river commanded the ap- 
proach to that city, and was the chief fortification on the Georgia coast. 
Quick to conceive a practical idea. Gov. Brown was as quick to execute 
it. In the event of war, Fort Pulaski was a military necessity to the 
State, and war was coming. Gov. Brown determined to seize it im- 
mediately. There had been some private movement in Savannah look- 
ing to an occupation of the Fort by the citizens of the city, but the 
cooler-headed men advised against such an act, and the Governor was 
advised of the purpose. He went to Savannah in person to decide, and 
promptly determined to officially order the seizure. The first regiment 

of Georgia Volunteers was commanded by Col. Alexander R. Lawton, 
10 



146 GOV. brown's order to gen. a. r. lawton. 

to whom the Governor issued the following order, which was carefully 
prepared, and explains the reasons for the' act. 

" Headquakteks Georgia Militia, Y 

Savannah, January 2, 1861. ) 

Colonel A. R. Lawton, Commanding \st Regiment Georgia Volunteers, Savannah: 

Sir : In view of the fact that the Government at Washington has, as we are in- 
formed upon Hgh authority, decided on the policy of coercing a seceding State back 
into the Union, and it is believed now has a movement on foot to reinforce Fort Sumter 
at Charleston, and to occupy with Federal troops the Southern forts, including Fort 
Pulaski in this State, which if done would give the Federal Government in any contest 
great advantage over the people in this State ; to the end therefore that this strong- 
hold, which commands also the entrance into Georgia, may not be occupied by any hos- 
tile force until the Convention of the State of Georgia, Avhich is to meet on the 16th 
instant, has decided on the policy which Georgia will adopt in this emergency, you are 
ordered to take possession of Fort Pulaski as hj public order herewith, and to hold it 
against all persons, to be abandoned only under orders from me or under compulsion by 
an overpowering hostile force. 

Immediately upon occupying the fort, you will take measures to put it in a thorough 
state of defense, as far as its means and ours will permit ; and for this purpose you will 
advise with Captain Claghorn, Chatham Artillery, who has been charged with all mat- 
ters relating to ordnance and ordnance stores and their supply. 

You will further arrange with Captain Clagliorn a series of day and night signals for 
communicating with the city of Savannah, for the purpose of calling for reinforcements, 
or for other necessary purposes. And you will arrange with Mr. John Cunningham, 
Military Purveyor for the time being, for the employment of one or more steamboats, 
or other means of transportation by land or by water that may be necessary, and for 
other supplies (except for ordnance stores, for which you will call upon Captain Clag- 
horn) as may be required. 

If circumstances should require it, the telegraph will be placed under surveillance. 

I think from our conversation you fully understand my views, and relying upon your 
patriotism, energy and sound discretion in the execution of this important and delicate 
trust, I am, sir, very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

JOSEPH E. BROWN, 
Governor and Commander-in-Chief'' 

An additional order was issued by the Adjutant-General, Henry C. 
Wayne, in regard to the details. There was a spirited rivalry among 
the volunteer companies of Savannah to participate in this duty. De- 
tails from the Chatham Artillery, under Captain Joseph S. Claghorn; 
Savannah Volunteer Guards, under Captain John Screven, and Ogle- 
thorpe Light Infantry, under Captain Francis S. Bartow, amounting to 
134 men, 50 each being taken from the infantry companies and 34 from 
the artillery, were made of a force to seize the fort. The seizure was 
made ori the morning of the 3d of January, 1860. The writer was a 
member of the Oglethorpe Light Infantry, and was one of the detail 



FORT PULASKI. 147 

from that company for this duty. The seizure created the greatest ex- 
citement over the whole South. It was in accord with the spirit of the 
hour, and Governor Brown received unstinted encomiums for his deci- 
sive conduct. Its effect on the other Southern states was electrical 
and wide-spread. It stimulated the war spirit, and immediately gave 
Georgia the prestige that she held to the end of the conflict. 

Col. Lawton in communicating the occupancy of the fort made the 
following statement of an incident that was regarded as an unpleasant 
complication, but which Gov. Brown promptly settled: 

"On steaming down the river this morning T ascertained with regret that certain un- 
authorized persons had taken possession of the United States revenue cutter, Dobbin, 
and are now exercising control over her in the waters of Georgia." 

Col. Lawton stated that he had taken the cutter, and expressed re- 
gret that such erpbarrassing questions should be presented by unauthor- 
ized persons at that critical time. Gov. Brown immediately notified 
Mr. John Boston, collector of the port, that the cutter was at his dis- 
posal, regretting the lawless seizure of the vessel, and the cutter was 
delivered to the captain. 

The fort contained when thus taken, twenty thirty-two pounder 
guns in bad condition, and very little ammunition. Every effort was 
made to put the fort in order. The garrison of gentleman soldiers was 
put under stiict military discipline.- The guns were properly mounted 
and ammunition supplied. Drilling and practice firing were daily done. 
The cartridge bags for the heavy guns were furnished by the deft fin- 
gers of the Savannah ladies. Some lady sent down to the fort a fine 
fruit-cake iced beautifully and the word " Secession " wrought in with 
sugar, while another more practical, sent down a package of lint. Gov. 
Brown remained long enough in Savannah to see the seizure com- 
pleted, and returned to the seat of government. He telegraphed an 
account of his proceedings to the Governors of Florida, Alabama, Mis- 
sissippi and Louisiana, and received strong endorsements of his course 
in reply, and the intimation that his example should be immediately fol- 
lowed. Gov. Moore of Alabama immediately seized the forts and arse- 
nals in that state. The minute men of Macon passed unanimously some 
resolutions of Charles J. Harris, Esq., approving the seizure, and pledg- 
ing themselves to sustain Gov. Brown at any sacrifice. The state con- 
vention that met soon after passed this resolution : 

" This convention highly approves the energetic and patriotic conduct of Gov. Brown 
in taking possession of Fort Pulaski by Georgia troops, and requests him to hold pos- 
session until the relations of Georgia with the Federal government be determined by 
this convention." 



148 WAR SPIRIT IN MACON. 

The Governor on his way to Milledgeville was received all along the 
line of railroad with demonstrations of approval of his course. On his 
arrival in Milledgeville, a large number of citizens with music and 
torches went to the executive mansion and serenaded him, and he made 
a short talk that was cheered with a hearty good will. The press was 
very emphatic in approval of the Governor's action. Said the Augusta 
Democrat : " He has exhibited an intelligence, firmness and compre- 
hensive statesmanship, equaled by few and surpassed by none in the 
annals of the state." The Southern journals generally commended his 
course. The Alabama Sjnrit of the South thus paid him tribute: 

" We cauuot but admire the skillful and energetic manner in which Gov. Brown man- 
ages and controls the public affairs of Georgia. He takes counsel of no man's fears ; lis- 
tens to no timid suggestions of delay ; waits for no co-operation or compromise. He turns 
neither to the right hand nor the left, but proceeds right onward to vindicate the honor 
and protect the rights of his government. He executes his plans with the nerve of a soldier 
and the skill of a statesman. He defies the thjeats of Federal power, and laughs his 
enemies to scorn. He is full of Jacksonian will and courage ; possessing wisdom to de- 
vise and boldness and sagacity to execute. He has much administrative capacity, and 
in our opinion is better fitted for President of a Southern confederacy than any man 
in the South." 

This as contemporary comment, outside of State bias, will afford 
some conception of how this self-reliant and resolute Executive of 
Georgia in that troublous day impressed impartial public judgment. 
A little episode occurred at this time that will exemplify the popular 
feeling as well as Governor Brown's spirit. The officers of the volun- 
teer companies of Macon, Captain R. A. Smith, Captain E. Smith, Cap- 
tain E. Fitzgerald, Captain T. M. Parker, Captain L. M. Lamar and 
Lieutenant Wm. H. Ross telegraphed to Governor Brown, asking him 
" if he would sanction the movement of Georgia volunteers going to 
the aid of South Carolina." This was the prompt response: 

" I will not. Your first duty is to Georgia. South Carolina is able at present to take 
care of herself. You may be needed at home very soon. 

" JOSEPH E. BROWN." 

On the 9th day of January, 1860, the State of Mississippi followed 
the example of South Carolina and formally seceded from the Union. 
On the 11th of January, Florida and Alabama withdrew. Each day as 
it dawned brought some new contribution to the war spirit. The Fed- 
eral steamer " Star of the West " attempted to run in to Fort Sumter 
and was fired upon by the Carolina troops in Fort Morris and driven 
back. It was a rising flood of combative feeling. The sense of coming 
conflict pervaded the most thoughtless, and serious people thrilled under 



THE SECESSION SPIRIT IN GEORGIA. 149 

the moving stimulus. Richard R. Cuyler, the President of the power- 
ful Central Road Company, patriotically notified Gov. Brown that his 
bank was ready to take one hundred thousand dollars of the bonds for 
the defence of the State at par. Secession cockades and badges were 
made by the thousand and worn openly and gaily. Some lady wore a 
bonnet made of white and black Georgia cotton, covered with a net- 
work of black cotton, the streamers ornamented with Palmetto trees 
and Lone Stars embroidered with gold thread, while the feathers were 
formed of white and black worsted. 

The Georgia Convention assembled on the 16th day of January, 1861. 
The eyes of the whole Union were vipon this most august body. There 
was an interest in its deliberations, both profound and wide-spread. It 
was felt to be the turning point of the real commencement of the revo- 
lution. If staid, self-poised, deliberate powerful Georgia held back 
from the work of disintegration it would have been such a substantial 
check to the destructive movement as would have done much to stop it. 
Georgia's cooperation rendered the revolution sure. The Federal ad- 
ministration looked anxiously to our State as the crucial agency of the 
agitation. The people of the North focalized their attention upon this 
arbiter of an impending and incalculable convulsion. It was known 
that a majority of the people of Georgia favored secession, but the 
minority in favor of cooperation and delay was a very large and power- 
ful body of public sentiment, ably and patriotically headed. The vote 
taken in the election for members of the convention showed an aa-arre- 
gate of 50,243 for secession and 37,123 against, giving a majority of 
only 13,120 for immediate disunion, out of 87,366. This was a much 
smaller majority than Gov. Brown had obtained in his last election. In 
many counties the anti-secessionists had heavy majorities. Such strong 
counties as Baldwin, Floyd, DeKalb, Cass, Franklin, Gordon, Gwinnett, 
Lumpkin, Murray, Walker, Walton and others went some of them over- 
whelmingly against disunion. In many counties it was the closest sort 
of a shave, giving either way only a vote or two. The most one-sided 
secession county in the whole State was Cobb, which gave 1,035 votes 
for and only seven against disunion. Chatham was also nearly unan- 
imous for secession. In a very few counties no opposition candidate to 
secession was run. In Taliaferro and Tattnall no secession candidate 
was put up. These statistics will show how much the people were 
divided on this issue, and yet. in the crazy fever of the war excitement 
and the more noisy demonstration of the secession champions, the op- 
position was almost unheard and absolutely impotent. A 'few brave 



150 PEESONELLE OF THE SECESSION CONVENTION. 

spirits spoke out fearlessly, and courageously endeavored to stem the 
rushing and turbulent tide of disunion. But the generality of conser- 
vative men feeling powerless to do anything, and unwilling to incur a 
certain odium that clung to men alleged to be lukewarm or opposed to 
Southern interest, went quietly along simply voting in the opposition. 

The secession convention was the ablest body ever convened in Georgia. 
Its membership included nearly every leading public man in the State, 
the leaders of all parties and shades of political opinion. The President 
of the Convention was George W. Crawford, who had been Governor of 
the State from 1843 to 1847, a gentleman of large influence and command- 
ing ability, and for years a recognized popular leader. There was Robert 
Toombs, United States Senator, and for a short time Secretary of State 
in the Confederate Administration ; the two famous Stephens brothers, 
Alexander H. Stephens, Vice President of the Confederate States, and 
Linton Stephens, Judge of the Supreme Court. Ex-Governor Herschell 
V. Johnson, candidate for Vice President on the Douglas ticket and ex- 
United States Senator; Eugenius A. Nesbit, ex-Member of Congress 
and ex-Judge of the Supreme. Court ; Benjamin H, Hill, present United 
States Senator ; Alfred H. Colquitt, the present able and popular Gov- 
ernor of Georgia; Henry L. Benning and Hiram Warner, ex- Judge and 
ex-Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. There was also Augustus H. 
Kenan, Washington Poe, David J. Bailey, ex-President of the Georgia 
Senate, Gen. W. T. Wofford, Francis S. Bartow, Thos. R. R. Cobb, Dr. 
H. R. Casey, Judge R. H. Clark, H. P. Bell, member of Congress since 
the war, Dr. J. P. Logan of Fulton county, one of the most eminent 
and scientific physicians in the State, Wm. H. Dabney, D. P. Hill, 
Goode Bryan, Judge W. B. Fleming, Henry R. Harris, member of Con- 
gress since the war, Thos. P. Saffold, J.udge Augustus Reese, Pur- 
metas Reynolds, Arthur Hood now Judge, Willis A. Hawkins, since 
Judge of the Supreme Court, T. M. Furlow, A. H. Hansell, S. B. Spencer, 
since Mayor of Atlanta, P. W. Alexander, C. W. Styles, N. A. Cars- 
well, now Judge of the Superior Court, and John L. Harris, since then 
a Judge. 

Among these gentlemen two were the most potenti9,l and unexpected 
workers for secession. Judge Eugenius A. Nesbit, the author of the 
Ordinance of Secession, had always been a very conservative public 
man. He was a small gentleman, though of great personal dignity. He 
possessed unusual culture and erudition. He was a christian of pro- 
found piety. He had been a Congressman and a Judge of the Supreme 
Court, and was known for eloquence, learning, ability, classical educa- 



DR. JOSEPH P. 'LOGA'N. 151 

tion, and a moral and social character of exquisite purity. The other of 
these two unlooked-for disunion advocates was Thos. R. R. Cobb, like 
Judge Nisbet, an earnest, fervent christian worker, but who, unlike his 
distinguished colleague, had never taken any part in political life. He 
Avas a lawyer of marvelous industry and acumen. The secession issue 
aroused all the fervor of his earnest soul. The election of Lincoln 
threw him into the political arena, the most intense, unwearied cham- 
pion of secession in the state. All of the powerful energies of his mind 
and will were bent upon this mission of withdrawing Georgia from 
the Union and establishing a Southern Confederacy, He was, as Mr, 
Stephens fitly called him, a sort of Peter the Hermit in this secession 
crusade, pursuing it with an unquenchable enthusiasm. 

Nothing could more vividly show the engulfing fever of the day than 
the fact that such men as Dr, J, P. Logan were drawn into public 
activity. Leading the medical profession, he was a scientific enthusiast 
in his high calling. A gentleman of imposing figure and a noble face, 
with genial dignity of manner, combining every christian grace of 
character with decisive manhood, high intellectuality and rare medical 
skill and erudition, his interest in the movement showed how the solid 
strata of our best citizens was stimulated to zeal in this agitation. 

Mr. Albert Lamar Avas made the Secretary of the Convention. Gov. 
Brown and ex-Gov, Howell Cobb were invited to seats upon the floor. 
The convention was addressed by Hon. James L. Orr, Commissioner from 
South Carolina, and Hon. John G. Shorter, Commissioner from Alabama, 
explaining the attitude of those states and seeking the cooperation of 
Georgia in disunion. On the 18th of January Judge Nisbet introduced 
a resolution declaring in favor of secession and for the appointment of 
a committee to report an ordinance of secession. This precipitated the 
issue. For this resolution ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson, acting in concert with 
Mr. Stephens, offered a substitute written by ex-Gov. Johnson, reciting 
Georgia's attachment to the Union; the assaults that had been made 
upon slavery and the insecurity they begat in the Southern mind; the 
peril that threatened the South from a hostile majority, a peril aug- 
mented by the recent secession of several Southern states; and that 
while Georgia could not abide permanently in the Union without new 
and ample constitutional guarantees, yet she was not disposed to with- 
draw hastily or without consultation with her Southern Confederates, 
whose counsel and cooperation she invoked to secure our rights in the 
Union if possible, or to protect them out of the Union if necessary. 
The substitutes proposed an ordinance that Delaware, Maryland, Vir- 



152 discussio:n' of giants over secession". 

ginia, Kentucky, North Carolina, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Ten- 
nessee and Missouri be invited, to send delegates to a congress in 
Atlanta the 16th day of February, 1861, to consider the situation and 
devise a course. The independent republic of South Carolina, Florida, 
Alabama and Mississippi were invited to send Commissioners to said 
Congress. It was further declared in the ordinance that Georgia pre- 
sented as indispensable constitutional guarantees before she could re- 
main in the Union, congressional inability to abolish or prohibit slavery 
in the territories, surrender of fugitive slaves, punishment of rescue of 
slaves from officers, protection of slave property like other property in 
the territories, the admission of new states with or without slavery as 
the people thereof wish; the right of transit and protection for slaves, 
and the prohibition of negroes holding Federal office. It was further 
ordained by the substitute that upon any attempt at coercion of the 
seceded states Georgia would join them in resistance; that Georgia 
would hold Fort Pulaski and other Federal property until her final de- 
cision; that Commissioners be sent to the other slave states; that if all 
efforts fail she will help form a Southern Confederacy, and that the con- 
vention adjourn to the 25th day of February, 1861, and concluding 
with the unalterable determination of Georgia to maintain her rights, 
equality and safety at all hazards, and to the last extremity. 

The discussion over this issue was elaborate, able and eloquent. 
Judge Nisbet, Gov. Johnson, T. R. R. Cobb, Mr. Stephens, Mr. Toombs, 
Alexander Means, Augustus Reese, Ben Hill and Francis S. Bartow, all 
spoke. It was a discussion of giants. The secession champions were 
Nisbet, Cobb, Toombs, Reese and Bartow, and pitted against them in 
favor of further attempt at a friendly settlement of troubles, were 
Johnson, Stephens, Means and Hill. The key-note of the secessionists, 
as condensed by Mr. T. R. R. Cobb in a speech of remarkable power, 
was, "We can make better terms out of the Union than in it! " And 
Mr. Stephens gave it as his opinion, that this single, focal idea of Mr. 
Cobb, looking to a more certain re-formation of the Union on a higher 
vantage ground outside of the Union, did more in carrying the state 
out than all the arguments and eloquence of all others combined. The 
sound, unanswerable position of the anti-secessionists was enunciated 
by Mr. Stephens in the sentence, that " the point of resistance should 
be the point of aggression." Secession as a remedy for anticipated 
aggressions was not wise or politic, and these gentlemen opposing seces- 
sion believed that Georgia, standing firm with the border states in an 
effort to obtain a redress of grievances, would succeed. It was a grand 



A GRAND DEBATE. 153 

debate over the grandest of themes, this discussion of superior minds, 
trained to controversy, upon a subject involving the happiness and 
welfare, not only of the commonwealth, but of the nation with its 
millions. The debate was historic, and deserves to be pictured for 
posterity. There is little doubt that it settled the issue — the mighty 
and appalling issue of war or peace. The destinies of a nation hung 
upon it. Had the milder policy prevailed, and Georgia been in the role 
of peace-maker, there is no telling how the end would have been. The 
conservative course was the wise one. It was too grave an issue and 
too awful a result to have been decided hastily, and not to have first 
exhausted every possible means of friendly adjustment in the Union. 
But a Higher Power was ruling the occasion. The great and mysterious 
ends of Providence were in process of fulfillment. The frenzy of 
revolution was on the people: the counsels of prudence were subordi- 
nated to the honorable resentment of a chivalric section, and the work 
of the emancipation of four millions of slaves progressed to its bloody 
and final consummation. 

Ex-Gov. Johnson had moved the reference of the original and substi- 
tute to a special committee. After the debate the previous question 
was called and sustained, which brought the convention to a direct vote 
on Mr. Nisbet's secession resolution. The resolution was passed by a 
vote of 166 yeas to 130 nays, under all the circumstances a most extra- 
ordinary vote in its development of anti-secession views. The truth is, 
that some of the ablest and strongest intellects of the state and the 
convention opposed secession, and that measure was carried by so small 
a majority as to demonstrate how reluctant our people were to enter 
upon a violent course. Mr. Toombs was the undoubted head of the 
secessionists in the convention. His superb qualities of leadership, and 
his double leverage as a Senator in the United States and a member of 
the convention, with all the power and information that such senator- 
ship gave him, equipped him for hastening the march of the revolution. 
He had made a speech in the United States Senate on the 7th of Janu- 
ary, 1861, of surpassing power — a speech intended to put upon record 
the wrongs and the cause of the South — a speech of crushing logic and 
sublime eloquence. One by one he had in clear, forcible language laid 
down the demands of the South, and their foundation in solemn consti- 
tutional guarantees. He candidly made the striking admission, " that 
a very large portion of the people of Georgia prefer to remain in this 
Union with their constitutional rights — I would say ninety per cent, of 
them — believing it to be a good government." Unanswerably arguing 



154 COMMITTEE TO DRAFT SECESSION ORDINANCE. 

that the Constitution was the compact of union, he discussed every 
grievance of which the South complained in the light of the Constitu- 
tion. The speech was full of magnificent bursts of thrilling eloquence. 
He concluded with this impassioned passage : 

" These charges I have proven by the record, and I put them before the civilized world, 
and demand the judgment of to-day, of to-morrow, of distant ages, and of heaven itself, 
upon the justice of these causes. I am content, whatever it be, to peril all in so noble, 
so holy a cause. We have appealed, time and time again, for these constitutional rights. 
You have refused them. We appeal again. Restore us those rights as we had them, as 
your court adjudges them to he, just as our people have said they are ; redress these flagrant 
wrongs, seen of all men, and it ivill restore fraternity, and peace and unity to all of us. 
Eefuse them, and what then? We shall then ask you, ' Let us depart in peace.' Refuse 
that, and you present us war. AVe accept it ; and inscribing upon our banners the glori- 
ous words, ' Liberty and Equality,' we will trust in the blood of the brave and the God 
of Battles for security and tranquillity." 

Coming to Georgia with these grim words of war upon his eloquent 
lips, echoing their stern spirit over the whole country, and flaming 
men's hearts everywhere in the broad land, he took his seat in the sov- 
ereign convention of his great state, and there resumed the fiery mission 
of a nation's severance. It was a wonderful work, this disintegration of 
a gigantic government. And looking back from a twenty years' stand- 
point of time, one wonders that no prescience of the immeasurable mis- 
cries that followed were vouchsafed to the architects,, the undoubtedly 
patriotic and pure-souled architects of that act of colossal ruin and 
destruction. God for his own good reasons allowed no prophetic reve- 
lations of the terrible future, and the revolution went on in which a 
noble people, in a sacred cause of self-government, were crucified for a 
humanitarian wrong, for which they were not responsible. Thus 
inscrutably does Providence forge out its great plans. 

The secession battle was fought and whipped over Judg-e Nisbet's 
resolution. After its passage the colonial flag of Georgia was raised 
amidst a wild excitement. It was a short work to complete the act. 
Judge Nisbet promptly moved that the committee to report an ordinance 
of secession consist of seventeen members. It was carried. The Presi- 
dent appointed the following gentlemen: 

E. A. Nisbet, chairman; Robert Toombs, H. V. Johnson, F. S. Bartow, 
H. L. Benning, W. M. Brown, G. D. Rice, T. H. Trippe, T. R. R. Cobb, 
A. H. Kenan, A. H. Stephens, Jas. Williamson, D. P. Hill, B. H. Hill, 
E. W. Chastain, A. H. Colquitt, Aug. Reese. Immediately after the 
appointment of the committee a message was received from Governor 
Brown in response to a resolution calling- on him for any information 



THE GEORGIA SECESSIOIST ORDINANCE. 155 

in his possession that would facilitate the action of the body, furnish- 
ing the ordinance of Georgia ratifying the Constitution of the United 
States, and also a copy of resolutions of the New York legislature ten- 
dering aid to the President to uphold the Union. The committee 
reported the following Ordinance of Secession: 

"AN ORDINANCE 
" To dissolve the Uuion between the State of Georgia and other States united with her 

under a compact of Government entitled, ' The Constitution of the United States 

of America.' 
" We the people of the State of Georgia, in Convention assembled, do declare and ordain, 

and it is hereby declared and ordained ; 
" That the ordinance adopted by the people of the State of Georgia in Convention on 
the second day of January, in the year of our Lord 1788, whereby the Constitution of the 
United States of America was assented to, ratified and adopted ; and also all acts and 
parts of acts of the General Assembly of this State ratifying and adopting amendments 
of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed, rescinded and abrogated. 

"We do further declare and ordain. That the union now subsisting between the State 
of Georgia and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby 
dissolved, and that the State of Georgia is in the full possession and exercise of all those 
rights of sovereignty, which belong and appertain to a free and independent State." 

On motion of Mr. Toombs the ordinance was twice read. Ben. Hill 
moved, as a substitute for the ordinance, the preamble and resolutions 
that had been offered by ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson. On this motion the 
vote stood 133 yeas to 164 nays, a slight gain in the anti-secession vote, 
though the motion was lost. Mr. Nisbet then moved the passage of 
the ordinance, and the vote stood 208 yeas to 89 nays, showing that 44 
of the anti-secession members voted for the ordinance under the idea 
that its passage was a foregone conclusion and further opposition was 
useless, while it was necessary to give all the moral force possible to 
the act. Ben. H. Hill voted on this ballot for secession. But H. V. 
Johnson, the Stephens brothers. Gen. Wofford and Hiram Warner still 
voted against it. The announcement of the President, Mr. Crawford, 
that it was his pleasure and privilege to declare that the State of Georgia 
was free, sovereign and independent, was followed by an applause that 
was fempered by the gravity of thoughtful men over a step of serious 
and unknown import. The hour of the passage of this momentous 
ordinance was two o'clock p. m., the 19th day of January, 1861. The 
Atlanta Intelligencer a year after, recalling the event, thus described it: 

" There was an exultant shout, and men breathed freer and looked nobler, and felt 
more like freemen who had burst the shackles that had enslaved them for years. From 
the hall of the House of Eepresentatives the momentous event soon reached the vast 
and excited multitude outside, who had crowded to Milledgeville, most of them with the 



156 PROTEST AGAINST SECESSION. 

patriotic intent to urge upon the convention Georgia's right and duty to secede. The 
people shouted, the bells were rung, the cannon roared, the city was illuminated, and 
great was the rejoicing." 

Mr. Nisbet offered this resolution, which was adopted: 

" Whereas, the lack of unanimitj^ in the action of this convention, in the passage of 
the Ordinance of Secession, indicates a difference of opinion amongst the members of 
the convention, not so much as to the rights which Georgia claims, or the wrongs of 
which she complains, as to the remedy and its application before a resort to other means 
of redress : 

" And whereas, it is desirable to give expression to that intention which really exists 
among all members of this convention to sustain the State in the course of action which 
she has pronounced to be proper for the occasion, Therefore : 

" Resolved, That members of this Convention, including those who voted against the 
said ordinance, as well as those who voted for it, will sign the same as a pledge of the 
unanimous determination of this Convention to sustain and defend the State in this her 
chosen remedy, with all its responsibilities and consequences, without regard to individual 
approval or disapproval of its adoption." 

At twelve o'clock on Monday, the 21st day of January, 1861, the 
ordinance of secession was signed in presence of the Governor and State 
House officers. Judges, and a throng of spectators, and the great seal of 
State attached. The delegates all signed the ordinance, but six of them 
did so under protest, which is as follows: 

" We, the undersigned, delegates to the Convention of the State of Georgia, now in 
session, while we most solemnly protest against the action of the majority in adopting 
an ordinance for the immediate and separate secession of this State, and would have 
preferred the policy of cooperation with our southern sister states, yet as good citizens, 
we yield to the will of a majority of her people as expressed by their represeiitatives, 
and Ave hereby pledge ' onr lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor ' to the defense of 
Georgia, if necessary, against hostile invasion from any source whatsoever. 

"James P. Simmons, of Gwinnett. 
Thos. M. McEae, of Montgomery. 
F. H. Latimer, of Montgomery. 
Davis AVhelchel, of Hall. 
P. M. Byrd, of Hall. 
James Simmons, of Pickens. 
"IMiLLEDGEViLLE, Ga., January 22, 1861." 

This decisive act of Georgia settled the revolution. Whatever doubts 
had existed as to the policy or purpose of the South as to secession 
were dissipated. The spirit of the Georgia convention, so riven as it 
was by a conflict of opinion as to disunion, and yet so conciliatory and 
harmonious in the final action, confirmed the effect of its example abroad. 
Committed to secession after a stubborn conflict and close division, 
the State was compactly welded in its cordial support of the adopted 



THE ELECTRICAL EFFECT OF GEORGIA'S SECESSION. 157 

policy. The ship was given to the lightning and the gale against the 
wishes of a powerful minority of her crew, but when the venture was 
made, every man leaped to his post for the storm, devoted, loyal, intrepid 
and invincible. The news of the action at Milledgeville was flashed 
over the wires, carrying the inflammable intelligence. It stirred the 
State to delirium. Ratification meetings were held every where. Guns 
were fired and orators spoke their burning words. The die was cast for 
war, and the chivalric spirit of a brave jDeople gave back a unanimous 
and deep-souled response. In the sister states of the South the effect 
was electrical. That solid, staunch old Georgia , should throw her 
splendid autonomy into the current of secession created a boundless 
enthusiasm, and the secession crusade became irresistible. 

Looking at the motives that animated the people of Georgia in this 
most serious step, one must admit that they were pure, conscientious 
and chivalric. They believed they were risking life, property and honor 
for liberty and self-government — for a violated constitution, whose prin- 
ciples incarnated the genius of republican institutions. It was eternally 
to their honor that they staked so much for their convictions of right. 
That they failed in their cherished cause detracts nothing from their 
heroic devotion and sacrifice to truth. That they should have been used 
by Providence in the execution of a humanitarian reform but consecrates 
their heroism. 



PART II. 

The Bloody Harvest of War. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

THE PRINCELY PROSPERITY GEORGIA STAKED ON THE 

WAR. 

Gov. Brown's Promptness. — The Seizure of the August?a Arsenal.— Captain Elzey. — 
Col. Henry R. Jackson.— Col. Wft. H. T. Walker.— Work of the Convention.— The 

Delegates to Montgomery. — Commissioners to Southern States. — Their Eeports. 

The Address of the Convention, Avritten by Mr. Toombs.— A Summary of Georgia's 
Condition. — Striking Statistics.— Her Exceptional Attitude. — Sixty-two Millions 
Growth in a Single Year. — A Romance of State Expansion. — A Flood Tide of 
Progress. — Gov. Brown's Marvelous Administration.— Georgia's Largest Measure of 
Material Advancement under His Rule. — An Increase of 176 Millions in Brown's 
Four Years. — An Amazing Growth. — Georgia had Ennobled Peace. — She was to 
Illumine War. 

From the date of Georgia's secession, events went forward swiftly. 
Gov. Brown with characteristic promptitude hastened to make practical 
the sovereignty of the State. The United States flag was still flying- 
over the Augusta Arsenal, Captain Arnold Elzey was in charge of it, 
in command of eighty United States soldiers. During the heated pub- 
lic feeling before secession, the people were in great excitement over 
Federal occupation of the Arsenal. This excitement became almost 
uncontrollable when the Federal flag continued to float over the Arsenal 
after secession, and it was the all-absorbing theme of talk. Gov. Brown 
went promptly to Augusta, arriving there on the 22d of January, 1861. 
Colonel, afterwards Gen. Henry R. Jackson, accompanied the Governor 
^ as his aid. The following communication was addressed to Captain 
Elzey: 

"Augusta, Ga., Jan. 23, 1861. 
" Capt. Aknold Elzey, U. S. A., Commanding Augusta Ar-senal : 

" Sir. — I am instructed by his Excellency, Gov. Brown, to say to you that Georgia, 
having seceded from the United States of America, and resumed exclusive sovereignty 
over her soil, it has become my duty to require you to withdraw the troops under your 
command at the earliest practicable moment, from .the limits of this state. 

" He proposes to take possession of the Arsenal, and to receipt for all public property 
under your charge, which will hereafter be accounted for, on adjustment, between the 
State of Georgia and the United States of America. 

" He begs to refer you to the fact that the retention of foreign troops upon the soil of 
Georgia, after remonstrance, is, under the laws of nations, an act of hostilitv ; and he 
11 



1G2 THE AUGUSTA AESEXAL. 

claims that the State is not only at peace, but anxious to cultivate the most amicable re- 
lations with the United States Government. 

" I am further instructed to say that an answer will be expected by to-morrow morn- 
ing, at nine o'clock. 

" I am Sir, Very Respectfully, 

Your Obedient Servant, 

HENRY R. JACKSON. 

Aid de Camp, etc." 

Captain Elzey refused to give up the Arsenal, and telegraphed the 

situation to the authorities at Washington, receiving at one o'clock at 

night this reply: 

• " Washington, Jan. 23, 1861. 

'■ Capt. Arnold, Second Artillery, Commanding Augusta Arsenal, Ga. : 

" The Governor of Georgia has assumed against your post and the United States an 

attitude of war. His summons is harsh and peremptory. It is not expected that your 

defense should be desperate. If forced to surrender by violence or starvation, you will 

stipulate for honorable terms, and a free passage by water with your company to New 

York. 

" T. HOLT, Secretary of War." 

During the day of the 23d the volunteers of the city vs^ere ordered 
out, and some 800 troops responded. The refusal of Captain Elzey to 
surrender created the exciting prosjDect of a battle, and hence every 
man turned out that could raise a uniform and gun. Troops came in from 
the country. The companies out were the Augusta Battalion, companies 
A and B of the Minute Men and the militia, all under the immediate 
command of Lt. Col. Cumming. Brig. Gen. Harris had general direc- 
tion, aided by Brig. Gen. Williams of Columbus. Col. Wm. Phillips 
was on the Governor's staff. Gov. Brown determined to make no 
hostile demonstration on the 23d, but to allow Captain Elzey a day for 
consideration. The troops were dismissed until the 24th, at nine 
o'clock, A. M., when they reassembled and were just about to inarch for 
the Arsenal, when Capt. Elzey sent the following communication, which 
caused a countermandina: of the order to march. 



" Head Qparters Augusta Arsenal, ) 
Georgia, Jan. 24, 1861. ( 



" Sir, — I have the honor to inform you that I am directed by Captain Elzey, command- 
ing this post, to say, in reply to the demand of the Governor of the State of Georgia, 
made through you yesterday, requiring him to withdraw hi.s command beyond the limits 
of tlie State : he begs to request an interview with his Excellency, the Governor, for the 
purpose of negotiating honorable terms of surrender at as early an hour this morning as 
practicable. 

" I have the honor to be, very respectfully. 

Your Obcdieut Servant, 

J. C. JONES, 
' " To Col. H. R. Jackson, Aid de Camp." Lieut. 2d Art. Adg, 



LARGE CAPTURE OF VALUABLE ORDNANCE. 163 

At ten o'clock Gov. Browu, with Generals Williams and Harris, and 
his stafe, Col. H. R. Jackson, Col. Wm. Phillips, Lt. Col. M. C. Fulton, 
Lt. Col. C. V. Walker, and Lt. Col. Henry Cleveland rode to the Arse- 
nal, where the terms of surrender were agreed upon. 

1. The United States flag was to be lowered and saluted. 

2. The company to march out with military honors. 

3. A receipt to be given for the property with a view to future ad- 
justment. 

4. The company to retain its arms and property, to stay in its quar- 
ters until withdrawal from the State, and to have passage to New York 
by Savannah. The State obtained a large quantity of valuable ordnance 
and munitions, among them a fine battery of two twelve-pound howitz- 
ers, two cannons, twenty-two thousand muskets and rifles, many of 
them of the best kind, and heavy stores of powder, grape and other am- 
munition. 

After the arrangements were completed, a cordial exchange of 
friendly courtesies was had. Col. Wm. Henry Walker crossed the 
room and heartily shook hands with Capt. Elzey, assuring him that he 
had done all that a brave officer could. A silent embrace was Capt. 
Elzey's reply, and the incident filled with tears the eyes of those who wit- 
nessed the touching incident between these two old army friends, sud- 
denly placed in hostile relations to each other. The two were at West 
Point together. Col. Walker was afterwards made a Major General in 
the Confederate army. He was the possessor of a courage that bor- 
dered upon the desperate. He was peculiarly unfortunate, having 
been frightfully wounded on three separate occasions in his service 
before the war, once being literally shot to pieces. He was finally 
killed in the battles around Atlanta. 

The garrison was called out and the four field pieces used in firing 
the salute. Thirty-three guns were fired, one for each star on the old 
flag, Georgia included. The flag descended from the staff between 
the thirty-second and thirty-third fire. All of the officers of the com- 
pany, and some of those with the Governor had seen active service 
under it. Col. Jackson through the Mexican war. As the flag fell 
from the staff, a deep feeling of pain and regret was entertained. 
Refreshments were ordered by Capt. Elzey, and a number of toasts 
were pledged, several of them deserving preservation. Col. Jackson 
offered this feeling and memorable sentiment : " The flag of stars and 
stripes, may it never be disgraced, while it floats over a true Southern 
patriot." This toast was warmly appreciated by the officers of the 



164 DELEGATES TO MONTGOMERY. 

Federal company, who were Southern officers. Governor Brown, while 
not drinking wine, proposed a toast to Captain Elzey, in which he paid 
that officer a merited and generous compliment. 

Gov. Brown returned immediately to Milledgeville. At three o'clock 
Gen. Harris, with twelve of the Washington Artillery, and a squad of 
the Oglethorpe Infantry, proceeded to the Arsenal and took possession. 
At half past four the representative flag of Georgia was formally raised, 
a pure white banner with a large red five-j^ointed star in the center, the 
symbol and the emblem of the state's supreme sovereignty. Salutes 
were fired with two cannon belonging to the Washington Artillery ; 
one gun for the sovereignty of Georgia ; five guns for the seceded 
states; and fifteen for the prospective Southern Confederacy. In com- 
menting upon Gov. Brown's judicious execution of this duty, the 
Augusta Constitutionalist complimented him upon the fact that he 
used every effort to preserve peace between the State and the United 
States, and it used these words: " Our State may well be proud of her 
Governor." It was apprehended at one time that bloodshed would 
ensue; but the prompt and overwhelming demonstration of force, 
giving time for a calm knowledge of the situation, resulted in the 
peaceable surrender of the post with its incalculably valuable stores for 
the great conflict so soon at hand. This episode added to the enthu- 
siasm of the hour, and stimulated the war feeling. Captain Elzey 
afterwards became a General officer in the Confederate army. 

The work of the State Convention proceeded rapidly. Ordinances 
were passed in quick succession, perfecting the details of sovereign 
rule, in regard to citizenship, the courts, inter-state slave trade, postal 
arrangements, and other matters. Delegates were elected to the South- 
ern Convention to meet at Montgomery on the 4th of February, 1861. 
These were: 

State at Large. — Robert Toombs and Howell Cobb. 

1st District, Francis S. Bartow; 2nd District, Martin J. Crawford; 3d 
District, Eugenius A. Nisbet; 4th District, Benjamin H. Hill; 5th Dis- 
trict, Augustus R. Wright; 6th District, Thomas R. R. Cobb; 7th Dis- 
trict, Augustus H. Kenan; 8th District, Alexander H. Stephens. 

This was a very strong delegation. Some complaint was made by 
the extreme secession press at the selection of B. H. Hill, A. H. Kenan 
and A._ R'. Wright, on account of their not having been secessionists. 
The Convention selected also Commissioners to send to Southern states 
that had not seceded. The persons chosen were: 

For Virginia, H. Ij. Benning of Muscogee. 



REPORTS OF SOUTHERN COMMISSIONERS. 165 

For Maryland, A. R. Wright of Richmond. 

For Kentucky, H. R. Jackson of Chatham, 

For Tennessee, H. P. Bell of Forsyth. 

For Missouri, L. J. Glenn of Fulton. 

For Arkansas, D. P. Hill of Harris, 

For Delaware, D. C. Campbell of Baldwin, 

For North Carolina, Saml. Hall of Macon. 

Col. Henry R. Jackson declined to serve, and Dr. W. C. Daniell was 
appointed in his stead. W. J. Vason had been previously chosen as 
Commissioner to Louisiana, and J. W. A. Sanford, Commissioner to 
Texas. 

Reports of their mission to these states were made by Campbell, 
Sanford, Wright, Hall, Daniell, Vason and Bell. Col. D. P. Hill, the 
Commissioner to Arkansas, proceeded to that state and remained three 
months at work, and did not return until Arkansas seceded, at which 
time the Georgia Convention had adjourned, and his report was never 
made. He labored faithfully, however, canvassing the state of Arkansas 
from one end to the other. Col. L. J. Glenn went to Missouri, but had 
a difficult time, meeting with much trouble in his mission. The reports 
of the Connnissioners constitute a very interesting series of papers, and 
are embodied in the Joui'nal of the Convention. Col. Campbell found 
in Delaware a Legislature . hostile to secession, and hence limited his 
work to a brief letter to Gov. Burton, who transmitted it to the Gen- 
eral Assembly without comments. Col. Campbell predicted that when 
Virginia and Maryland seceded, Delaware would do so. Ranse Wright, 
the Commissioner to Maryland, found Gov. Hicks of that state uncom- 
promisingly opposed to secession, and if a disruption was made he 
favored a Central Confederacy, including New _ York, Pennsylvania, 
New Jersey, Delaware, Virginia, Missouri and Ohio, and was then in 
correspondence with the Governors of those states upon the subject. 
An unofficial convention of secessionists was in session in Maryland, 
but adjourned until some time in March. Col,- Wright thought the 
people of Maryland would take the matter in their own hands and join 
the South. The letter of Col. Wright to Gov. Hicks was a very elo- 
quent and able presentation of the issues involved. 

The report of Samuel Hall, the Commissioner to North Carolina, rep- 
resented a most cordial reception from the Governor, the legislature 
and citizens of that state. He addressed the legislature in a speech of 
elaboration and power, that concluded with an eloquent anticipation of 
the future glory of a Southern Confederacy. His mission was a success 



166 SECESSioisr address to the people. 

in this, that the legislature submitted the question to the people whether 
a convention should be called. Dr. Daniell was able to do nothing in 
.Kentucky. Wm. J. Vason, the Commissioner to Louisiana, addressed 
the legislature of that state, but found the state up to the neck in 
secession. Col. H. P. Bell, the Commissioner to Tennessee, found the 
people against secession, but Governor Harris was confident they would 
come to it in time. Col. Luther J. Glenn went to Missouri and 
faithfully executed his mission. He had a troublesome time, but over- 
came the difficulties manfully. 

The Convention continued in session until the 29th of January, 1861, 
when it adjourned to meet in Savannah; A number of important mat- 
ters were ordained, among them, the reduction of the Senate of the 
state to a body of forty-four members, as it has been ever since and is 
now. The Congressional Districts were increased from nine to ten. 
The Governor was authorized to raise two regiments of troops for state 
defense. 

The address of the Convention upon the Ordinance of Secession as 
reported by Mr. Nisbet, chairman of the committee of seventeen, was 
written by Mr. Toombs, and was a masterly review of the causes that 
induced Georgia to secede. It is a clear, concise, ringing statement of 
the issue, pithy, concentrated and forcible. Arraigning the Republi- 
can party for its crusade against slarery, the great question of slavery 
is the burden of the paper. The address concludes in these sinewy 
sentences. The jDeople of Georgia 

" Know the value of parchment rights in treacherous hands, and therefore they refuse 
to commit their own to the rulers whom the North offer us. Wliy ? Because by their 
declared principles and policy they have outlawed three thousand millions of our pro- 
perty in the common territories of the Union, put it under the ban of the Republic iu 
the states where it exists, and out of the protection of Federal law every-where ; because 
thev give sanctuary to thieves and incendiaries who assail it to the whole extent of their 
power, in spite of their most solemn obligations and covenants ; because their avowed 
purpose is to subvert our society, and subject us, not only to the loss of our property, 
but the destruction of ourselves, our wives and our children, and the desolation of our 
homes, our altars and our firesides. To avoid these evils, we resume the powers Avhich 
our fathers delegated to the Government of the United States, and lienceforth will seek 
new safeguards for our liberty, equality, security and tranquillity." 

A summary of the condition of Georgia in the year 1860, the year 
before the great civil war, will not be out of place for the purpose of 
practically presenting the stupendous changes wrought by the revolu- 
tion. The statistics are striking ones, and demonstrate how sturdily 
this powerful Southern State adhered to the Confederate cause in that 



Georgia's exteaobdhstary progress in i860. 167 

most gigantic strife of the world's history, and to what extent she de- 
voted her men and means to what she espoused. It is a matter of well- 
grounded doubt if any State in the Union displayed greater heroism. 
And while she thus practically did her duty in sending her sons and 
giving her resources to the cause, she held a singular and exceptional 
attitude in firmly antagonizing every measure of the Confederate gov- 
ernment that she thought an encroachment upon constitutional law and 
liberty. Her record in this particular is romantic and impressive in the 
extreme. She fought to the last some of the most pronounced measures 
of the Confederate government, arguing and protesting against their 
policy, and yet in every case giving the substantial aid called for under 
such measures. Amid the direst necessities of the conflict she sought 
to preserve the principles of a constitutional government. She gave 
men and money whenever called for, more than called for. She prided 
herself upon the promptitude with which she obeyed every requisition 
for soldiers. But she made a decided stand for the Constitution when- 
ever she thought Confederate legislation invaded its principles or im- 
periled its iritegrity, and when the final history of the war comes to be 
written, several of her conflicts of argument with the Confederate gov- 
ernment, conducted by her stern-souled Executive, will stand as historic 
constitutional land-marks. As will be seen hereafter, she was destined 
to be the theater of controlling gigantic operations for a long period, 
culminating in that famous " Sherman's march to the Sea," which 
quartered the ill-fated Confederacy and proved the most destructive 
blow the Southern cause received. 

The statistics are taken from the report of the Comptroller General 
of the State, Col. Peterson Thweatt, an officer who instituted the splen- 
did system, and has been noted for his accuracy and industry. The 
aggregate wealth of Georgia in 1860 was 1672,322,777. Some idea of 
the extraordinary progress Georgia was making at that period in mate- 
rial prosperity, may be understood from the fact that the gain of 
the state for 1860 over the year 1859, was the wonderful sum of 
$62,732,901. Could there be a more striking example of growth ? Over 
sixty millions in a single year. The fact reads like a romance. It sug- 
gests the sudden expansion of the golden Eldorados of the "West. 
Georgia was marching forward with a giant stride. No wonder that 
she had won spontaneously the noble distinction of the " Empire State 
of the South." It was an honor due to her magical advancement, and 
her imperial resources. The details of her aggregate wealth showed the 
largest single element of wealth to be her slaves, 450,033 in number, 



168 GEORGIA IN 1860. 

and worth 1302,694,855. Her land that paid tax was 33,345,289 
acres, worth $161,764,955. City property stood valued at 135,139,415; 
money and solvent debts, $107,336,258; merchandise, 115,577,193; man- 
ufactories, 14,034,252; other unmentioned property, $42,427,295. Her 
polls were 99,748, which added to the voters not subject to poll tax, 
gave her fully 110,000 voters. Of free persons of color there were only 
1,225. 

There were 25 banks doing business in the State with a capital of 
$17,000,000, of which they employed $9,028,078. Savannah had nine 
of these banks using $5,101,337 of capital, and Augusta six with 
$2,675,000 capital. The State indebtedness was the small sum of 
$2,670,750, and the assets consisted of the Western and Atlantic Rail- 
road, which had cost $4,441,532, and which jjaid into the treasury 
$450,000 in 1860, or over ten per cent, interest .upon cost, azid other 
property worth $807,025. The rate of taxation was then 6 1-2 cents on 
the $100, making a revenue of, $400,000. The income of the state was 
not only adequate for the yearly expenses of every description, but even 
at the low rate of taxation, was fui-nishing a surplus fund for redeem- 
ing a large amount of bonds not due, anticipating the maturity of in- 
debtedness. The prosperity of the State was something amazing. She 
was rushing forward witji an accelerating sweep. It was a very flood 
tide of weal for a grand and expanding empire. The population 
•was 1,023,801, of which the white part was 576,719, and the colored 
447,082. 

But in looking at the superb condition of Georgia in that eventful 
year of 1860, so remarkable for its luxuriant prosperity as well as for 
the inception of a strife that dashed the proud State into the very dregs 
of a woe and poverty as absolute and boundless as her former stately 
fortune, it is an act of justice to credit to the administration of Gov- 
ernor Brown its agency in this achievement of progress, whose details 
we have given. The statistics will show the striking fact that, from 
the beginning of the state government to the present time, with a 
record of some very brilliant periods of chief magistracy. Gov. Brown's 
regime of four years, from November 1857, to October 1860, gave to 
Georgia the largest measure of material growth she has ever had. This 
is vast praise, but it is due. These four years of Joseph E. Brown's 
executive management stand out the one unequaled and infinitely 
superior epoch of state progress. Like a towering pyramid amid an 
unbroken stretch of ordinary structures, this historical period of culmi- 
nating power and splendor under the derided slave-ocracy of the South, 



geoegia's expansion in four years. 169 

is a grand monument to the administrative genius of our Governor 
from Gaddistown, the common-sense outcome and exponent of the 
Woolhat masses. 

In 1856 the state's property was $495,516,224, and in 1860, 1672,322,- 
777, and the stupendous and unparalleled increase in four years, 8176,- 
811,553. The first year the increase vs^as 33 millions, the second year 
11 millions, the third 70 millions, and the 4th 62 milhons, making the 
amazing total of 176 millions in 48 months. It would be declared an 
incredible thing as a prospective achievement. It stands a consum- 
mated historic fact, proven by solemn official records, whose correctness 
has never been disputed. But let us look into the details of this un- 
precedented enlargement of wealth and power. Giving their proper 
credit to development and to an improved and more rigid return of prop- 
erty, the undeniable reality exists that in these magical four years the 
state grew with the expanding power of a giant under the positive 
brainful rule of Gov. Brown. 

Slave property had increased 33,298 in numbers and $92,260,221 in 
value; land had enhanced $30,034,969; city property had grown 
$8,957,798; merchandise had extended in commercial bulk, $6,360,105; 
and money and good debts had swelled the huge amount of $30,260,042. 
These are surprising fi.gures, and create greater surprise, when it is 
remembered that Gov. Brown began his official rule at a time of bank 
suspension and commercial distress, in which he had formulated a policy 
of his own in contravention of the views of capitalists and trade kings — 
a policy looking alone to popular interest and the welfare of the masses. 
Not only this, but he boldly resisted a legislative doctoring of the finan- 
cial evils that was in sympathy with the wishes of the financial mon- 
archs, who were alone supposed to possess the ability to give relief. It 
was a daring attitude that he assumed, involving the restriction of bank 
privilege and the curbing of the money power. He was threatened with 
an "lUiad of Woes" for the state as the logical sequence of his theory, 
and it took a boundless degree of personal nerve to stand to his views 
in the face of such menace and prophecy of disaster. The result was 
out of all probability. A scheme of law, that while giving the broadest 
proper latitude to the transaction of bank capital which engineered com- 
merce, at the same time restrained with an iron hand those illicit specu- 
lations that abused popular confidence and led to widespread financial 
distrust and ruin, was the very one to preserve the state from monetary 
trouble, and was the ideal of Gov. Brown, for which he fought and was 
savagely berated. That the state grew so marvelously and presented 



170 GEORGIA IN PEACE AND WAR. 

such a development so rapidly after commercial depression, enhances the 
prestige of Gov. Brown's administration. 

It must ever be a subject of profound regret that the unprecedented 
progress of Georgia was checked in the very hour of its increasing 
sweep. Looking back to the condition of Georgia in 1860, it would 
seem that Providence was making her and her people objects of especial 
favor. She was leading the South in substantial advancement. She 
was foremost in the national councils. She had a prodigal affluence of 
eloquence and statesmanship among her citizens, giving her power and 
fame. She had a future of immeasurable possibilities. It was in the 
line of her supremacy that she was so potential in precijDitating the revo- 
lution. Her sublime energies from this culmination of her princely 
prosperity were to be henceforth directed to the mad destruction of war 
instead of the arts and aims of peace, in which she had made such 
incredible strides. The transition but illustrated her native greatness. 
Her genius had ennobled peace; it illumined war; and the very wreck 
that she left of her proud and peerless prosperity attested her courage, 
chivalry and patriotism. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

THE RAPE OF THE GUNS. 

Gov. Brown's Audacious Reprisal upon New York. — The New York Authorities Seize 
some Georgia Guns. — Gov. Brown demands Them of Gov. Morgan. — No Answer. — 
The Seizure of New York Ships at Savannah by Henry R. Jackson. — Tart Cor- 
respondence between Governors Brown and Morgan. — The Guns Ordered Released. 
— The Ships Released. — The Guns Retained. — The Ships Re-Seized. — Spicy Press 
Comment. — Action of New York Legislature — Federal Congress and Confederate 
Congress — The Theme of National Discussion. — Gov. Brown's Pluck — The Ships 
ordered Sold. — The Guns Released. — Justice Torn from Unwilling Hands. — The 
Confederate Congress Rasped Brown. — The Augusta Constitutionalist. — Brown for 
Confederate President. — Georgia Holds Public Attention. 

We come now to an occurrence that gave basis to the most dramatic 
episode connected with Georgia's war record, a bold reprisal upon the 
State of New York, and which brought Gov. Brown to the attention of 
the people of the whole Union in a manner that made him for the time 
the most marked man of the day. It established his character perma- 
nently for resolute audacity and intrepid will. It added a flattering- 
prestige to the State abroad, and fixed Gov. Brown, if possible, more 
firmly than ever in the popular esteem as the undeniable leader for the 
turbulent war times upon which we had fallen. 

The firm of D. C. Hodgkins & Sons of Macon, had purchased two 
hundred guns in New York, and had them . shipped oh the steamer 
Monticello for Savannah. There were thirty-eight boxes of muskets 
altogether in the shipment, the balance over the two hundred, belonging 
it was said, to the State of Alabama. The New York police seized 
these guns on the 22nd of January, 18G1, without any lawful authority, 
and placed them in the State arsenal. Hodgkins & Sons were notified 
of the seizure and immediately sought Gov. Brown, furnishing him 
proof of their ownership. The Governor first satisfied himself as to 
the justice of Hodgkins' claim, and then began a correspondence which 
grew to be very tart before it was finished, and involved a conflict 
between the Governors of New York and Georgia, the two " Empire 
States," that excited a deep interest, created a varied commentary over 
the whole country and resulted in a complete victory for Gov. Brown. 



172 GOV. BROWN AND GOV. MORGAN. 

On Saturday, the 2nd of February, 1861, Gov. Brown sent the following 
dis]3atch to Gov. Morgan of New York in regard to the matter. 

"Executive Department, ) 

MiLLEDGEVlLLE, Ga., Feb. 2, 1861. ) 

His Excellency Gov. Morgan, Albany, N. Y. : 

" Sir, — I have before me satisfactory evidence that two hundred muskets belonging 
to D. C. Hodgkins & Sons, citizens of this State, were placed on board the ship Monticello, 
at New York for Savannah, and were seized by the police of tliat city on or about the 
22nd of January last, and taken from the ship and are now detained in the State arsenal 
in the city. As Governor of Georgia I hereby demand that the guns be immediately 
delivered to G. B. Lamar of New York, who is hereby appointed my agent to receive 
them. I trust no similar outrage may be perpetrated in future. 

" You will oblige by communicating your decision immediately by telegraph. 
" Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

"JOSEPH E. BROWN." 

It perhaps will serve to show the temper of those days that the ordi- 
nary ceremonious etiquette between the chief magistrates of two great 
States was wholly waived, and the controversy at the beginning assumed 
the hard tone of the prevailing spirit of sectional bitterness. Polite 
phrases were dispensed with at once. Gov. Brown waited until Mon- 
day, the 4th of February, 1861, to hear from Gov. Morgan, but receiving 
no reply, he telegraphed the operator at Albany to learn if the dispatch 
had been delivered to Gov. Morgan. The reply was that it had. Upon 
this, Gov. Brown, with that decisiveness that he was wont to display 
under such, as well as all circumstances, issued the following order to 
Col. Henry R. Jackson, his aid de camp in Savannah : 

"Execctive Department, ) 

MiLLEDGEVlLLE, Ga., Feb. 5th, 1861. > 

Half-past 9, P. M. ) 

"I have demanded of the Governor of New York, the prompt delivery to my agent 
for D. C. Hodgkins & Sons, citizens of this State, of their guns, seized by the police of 
New York, on board the Monticello, and deposited in the arsenal of that state. The 
demand has been delivered to him. He has had a reasonable time and has made no 
reply. I am determined to protect the persons and property of the citizens of this state 
against all such lawless violence, at all hazards. 

" In doing so, I will, if necessary, meet force by force. I feel it my duty in this case 
to order reprisal. You will therefore direct Col. Lawton to order out sufficient military 
force, and seize and hold, subject to my order, every ship now in the harbor of Savan- 
nah, belonging to citizens of New York. When the property of which our citizens have 
been robl)ed is returned to them, then the ships Avill be delivered to the citizens of New 
York who own them. 

" JOSEPH E. BROWN. 

" Col. H. R. Jackson, Aid de Camp, Savannah, Georgia." 

After the issuance of this order to Col. Jackson, Gov. Brown received 



SEIZURE OF NEW YORK VESSELS. 173 

a dispatch from Gov. Morgan acknowledging the receij^t of the first 
dispatch, alleging that certain arms had been detained in New York, 
but saying " its grave character and unofficial form forbid him from tak- 
ina: action in regard to it without better authenticated information." 
Gov. Morgan's dispatch concluded by saying that a response was given 
to enable Gov. Brown if the first dispatch was " veritable " to com- 
municate his wishes by letter. The reply of Gov. Morgan was unfortu- 
nate in several respects, especially in connection with the prompt 
methods and unyielding temper of Gov, Brown. Such a dispatch to 
verify the authenticity of the first one could have been sent immedi- 
ately. The delay indicated, what'was afterwards shown, a disposition 
to trick in the matter. Gov. Brown was neither insensible to the dis- 
courtesy of silence, nor willing to lose his chances of redress by delay 
or subterfuge. The terms of the reply excited his suspicion of Gov. 
Morgan's fair dealing. Wary and resolved, he permitted Col. Jackson 
to proceed in making the seizure of vessels, so as to be upon perfectly 
equal terms with Gov. Morgan. A less firm or vigilant person would 
have acted on Gov. Morgan's evasive telegram, which probably was 
inspired by information of the order of reprisal. 

On the 8th, Col. Jackson seized the following vessels: the brig Kirby; 
bark, Adjuster; brig, Golden Lead; schooner, Julia, and bark, Golden 
Murray. Col. Lawton effected the seizure. Detachments of the 
Phoenix Riflemen under Captain George Gordon were placed in charge 
of the ships, with instructions not to molest crew or cargo. On the 8th, 
the same day, Gov. Brown wrote fully to Gov. Morgan detailing the 
whole matter. After a recapitulation of the facts, Gov, Brown thus 
continued and concluded this plain-spoken letter. 

" I am unable to perceive what reason you had to doubt that my dispatch was verita- 
ble. It was dated at the Executive Department and signed here by me. You also ob- 
ject to it on account of its unofficial form. It is not only dated at this Department, but 
I expressly state that I make the demand as Governor of Georgia. I am not aware of 
the additional language which your Excellency would consider requisite to give to a 
demand of this character official form ! 

" A lengthy official correspondence in this case is neither invited or desired. The out- 
rage was a public one. Citizens of this state have been robbed of their property in 
your state by officers under your control. As the Executive of Georgia, I have 
demanded its re-delivery to its owners. My demand when met, has been met evasively, 
by raising a technical objection to its form, which has no foundation in fact, as a simple 
reference to the demand itself will show. The case is one, therefore, Avhich requires 
action, not lengthy diplomacy. I have the honor therefore to notify your Excellency of 
the seizure of the vessels above mentioned under my order, and that I shall hold them 
until justice be done the injured citizens of this state, above named, by re-delivery of the 



174 THE PEESS ON THE SEIZURE. 

guns to them or to G. B. Lamar of New York, whom I have appointed my agent to 
receive them. If the property seized as reprisal belongs to citizens of New York, who' 
are friendly to the cause of justice and truth, and the equal rights of the people of the 
Southern states, I shall regret the iuconvenience to wliicli they may be exposed. 

" I cannot forget, however, that my first duty is to protect the citizens of this State 
against the lawless violence of the officers or citizens of other states. If, in so doing, 
incidental injury should be done to orderly and law-abiding citizens of such offending 
state, for just and full indemnity they must look to their own government, which has 
brought the injury upon them. 

" I trust your Excellency may have no difficulty in arriving at the conclusion that this 
communication is ' official ' and ' veritable.'-" 

At the hour of nine o'clock p. m., on the 9th of February, the day 
after his letter was written to Gov. Morgan, and before it was received. 

Gov. Brown received this telegram : 

"New York, Feb. 9, 1861. 
" The arms have been put at the command of the owners here : please release all 
vessels. " G- B. LAMAR." 

Uj)on receipt of this dispatch Gov. Brown telegraphed to Col. Jackson: 

" I have just received a telegram from G. B. Lamar, my agent in New York, stating 
that the arms have been put at the commands of the owners. The object for which the 
seizure was made having been accomplished, and the rights of the citizens of this State 
having been vindicated, you will order vessels seized to be immediately released." 

Gov. Brown also replied by telegram to G. B. Lamar that he had 
ordered the release of the vessels. But the matter was not to end here. 
The subject was very fully discussed, and especially the law of reprisals. 
The Governor's authority to resort to this arbitrary remedy was clearly 
shown by quotation from Vattel's " Law of Nations." The Savannah 
Repuhlican took issue on the matter with the Governor, and condemned 
his course as hasty, and endorsing Gov. Morgan's action in requiring the 
dispatch to be authenticated. Public sentiment in the State was, how- 
ever, almost unanimously in favor of Governor Brown's action, and 
there was much tart commentary on the Savannah Hepiihlican. Out of 
the State the Governor was highly commended. The Charleston Courier 
said he was " the man for his place and for the times." The Richmond 
Despatch said there was a " broad grin over everybody's face at the 
lightning-like ra^Didity with which the New York police let go the (/uns." 
The New York Herald dubbed Gov. Morgan's act as " the climax of 
absurdity, folly and political iniquity," and further declared that: 

" Gov. Brown will find an abundant justification of the act he has ordered in the 
responsibilities of his position, and in the necessity of indemnifying private citizens, 
who are his constituents, for an unwarrantable robbery committed by our police, for 
which they could obtain no other redress. It is the very nearest thing to a civil war, 



NEW YOEK LEGISLATURE AND CONGRESS. 175 

but let the blame rest where it belongs, upon the Republican Executive of New York, 
whose atrocious usurpation of powers that do not belong to him, has led to such a sad 
result." 

The New York Herald of the 8th contained a paragraph that Gov. 
Morgan assumed that the arms were mtended to be used against the 
Federal government, and felt bound by his official oath to interfere. 
And such was, undoubtedly, his motive, and he was sustained by the 
Republican press of the North. Mr. Toombs telegraphed from Milledge- 
ville to Fernando Wood, mayor of New York city, asking about the 
seizure, and saying, that a reply was important to us and to New York. 
Mayor Wood replied, that the seizure had been made, but that the city 
of New York should in no way be held responsible for the outrage. As 
mayor he had no authority over the police. If he had the power, he 
said, he would summarily punish the authors of the illegal and unjusti- 
fiable seizure of private property. A dispatch was also sent to Crom- 
well & Co., agents in New York of the steamer Monticello, from parties 
in Savannah, stating that the seizure of the arms had created excite- 
ment, and asking if they could not get the arms back, as retaliation was 
feared. The matter stirred so much public interest, that it was made 
the subject of a resolution in the New York Legislature, requiring the 
metropolitan police commissioners to report to the House by what 
authority, if any, they ordered the seizure and detention of the arms. 
The resolution, however, was voted down. Henry C. Wayne, Adjutant- 
General of Georgia, addressed a brief communication to the New York 
Herald, correcting the erroneous statement, that the State of Georgia 
had purchased the arms. 

Early after the seizure, the law firm of Munn & Parsons of New York, 
representing W. H. D. Callender, cashier of the State Bank of Hartford, 
Conn., demanded of Mr. Kennedy, superintendent of the police, the 
arms. Kennedy referred the matter to his counsel, and finally peremp- 
torily refused the demand, and a writ of replevin was served upon him, 
when he placed the arms in the custody of Sheriff Kelly. The agents 
of the seized ships were in constant telegraphic communication with 
their owners in New York. Mr. G. B. Lamar was notified of Gov. 
Brown's purpose to seize the ships, and was preparing a dispatch advis- 
ing against the course when he received information of the seizure. 
In Washington, Congress took up the matter, Hon. John Cochrane of 
New York offering a resolution directing the Secretary of the Treasury 
to inform the House, whether he had any official information on the 
subject, and he further gave notice of his purpose to call up and press 



176 SECOND SEIZURE OE VESSELS. 

to a passage a bill previously introduced, providing for the protection 
of the commercial interests of the nation against flagitious attacks 
upon them by the seceded states. 

The matter, it will be seen, was for the time the theme of national 
discussion, as well as of home interest. It was even molding national 
legislation. But in spite of promises it was unsettled, and it was des- 
tined to test still further Gov. Brown's pluck and persistence, and 
evoke Confederate legislation against Gov. Brown's course, which was 
as powerless as all the other agencies at work to stop the resolute 
Executive in his protection of Georgia citizens and Georgia rights. 
Mr. Lamar was informed that the guns were at the command of their 
owners and, as has been stated, so notified Gov. Brown, who ordered 
the release of the ships. Mr. Lamar waited upon Mr. Kennedy, and to 
his surprise was informed that he had changed his mind and would not 
deliver up the arms to any person except the sheriff, until compelled to 
do so by law, and would also make further seizures of " contraband 
articles." The New York .Sera^c? announced the delivery of the arms, 
but the New York Tribune denied that they had been given up, prob- 
ably acting on partisan information. 

In this state of things Governor Brown met the new issue as squarely 
as he had the old one. He instantly ordered another seizure of vessels. 
There appears to be well-grounded doubt for implicating Gov. Morgan 
in the treachery that was used, and the retention of the arms after their 
delivery had been agreed upon. In fact he denied to a, Herald reporter 
that he had ever ordered any seizure at all of the arms, and expressed 
the opinion that the whole thing had originated in a late charge of 
Judge Smalley to the grand jury. And a letter was published alleged 
to have been written by him to Funch and Meincke in New York city, 
owners of the bark "Adjuster," at the first seizure, advising them to 
go into the courts for their rights, giving the opinion that the retalia- 
tion was unjustifiable, and that if idemnity could no where else be 
obtained, the Federal government itself would in a last resort be liable. 
The Herald was disposed to place the responsibility either upon Super- 
intendent Kennedy or the police commissioners, to whom he owed his 
appointment. 

Gov. Brown's second order of seizure to Col. Henry R. Jackson was 
issued on February 21st, 1861. His letter of instructions was quite 
full, going with considerable detail into the occurrence. In this he 
stated that Mr. John Boston, the collector of the port of Savannah, 
had received word that the guns had been delivered up. He also 



RELEASE OF THE SHIP ADJUSTER. 177 

referred to Gov. Morgan's silence on the subject. It was clearly evident 
that it was the settled policy of the New York authorities to subject 
Southern commerce to a dishonorable surveillance, and to seize our 
property and plunder our citizens at their pleasure. He added these 
strong and manly words: 

" Under these circumstances I feel that I, as the Executive of Georgia, would prove 
recreant to the high trust reposed in me by my fellow-citizens, were I to refuse to pro- 
tect their rights against such unprovoked aggression, by all the means which the law of 
nations, or the constitution and laws of this state have placed at my command. It 
therefore becomes my duty again to direct you to caU out such military force as may be 
necessary for that purpose, and to renew the reprisals by the seizure, as soou as practi- 
cable, of vessels in the harbor of Savannah, or other property in the city, or elsewhere 
within your reach, belonging to the state, or to citizens of New York, at least equal in 
value to double the amount of the original seizures made by you. You will hold the 
property so seized, subject to my order ; and it will be released when the guus in ques- 
tion (together with any other property of our citizens which has been or may in the 
meantime be unlawfully seized by the authorities of New York) are actually shipped 
from the harbor, and are beyond the reach or control of the police of the city of New 
York or the authorities of that state." 

In response to this order Col. Jackson seized three ships, the Martha 
J. Ward, the bark Adjuster and the brig Julia A. Hallock. Gov. Brown 
then wrote on the 25th of February, 1861, to Gov. E. D. Morgan, noti- 
fying him of the new seizure, and concluding with this information of 
the additional steps he should take: 

" Should I fail to receive official information from your Excellency, prior to the 25th 
March next, that the guns above mentioned have been delivered to their rightful owners, 
or to G. B. Lamar, my agent, and that he has been permitted to ship them from the 
Port of New York to Savannah, I shall on that day, cause the vessels above named, to 
be sold in the City of Savannah, to the highest bidder, and out of the proceeds of the 
sale I shall indemnify the injured citizens of this state against the loss sustained by them 
on account of the unjust and illegal seizure and detention of their property by the 
authorities of New York. That you may not fail to receive this notice, it will be sent 
to you at Albany, in duplicate, by different mails." 

Of the three vessels last seized the bark Adjuster was freighted with 
a cargo of cotton belonging to British and. Russian subjects. Proof of 
this was furnished to Col. Jackson and by him forwarded to Gov. 
Brown, who at the intercession of the representatives of the British 
and Russian governments, permitted the bark to be released and pro- 
ceed to sea instead of compelling them to unload and seek another ship. 
This was done to cultivate friendly relations with foreign powers and 
throw no obstructions in the way of foreign commerce. This release of 
the bark Adjuster was made on the 38th of February, 1861, On the 

2nd of March, 1861, executive order was issued to Col. Jackson to advcr- 
12 



178 THE CONFEDERATE CONGRESS CONDEMNS GOV. BROAVN. 

tise the two remaining' ships for sale on the 25th of March for cash. 
The advertisement of the sale was published, and would have been car- 
ried out, but on the 18th of March, G. B. Lamar telegraphed that the 
ten cases of arms had been delivered and were on their way to Savannah. 
Discerning that they were powerless against Governor Brown's sum- 
mary and unalterable methods, the New York authorities wisely gave 
in and released the guns. The Governor, on the 22nd of March, upon 
entirely satisfactory proof of the release of the guns, concluded this 
novel altercation by ordering Col. Jackson to release the vessels. The 
order ended with these characteristic words: 

" It is to be hoped that the annoyance and losses to private interests occasioned by 
the lawless, unprecedented and wholly unjustifiable conduct of the New York authori- 
ties, and the ultimate vindication of the right by the steps I have been constrained to 
talve, will prevent the recurrence of any like complication in the future." 

The Provisional Government of the Confederate States had been 
organized on the 9 th of February, 1860, and the Provisional Congress 
was in session in Montgomery. This Congress condemned the action 
of Governor Brown in seizing these vessels, on the ground that it was 
wrong in Gov. Brown to take such independent State action, as this 
was the jDrovince of the Confederate government. It is needless to say 
that the censure weighed not a feather in the estimation of the intrepid 
and independent Executive of Georgia, whose action was based upon a 
careful and deliberate investigation of his authority, and under a sense 
of duty as to the protection he owed the citizens of Georgia. Nor did 
it swerve him one hairs-breadth from his course. It was a specimen of 
his practical and direct ways that he went straight to results. While 
the Confederate states' authorities with the multiplicity of great matters 
upon them, would have necessarily treated this as a minor affair, and 
pursued it leisurely and with ceremonious diplomacy, sending special 
envoys and using elaborate manifestoes. Gov. Brown took the short 
path to success, and wasting time upon no formalities or circumlocution, 
he made his peremptory demand, and when it was refused, enforced it 
with an iron-handed retaliation that asked no favors and granted none, 
but tore justice from unwilling authority. 

The matter was pending from the 22d day of January to the 22d day of 
March, 1801, just tv/o months, and engrossed as the public mind was 
• with the secession of states, the disintegration of the Union, and the 
formation of a new government, this striking controversy between the 
two leading states of the hostile sections, involving sacred rights and 
testing strong remedies, held the popular tliought and even evoked the 



COMPLIMENT TO GOVERNOE BROWK. 179 

official consideration of both national governments. Some idea can be 
formed of how Gov. Brown's conduct in the affair impressed men from a 
lengthy editorial in Mr. Gardner's paper, the Augusta Constitutionalist. 
This editorial began by saying that the distinguished gentleman who 
occupied the Executive chair of Georgia had made sundry marks upon 
the records of the present, that time will not readily erase, and which 
the pen of the historian of those days will not forget to copy. It re- 
viewed some of his leading acts of rule. Among other things it showed 
how, when events were crowding upon each other's heels, and while the 
Federal administration was amusing South Carolina with empty pledges 
and really occupying the impregnable walls of Sumter, Governor Brown, 
without the firing of a gun, displaced the Stars and Stripes, wherever 
they floated on Georgia soil. It took up the last act of the Governor in 
his daring reprisal upon New York. It referred to the charge that had 
been made, that Gov. Brown had, in this, made a political move for the 
Presidency of the Southern Confederate States. It showed that even 
the New York Herald, the leading journal of the Western world, had 
in an able discussion of the matter, shown that the policy of reprisals 
had been conceived and urged upon the legislature of Georgia, by Gov. 
Brown, in his famous special message on the crisis, and that he was act- 
ing in conformity with a settled policy. This editorial was remarkable 
in its unqualified tribute to Gov. Brown's statesmanship, as coming 
from a paper owned by a defeated rival for the governorship and which 
had persistently fought him. It declared that Georgia was indebted to 
South Carolina for this superb Governor, and it used this culminating 
language : 

" He may reasonably expect anything, for from the poor boy of Pickens, South Caro- 
lina, he became a Georgia lawyer of good reputation, the Judge of the Superior Court 
of the Blue Ridge Circuit, then Governor of Georgia ; Governor again by the largest 
majority ever given in the State ; and as a distinguished Congressman once remarked to 
us, ' We might as well send him to the Senate, and nominate him for President, for he 
is bound to go through, and that will be the quickest way to get rid of him.' " 



CHAPTER XX. 

THE BIRTH OF THE CONFEDERACY AND THE SHADOW 

OF WAR. 

Georgia Congressmen Withdraw. — Joshua Hill Resigns. — Southern Convention. — 
Howell Cobb its President. — Georgia Leading. — Toombs and Tom Cobb govern- 
ing spirits. — Jeff Davis, President, A. H. Stephens, Vice-President. — Martin J. 
Crawford, Commissioner to the United States. — His Mission Ending in a Haughty 
Defiance. — Brown's Vigorous War Preparations. — The Leap to Arms. — Georgia 
War Appointments. — Davis Speaks through Georgia. — The First Confederate 
Elag in Georgia. — Capt. G. W. Lee.— The Secession Convention in Savannah. — 
George W. Crawford's Exquisite Speech. — The Spirit of the South. — Fighting 
Providence. — Troops Organized. — Guns Ordered. — The Seizure of the Dahlonega 
Mint — Old Harrison Eiley. — Gov. Brown's Admirable Tact in Dealing with the 
North Georgia Union Sentiment. — The United States Flag in Pickens County. 

On the 23d day of January, 1861, all of the Georgia Representatives in 
Congress, except Hon. Joshua Hill, withdrew from the body in a letter 
addressed to Hon. William Pennington, Speaker of the House. The 
letter recited the fact of Georgia's secession, quoting the ordinance and 
concluded thus: 

" The sovereign State of Georgia, of which we are representatives in this House, 
having thereby dissolved the political connection between that State and the Government 
of the United States, and having thereby repealed the ordinance of 1788, by wliich the 
Constitution of the United States was ratified, and having resumed all the powers dele- 
gated to the Federal Government, we liereby announce to you that we are no longer 
members of the House of representatives of the United States Congress. Martin J. 
Crawford, Peter E. Love, Thomas J. Hardeman, Jr., Lucius J. Gartrell, John W. H. 
Underwood, James Jackson, John Jones." 

Hon. Joshua Hill did not withdraw, but resigned in the following 
brief letter to Mr. Pennington, dated the 23d of January, 1861, also. 

" Sir, — Satisfied as I am, that a majority of the convention of the people of Georgia, 
now sitting, desire that the State should no longer be Represented upon this floor, I in 
obedience to this wish of the people's representatives, hereby resign the seat I hold, as a 
member of this House." 

Mr. Hill, upon the seizure of Fort Pulaski by Gov, Brown, had made 
a speech in opposition to this action of the Governor. This sj)eech was 
made in Congress, and on the 24th of January a large number of citi- 
zens of Geneva, Talbot county, assembled and hung Mr. Hill in effigy 




^J^^^^r^<U'..---JL.^!y^^'''^^^'ZZ^^i:^ 



THE PROYISIOXAL CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT. 181 

for this speech. Gen. Scott was also burned in effigy by the students 
of Franklin college. Mr. John Boston, collector of the port of Savan- 
nah, resigned his place. The flag of Georgia was immediately hoisted 
on the staff over the custom house by Major Lachlan Mcintosh, who had 
resigned from the United States army. The flag raised was of a neat 
design, bearing the coat of arms of the State, surmounted by six stars, 
the number of the seceded states. Over the whole was an eye. The 
flag was white, with the stars all deep red save Georgia, which was blue. 
At 12|- o'clock on the 4th day of February, 1861, the convention of 
the seceded states met in Montgomery, Alabama. Hon. Howell Cobb 
was made jDermanent president, and J. J. Hooper of Alabama, secretary. 
Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi and South Carolina 
were represented. A. provisional government was formed; and on the 
9th of February, 1861, Jefferson Davis was elected Provisional Presi- 
dent, and Alexander H. Stephens Vice-President. There is no doubt 
but that Mr. Toombs was expected to be the President. The Georgia 
delegation held a meeting, all being present except Mr. Hill and Mr. 
Wright, and agreed to present the name of Mr. Toombs. It was sub- 
sequently rumored that Mr. Toombs said his name was not to be pre- 
sented, and it was then determined, if this was true, that the Georgians 
would support Mr, Davis for President, and Mr. Stephens for Vice-Presi- 
dent. The motion to put Mr. Stephens in the second place, if Mr. 
Toombs should not be presented for the first office, was made in the 
Georgia delegation by Mr. Kenan and seconded by Mr. Nisbet. The 
name of Howell Cobb was also spoken of, but some of the delegations 
from Carolina, Florida and Alabama, who heard of the proposition to 
elect Mr. Cobb were unwilling to support him on account of old party 
conflicts. Mr. Toombs did forbid the use of his name, and Davis and 
Stephens were unanimously chosen. It will thus be seen that Georgia 
carried into the new Southern movement the same controlling influence 
that she had been accustomed to wield, furnishing a President for the 
convention, two strong men for the Presidency of the Government, and 
the Vice-President of the Confederacy. Mr. Toombs and Thomas R. R. 
Cobb were the leading spirits of the committee to draft a constitution for 
a permanent government, and Mr. Bartow, chairman of the military com- 
mittee. On the 18th of February, 1861, Jefferson Davis was inau- 
gurated as Provisional President, and he made Robert Toombs his 
Secretary of State. A commission of three persons was appointed by 
Mr. Davis under resolution of the Confederate Congress, to go to 
Washington and negotiate friendly relations with the United States 



182 "\VM. H. SEWARD AND MARTI]S^ J. CRAWFORD. 

Government. This commission consisted of Hon. Martin J, Crawford 
of Georgia, John Forsyth of Alabama, and A. B. Roman of Louisiana. 
Mr. Crawford of Georgia was the leading spirit in this important com- 
mission, clothed as it was with powers of the broadest extent and most 
delicate responsibility, in the settlement of the great and difficult ques- 
tions that involved the two governments. 

Mr. Crawford and Mr. Forsyth proceeded immediately to Washington, 
arriving there just as Mr. Buchanan was about retiring from office. On 
the 12th of March, 1861, they addressed a communication to Mr. Wm. 
H. Seward, Secretary of State under President Lincoln, notifying him 
of their mission and asking the appointment of an early day to present 
their credentials and enter upon their duties. On the 15th of March, 
Mr. Seward prepared what he termed a " Memorandum," declining 
official intercourse with Messrs. Crawford and Forsyth. Under various 
pretexts and infinite duplicity the decision of Mr. Seward was withheld 
and the commissioners deceived until the 8th of April, when it was 
delivered to them, they remaining under pledges that Fort Suniter 
would be given up to the South, and a peaceful solution of troubles be 
made. The commissioners on the 9th of April addressed a reply to Mr. 
Seward — a powerful, incisive document, in which they clearly set forth 
the attitude of the seceded states, and the duplicity that had been 
shown to them. They declared that the refusal to entertain their over- 
tures connected with concurrent action of the United States govern- 
ment was viewed by them, and cpuld only be received by the world, 
as a declaration of war against the Confederate States, They climaxed 
this declaration with these haughty words: 

" The undersigned, in behalf of their government and people, accept the gauge of 
battle thus thrown down to them ; and appealing to God and the judgment of mankind 
for the righteousness of their cause, the people of the Confederate States will defend 
their liberties to the last against this flagrant and open attempt at their subjugation to 
sectional power." 

Georgia was still in the lead of this great revolution. Her destiny 
seemed inevitable for a foremost agency in the now certain strife. It 
was through one of her bold sons that a peaceful solution of the matter 
was sought, and when that failed, that the prompt, ringing, defiant 
acceptance of the issue was with heroic emphasis and a lofty spirit 
formulated to the foe and the world. The war was a settled fact. The 
retention of Sumter, the war-like preparations and the refusal to treat 
with the Southern Commissioners, were simply the preface to the blood- 
shed so soon to come. Both sides girded for the fight. Georgia espe- 



THE WAR FEVER. 183 

cially, under her prompt and thorough-going Governor, went to work 
in dead earnest, getting ready for genuine war. The people, though 
they had been divided in the policy of disunion, rallied to the Cause 
when it was decided. There was a considerable union element in the 
mountain section that clung to the Federal government, and that stood 
stubbornly union to the end. It was quite a liberal sprinkling of the 
citizens populating the hilly belt far from the railroads, but with this 
exception the. million of Georgia inhabitants backed loyally the South- 
ern cause. Voting not much over 100,000 citizens, the state of Georgia 
gave 120,000 soldiers to the war, or 20,000 excess of her voting popu- 
lation. This constitutes a wonderful record of chivalry, not surpassed 
in the world's history. 

The war flush was on the state, and there was a good deal of demon- 
stration of enthusiasm, but with a settling of the public mind to the 
business of fighting, there came a deeper real intensity, more quiet. 
We felt the heat, but the flash diminished. Men, too, were right noisy 
over the situation. There was much flurry, and occasionally the enthu- 
siasm boiled over, but the consciousness of serious work ahead made 
thinking people serious, and toned down the effervescence. There was 
an unbounded confidence in the future, save among a few. The leaders • 
believed in success. The masses exaggerated the ease of whipping out 
the North. There was a curious and strange undervaluation of the so- 
called Yankee as a fighter, the belief prevailing that one sturdy South- 
erner could vanquish several Northerners. This idea prevailed largely, 
and gave an over confidence to our soldiers. Such men as Herschell V. 
Johnson and John E. Ward doubted the final success and were pro- 
foundly depressed. But the general feeling was buoyant and hopeful. 
Gov. Brown promptly proceeded to organize the two regular regiments 
authorized by the Convention. He appointed as Colonels, William J. 
Hardee and Wm. H. T. Walker; Lieutenant Colonels, Chas. J. Williams 
and E. W. Chastain; Majors, L. B. McLaws, Wm. M. Gardner, Alfred 
Gumming and E. R. Harden. Among the other officers appointed 
were Joseph Wheeler, afterwards Lieutenant General of Cavalry, W. 
W. Kirkland, R. H. Anderson, Alfred Iverson, Jr., Geo. P. Harrison, Jr., 
and J. Alexander, Brigadier Generals, and P. M. B. Young, Major 
General. 

Jefferson Davis came through Georgia on his way to Montgomery, 
to be inaugurated as President of the Confederacy. His trip from 
Chattanooga to Atlanta, and thence to Montgomery, was an ovation. 
At Ringgold, Dalton, Resaca, Adairsville, Cartersville and Marietta he 



184 THE FIRST COISTFEDEKATE FLAG IN GEORGIA. 

was greeted by crowds. Atlanta sent a delegation to meet him, of 
which Dr. W. F. Westmoreland was a member. Bartow county was 
then called Cass county, and its name was afterwards changed in honor 
of Francis S. Bartow. Mr. Davis made a speech at Cartersville which 
he thus commenced. 

" Georgians — for by no higher title could I address you — 3'our history from the days 
of the Revolution down to the time that your immortal Troup maintained the rights of 
your State and of all the states, in his contest with Federal usurpation, has made Georgia 
sacred soil. Nor have you any reason to be other than proud of the events recently 
transpiring within your borders, and especially the action of your present Governor in 
M'resting from the robbers of the North the property of your own citizens which they 
had stolen. His promptitude in demanding the property from the Governor of New 
York, and in seizing the vessels of citizens of New York, when the demand was not im- 
mediately complied with, is wortliy of all praise." 

In Atlanta the demonstration was a magnificent one. Over 5,000 
people gave him a reception. Mayor Jared I. Whitaker introduced 
him to the vast concourse. In his speech he paid high tribute to 
Georgia. At every point on the Atlanta and West Point railroad 
crowds gathered to do him honor. At Newnan, Miss Barney Dougherty 
was delegated to present him with a large bouquet. On the 5th day of 
"March, 1861, the first Georgia company was tendered for the Confeder- 
ate service and accepted. It was an Atlanta company called " Lee's 
Volunteers," and commanded by Capt. G. W. Lee. In connection with 
this event, the flag of the Southern Confederacy was first raised in the 
State of Georgia. Capt. Lee was returning from Montgomery to At- 
lanta after his mission. The passengers obtained at Grantville the 
requisite material, and the flag was made on the train between Grant- 
ville and Fairburn, by Mrs. W. T. Wilson and Mrs. H. H. Witt of At- 
lanta, Miss L. Smith of Albany, Ga., Mrs. Chas. Wallace of Knoxville, 
Tenn., Mrs. R. F. Butt of New Orleans, and Mrs. S. A. Awtry of Cus- 
set'a, Ala. Col. W. T. Wilson presented the flag to Capt. Lee in a stir- 
ring speech, to which Capt. Lee replied eloquently. Judge Blalock of 
Fairburn, and J. W. Beal of Lagrange . also spoke. Capt. Lee paraded 
in Atlanta the next day with his company under this flag, which was an 
exact copy of the first flag of the Confederate States that had been 
raised in Montgomery, on the 4th of March, 1861. The flag was com- 
j^osed of a blue union with seven stars in a circle, representing the 
seven Confederate States, • with three equal horizontal stripes of red, 
white and red. The incident created much enthusiasm. 

The Georgia Secession Convention resumed its session in Savannah, 
on the 7th day of March, 1861, and continued its deliberations until Sat- 



THE SECESSION CONVENTION ADJOURNS. 185 

urday, the 23rd day of March, when it adjourned sine die. The Con- 
stitution was unanimously ratified on the 16th day of March. The Gov- 
ernor was authorized to raise and expend all of the funds necessary to 
carry out the acts for public defense, both by issuing bonds and Treas- 
ury notes. Resolutions were passed offering to cede ten miles square of 
territory for a capital and permanent seat of government for the Con- 
federate states. The control of military operations, and forts and arras 
was transferred to the Confederate government. A new state constitu- 
tion was adopted. The president of the convention, ex-Gov. George 
W. Crawford, made an address upon its adjournment, brief, but with 
some very strong and sententious expressions. Complimenting the 
body upon its dignity, he thus continued: 

" When first aspembled there was less disagreement as to the burthen of our griev- 
ances than to their remedy, and especially as to the time of its application. Happily, 
couciliation produced concord. When oiu- common patroness spoke, her sons, less from 
opinion than instinct, forgetful of the past, and mindful of the future, rallied to the res- 
cue. Clasping each other with a fraternal grasp, they were less intent on sharing in the 
glory than participating in a common peril and a coriimon destiny. Thus may the sons 
of Georgia ever be. 

" You have overturned a government which had become sectional in policy and sec- 
tional in hostility. It had lost nationality, and the first requisite of every government — 
that of protection of person and property. True you have overthrown the Federal 
Union, but you have preserved the Federal Constitution. You have retained ancestral 
wisdom in the formation of your government, separated only from those abuses which 
experience has developed. In short you have effected a political reformation." 

These words, so happily chosen, so concisely and clearly put, . are 
remarkable in the definition they present of the loyal devotion of our 
people to the idea of our constitutional government. Never were any 
people more faithful to a principle than the South was in the late war to 
the genius of true republican theory — to the very incarnation of char- 
tered liberty. It must stand as an unalterable truth, that the millions of 
the South tried to shatter the Uyion, the better to preserve the consti- 
tution and its holy principles. No men were ever truer to the spirit of 
a government than the seceding Southerners. They understood and 
felt, and believed its doctrines, and they sought to enforce them when 
they conscientiously deemed them in danger. And so the verdict of a 
just and impartial posterity must be. They miscalculated the method, 
and they staggered under the incubus of slavery, which closed to them 
the practical sympathy of the world, as well as that higher and more 
valuable support, the aid of the Divine Providence. Weaker people 
than ours have conquered more formidable odds. Our defeat must ever 
be incredible in the light of the glowing history of. successful human 



186 THE UNITED STATES MINT AT DAHLONEGA. 

resistance. But in the illumination of a great Providential plan to uptear 
a million-rooted evil against human freedom, our failure is lustrously 
explicable. We fought, not men, but a Providential destiny. 

The convention turned over matters of arms and soldiers to the Con- 
federacy, but Gov. Brown v^^as too provident to cease his organization 
of State military. He continued to organize the volunteer force. He 
contemplated creating two divisions, appointing Col. Henry R. Jackson 
Major-General of the First division, and Col. Wm. H. T. Walker Major- 
General of the Second division; and Paul J. Semmes of Muscogee and 
Wm. Phillips of Cobb, Brigadiers. Only one division was found prac- 
ticable, and Gen. Walker was appointed to command it. Gen. Henry R. 
Jackson generously relinquishing his own chances and urging Walker for 
the command. Gov. Brown had contracted with an iron company in Pitts- 
burg, Pa., for a large number of cannon of large caliber and long range 
for coast defense, but when the guns were made, such was the prejudice of 
the people of that city against the seceding states, that the contractors 
declined delivering the guns and abandoned the contract. The Governor 
gave a new contract to the Tredegar Iron Works of Richmond, Va., 
and procured these guns from that source. In order to stimulate the 
building of a foundry for casting cannon, the convention passed an 
ordinance offering a bonus of $10,000 to any one erecting such a 
foundry as could furnish three guns a week, and should make a 10-inch 
columbiad at an early day. 

The United States mint at Dahlonega, which had some $20,000 of 
gold coin belonging to the United States government, was taken posses- 
sion of in a way that demonstrated the discrimination that Gov. Brown 
exercised in his difficult lole at this time. Reference has been made to 
the Union sentiment existing among the mountain people. At the time 
the secession ordinance passed. Gen. Harrison W. Riley, a leading poli- 
tician of Lumpkin county, declared that he meant to seize and hold' the 
mint for the United States. The bold avowal created some excitement 
and alarm, as the extent of the Union feeling in North Georgia was not 
known. Gov. Brown was intimately acquainted witli the people of that 
section and knew precisely how to deal with them. The convention 
promptly passed an ordinance making it treason for any person to be 
concerned in any attempt to give aid to the enemies of the State. Gov. 
Brown did not deem it advisable to make any show of military force in 
the mountain section, but thought it best to trust to the patriotic spirit 
of the masses there. Gen. Riley, while a very illiterate man, was a very 
influential one; a bluff, eccentric, determined spirit, with a wonderful 



GOV. BROWN AND GEN. HARBISON W. RILEY. _ 187 

local popularity. The report of his threat to seize the mint was tele- 
graphed to Gov. Brown, and a strong pressure was brought to bear 
upon him, by several leading men of the State, to send troops at once 
and secure the mint by force, and not permit the rebellious old Riley 
to get a foothold. The Governor knew Riley well from his boy- 
hood, and was satisfied that a very large element in his course was a 
desire to 'attract notoriety, and that he was too shrewd to undertake a 
rebellion against the State in North-east Georgia, unless advantage was 
given him; and that with so large a proportion of Union sentiment as 
there was in that section of • the State, if any difficulty was raised with 
Riley about the mint, the popular sympathy would have been with him, 
and there would have been serious trouble. Gov, Brown stated this to 
the gentlemen who approached him on the subject, and told them as he 
knew Riley well and had been partly raised in that section of Georgia, 
he would manage the matter rightly if they would leave it to his discre- 
tion. A few days afterwards the Governor wrote to several prominent 
citizens of Dahlonega, telling them that he had heard such a report in 
reference to Gen. Riley, but had known him too long and had too high 
an appreciation of his good sense and patriotism to believe he would 
attempt such a thing, and that as old, personal friends he and Riley 
must have no collision. The Governor did not think it best to write to 
Riley personally, but wrote to friends who would communicate the facts 
to him. This course had a soothing effect upon Riley; and toned him 
down. The Governor also quietly notified the superintendent of the 
• mint that the State now held and possessed it. The superintendent 
formally recognized the authority of Georgia over and her right to the 
mint, and consented to act under the Executive, who gave him written 
orders. If any military support was needed the Governor would give 
it. It shows the inflamed spirit of the day that, not understa,nding the 
course of the Governor, several of the papers condemned his seeming 
inactivity in making a demonstration upon the mint; but it was all right 
when understood. 

Another incident in connection with Pickens county will show with 
what consummate tact Gov. Brown dealt with the Union feeling of the 
northern part of Georgia. At Jasper, Pickens county, where the 
Union loyalty was very ardent, a United States flag was raised upon a 
pole, soon after secession, and kept afloat in bold open defiance of Con- 
federate authority for several weeks. It was just such an incident as 
could have been injudiciously inflamed into a local breach that would 
have given infinite trouble during the whole war, and resulted in an 



188 THE UNITED STATES FLAG IN PICKENS COUNTY. 

angry, cancerous and unhealable sore in our very midst. The provoca- 
tion was very irritating to the people after we had seceded, to have the 
flag of the repudiated Union floating defiantly, the insulting symbol of 
a rejected authority, the aggressive emblem of a hostile power seeking 
our subjection. Appeals upon appeals were made to Gov. Brown to 
send troops to cut it down. To all of these the astute Executive was 
wisely deaf. He preferred to let the Union ebullition spend its force. 
There were very few slaves in that section, and in consequence the 
slavery sentiment was not strong, while the devotion to the government 
was very ardent. The veneration for the United States flag was espe- 
cially earnest. Gov. Brown declined to have the flag cut down. He 
said : 

" By no means ; let it float. It floated over our fathers, and we all love the flag now. 
We have only been compelled to lay it aside by the injustice that has been practiced 
under its folds. If the people of Pickens desire to hang it out, and keep it there, let 
them do so. I will send no troops to interfere with it." 

The flag continued to float for a while, until the people became 
ashamed of this sort of action, and took it down themselves without 
any disturbance whatever; and the county soon after came in with its 
troops, and did good service in the Confederate cause. 

As a further evidence of Gov. Brown's sagacious diplomacy in deal- 
ing with this tender-footed section with its intense Union drift, his 
conduct in the acceptance and organization of troops may be mentioned. 
Mr. Davis, the President of the Confederacy, made a requisition upon 
Gov. Brown for the first Georgia regiment that was called into the 
Confederate service, to go to Fort Pickens at Pensacola, to aid in its 
defense. Gov. Brown made a call for troops. Some idea of the boom- 
ing war fever may be gleaned when it is stated that over 250 companies 
were tendered for this service, out of which one regiment was to be 
selected. There was the greatest possible jealousy among the Captains 
of the different companies, each being anxious to secure a place in the 
regiment. The companies were selected according to priority of the 
date of their tender, a list having been kept, and the time when each 
was offered being carefully noted. The only exception made to this 
rule was in the single case of the tenth company, which he gave to the 
corps of Captain Harris of Dahlonega, and the regiment was detained 
two days at Macon before the organization was completed, waiting for 
Harris's company to reach there, as the Governor learned they were on 
their way. The delay was occasioned by the company having to march 
from Dahlonega to Atlanta. On their arrival the preference was given 



GOV. BEOWJSr's HAPPY DEALING WITH UNIOXISM. 189 

to them in arms, accoutrements and equipments, conceding to them the 
best of everything. These courtesies were written home to their 
friends, who were among the good families of Lumpkin county, and 
they were written by men then in the service of the Confederacy. 
Their friends, of course, took an interest in them, and their feelings 
naturally began to be drawn out after them. The result was that when 
another call was made, Lumpkin county tendered another comj)any. 

A company was tendered from Fannin county, away across the Blue 
Ridge. A place was left for the Fannin men until they had marched 
to Atlanta, where regiments were being organized, and they were put in 
in the same manner. This policy was pursued, giving preference to the 
mountain companies in every case. In this way the Governor soon had 
one or more companies in the service from each county in that section; 
and it was not long until the great mass of the people there had changed 
about, and stood with their friends who had gone into the Confederate 
service. Some, it is true, remained Union men to the last, and some 
few gave trouble, but not a great many. Had a different policy have 
been pursued and coercion been attempted, or any unkind means used 
against them at the start, there would have been serious trouble with 
that section of Georgia. As it was by this astute and well-considered 
course, pursued with tact and persistence, a large and troublesome Union 
element was not only neutralized, but absolutely enlisted in the cause 
heartily. In nothing that happened did Gov. Brown more beneficially 
use his shrewd practical judgment for the South than in this matter. 
It was a serious peril and he discerned it at once. But for this masterly 
management, North and North East Georgia most probably would have 
become as dangerous a union stronghold as the memorable count rj^ of 
East Tennessee. The value of Gov. Brown's statesmanship in this 
peril has never been understood or appreciated. But it was a great 
service, timely, and of an inestimable benefit. 

Governor Brown began to purchase arms before the legislature passed 
the act calling the secession convention, and he pressed the matter 
vigorously, importing every weapon he could until the firing upon Fort 
Sumter cut off our means of purchasing them from the Northern States. 
Even after that time, however, until the blockade was considered a 
serious obstruction, the importation of arms into the state was contin- 
ued by Governor Brown. No state in the South did so much in this 
matter of furnishing armed troops to the Confederacy as Georgia did 
under Gov. Brown's vigorous administration. Fully thirty regiments 
were turned over to the Confederate government armed with weapons 



190 BOATS FOR COAST DEFENSE. 

bought by the State of Georgia. And in addition to these^ there was a 
large number of arms retained for our state troops. 

Governor Brown was authorized to purchase some boats for coast 
defense, which he did immediately, placing this little navy in charge of 
that heroic old seaman, Commodore Josiah Tattnall, who had resigned 
from the United States navy and offered his services to his native state. 
The strong points upon the coast around Brunswick were fortified to 
the best of our means, and manned with six months' troops. 



CHAPTER XXL 
THE BLAZING WAR FEVER OF THE FIRST OF 1861. 

The State a Military Camp — Eagerness to Enlist. — Pecuniary Sacrifices. — Miss Hen- 
rietta Kenan. — " Mrs. Joe Brown's Boys." — Forty Georgia Regiments by October. 
— Gov. Brown's Marvelous Energy. — The People's Demand for Him tu be Gover- 
nor a Third Time. — The Famous Letter of Thomas C. Trice — " No Time for Fool 
Parties or Swelled-Head Governors." — The Striking Press Comment. — " The Man 
for the Times." — The First Georgia Regiment. — The Volunteers' Privilege of 
Electing Officers. — Gov. Brown's Ardent Speech. — The Great " Coruer-Stone." 
Speech of Alex. Stephens. — The Most Momentous Utterance of the Century. — Its 
Immeasurable Effect. — The Anti-Slavery World Set against Us by It. — Georgia's 
Continuance of a Dominant Factorship in the Struggle. — Georgia Troops for Vir- 
ginia. — Hardeman's Battalion — Military Ardor and Womanly Grief. — The Ogle- 
thorpe Light Infantry. — Brown and Bartow. — The Rape of The Guns. — A Hot 
Controversy. — " I Go to Illustrate Georgia." — Col. A. H. Colquitt — Bad Practice 
of Enlistment. 

During the year 1861 the military activity in the State of Georgia 
was incessant and ubiquitous. The commonwealth was one vast re- 
cruiting camp. The roll of the drum and the stirring notes of the fife 
resounded from mountain to seaboard. Hill and A^alley echoed to the 
tread of armed men gathering, organizing and leaving home and com- 
fort for the tented field and the soldier's life. It was a wild time — a 
continuous day of fevered enthusiasm. Men, women and children par- 
ticipated in the exaltation of patriotic spirit. There was no looking 
back. A brave people had turned their energies to war, and they went 
at it as a business. The war spirit boomed like a storm. The rivalry 
to enlist was universal and unquenchable. Letters poured in upon the 
Governor seeking commissions for perilous service, until the burden be- 
came so heavy that he was forced to advertise in the papers that he did 
not have the clerical labor to even answer. For every requisition of 
troops there was a fifty-fold proffer of eager soldiers. Such a spirit of 
willing chivalry as was exhibited was never exceeded in the annals of 
warfare. And to show the character of the men and organizations, a 
cavalry company in Rome, the Floyd Cavalry, represented a money 
property of $730,000 among 40 men, while another of 35 men in Mil- 
ledge ville, the Governor's Horse Guards, stood for two and a half mil- 
lions of wealth on the tax books. 



193 PATRIOTIC GENEROSITY OF THE PEOPLE. 

All over the State citizens were offering to make pecuniary sacrifices 
for the cause. Gov. Brown himself, subscribed and paid one thousand 
dollars toward the support of the Georgia troops in the service, and 
determined to appropriate the net income of his farm to the same great 
cause. His wife devoted her time, as did thousands upon thousands of 
other noble and delicate women, to making clothing for the soldiers. 
Miss Henrietta Kenan, of Milledgeville, a daughter of Col. Augustus 
H. Kenan, a brilliant, queenly woman, tendered to Gov. Brown in behalf 
of herself and her mother, for the use of the state, their silver plate of 
considerable value. The Governor said if it became a necessity he 
would accept it. A company was organized below Gaddistown, in 
Fannin County, and named " Mrs. Joe Brown's Boys." In recognition 
of the compliment, Mrs. Brown, the wife of the Governor, fitted this 
company with a suit of clothes, purchasing the cloth in Milledgeville 
and making and sending one to each member. All over the state volun- 
tary generous patriotism was shown. 

Some idea may be formed of how gloriously Georgia responded to 
the demands upon her manhood, from the fact that up to the first of 
October, 1861, she had sent forty magnificent regiments to the battle 
field. This makes a grand fact in her war record. And during this 
whole seething time Gov. Brown stood the central figure and guiding 
intelligence, winning opinions that seem almost extravag-ant, so laud- 
atory were they of his energy, management and patriotism. His genius 
for organizing was something marvelous. His cool impetuosity and 
comprehensive forecast, his wise audacity and calculating, methodical 
ability for any occasion, were matters of universal recognition and 
panegyric. The Southern press united in admiring his peerless admin- 
istration, while the people and press of Georgia idolized him. In the 
midst of all of the sweeping war excitement the thoughts of the people, 
clear in advance of the end of his term began to look to him for the 
unprecedented distinction of a third term, of gubernatorial service. 

Early in March, 1861, a communication appeared from Mr. Thomas C. 
Trice of Pike county, urging the people of Georgia without distinction 
of party to re-elect Gov. Brown. The letter of Mr. Trice was a plain, 
brief, matter-of-fact document, striking right to the point in a few 
homely words, but it had a wonderful effect. There are times when 
men make a happy strike by voicing the public thought. Said Mr. 
Trice in his homely way: 

" I do not believe there is another man in Georgia, who is every way as well calcula- 
ted for Governor as Joseph E. Brown. I do not mean hy this that Joe Brown has more 



THE MA^S" FOB THE TIMES. 193 

sense than everybody else. I mean just what I say — that no man in Georgia will make 
such an Executive as Joe Brown, and therefore I think that he should be re-elected. 

" We need just such a plain, sensible, practicable man as Joe Brown is to attend to tlie 
Executive business of the State, while we try to make bread at home. It is no time now 
for fool parties among farmers, nor for swelled-head Governors. We need strict economy 
at home, and prudent, plain, investigating men to manage our State affairs." 

This sententious, blunt-spoken expression of choice started a deluge 
of responses from all parts of the state endorsing the idea. Mr, Trice 
awoke to find himself famous as the unexpected announcer of a univer- 
sal notion. His crisp letter was a formulation of the public wash. 
Some of the endorsements were in very strong words. One writer 
declared Gov. Brown, " with the single exception of Jefferson Davis, as 
first in the affections and confidence of the Southern people," and said 
that he was wanted in the Senate of the Confederate States. At that 
time, and since, it has been asserted that Gov. Brown aspired to Con- 
federate ofiice. But a day or two ago in the United States Senate, 
where Gov. Brown now is. Senator Mahone of Virginia asserted that 
Gov. Brown desired to be President of the Confederate States. There 
was not the slightest basis for such an assertion. As will be later seen, 
Gov. Brown had the honor of a Cabinet position in his grasp. But it 
is the truth that he had not only no wish for any Confederate office, but 
under no circumstances would he have given up the place of Governor 
of Georgia for any position in the gift of the people. His measure of 
ambition was to serve his state as Executive. Perhaps the most com- 
prehensive summary at the time of the estimate in which Gov. Brown 
was held in those days, and at the same time the most vivid picture of 
the situation, are found in the following editorial from the Georgia 
Forester, which was universally copied then. The writing was headed, 
" The Mak for The Times,'''' itself a volume of meaning. The editorial 
thus discoursed: 

" Perhaps there never was a time when strong will, iron nerve and common sense, 
combined in a single character, were more to be valued, or when they were more needed 
than in the present crisis. A great revolution, civil and political, is progressing. One 
of the most powerful governments on earth is fast crumbling to pieces, and in its con- 
vulsive death-struggles shakes the civilized world. The wildest passions are blazing 
with infuriate madness from the breasts of thirty millions of people. 

"Amid this war of elements, this storm of contending factions, and this whirlwind of 
evil passions, there is one man who stands like the towering sea-built rock, that breasts, 
breaks and scatters the angry, surging waves. One who calmly watches the quick, 
revolving wheel of events, and with daring intrepidity and dignified deliberation con- 
fronts every issue that is presented, and foils every effort to circumvent his movements 
or to interrupt his quiet progress. Conscious of the vast responsibilities that rest upon 
13 



194 THE FIEST GEORGIA VOLUNTEER REGIMENT. 

him, and appreciating fully the dangers that surround and threaten to engulf the glori- 
ous ship he commands, with iron nerve and a will that increases in strength and rises in 
grandeur as he approaches the Scylla and Charj-bdis of his voyage, right onward he 
directs her course and bids defiance to the swelling wave and the lightning flash. Firm 
in the right, with truth in his heart, and God o'er his head, he acts while others pause 
to reconnoitre and negotiate ; and wins the victory, while others stop and calculate the 
cost of defeat. 

" Combining wisdom with patriotism, prudence with nerve, and boldness with justice 
and deliberation, Joseph E. Brown is emphatically the man for the times." 

These strong words bear the mark of the intensified fervor of the 
time which called them forth, but they constitute a remarkable tribute 
for any man to win, and they show the part Joe Brown was enacting 
and the manner in which he was impressing days when force and equi- 
poise were the regnant and inexorable qualities for leadership. From 
this time on the idea of the blunt-phrased Trice for Brown's re-election 
went on steadily to consummation, over-riding custom with the resistless 
current of the popular will, — that incarnation of the voice of God as 
embodied in the voice of the people. 

Returning to the current of war progress, the organization of the 
first regiment for Pensacola at Macon, was a matter of general state 
interest. Gov. Brown went over and reviewed and addressed the troops. 
The companies consisted of the Augusta Oglethorpe Light Infantry, 
Capt. Clark; Augusta Walker Light Infantry, Capt. Camp; Dahlonega 
Volunteers, Capt. Harris; Bainbridge Independent Volunteers, Capt. 
Evans; Forsyth Quitman Guards, Capt. Pinckard; Atlanta Gate City 
Guards, Capt. Ezzard; Perry Southern Rights Guard, Capt. Houser; 
Newnan Guards, Capt. Hanvey; Sandersville Washington Rifles, Capt. 
Jones; Columbus South Guards, Capt. Wilkins; Etowah Guards, Capt. 
Larey; Ringgold Volunteers, Capt. Sprayberry; Macon Brown Infantry, 
Capt. Smith ; and Macon Independent Volunteers, Capt. Adderhold. 

The appointment of officers by the Military Department of the Gov- 
ernment has been the practice of war and of regular armies of profes- 
sional soldiers; but the privilege of the election of officers by the men 
they command is the delight of volunteers, the outcome of the spirit of 
our free institutions, and the very foundation of an efficient volunteer 
service. It was this privilege, so dear to our volunteer soldiery, that 
inspired one of the historic controversies that Gov. Brown had after- 
wards with President Davis. It was under this system of election that 
all of our State regiments were organized, except the 1st Georgia Regu- 
lars, which was raised under a special law of the convention. The elec- 
tion for field officers for the regiment bound for Pensacola, was held 



ALEX. STEPHENS' GREAT CORNER-STONE SPEECH. 195 

at Camp Oglethorpe, as it was appropriately named, and resulted : 
James N. Ramsay, Colonel; J. O. Clarke, Lieutenant Colonel; and G. 
H. Thompson, Major; Col. Ramsay was a Lieutenant, and beat Cap- 
tains Jones and Pinckard. The regiment was organized the 3d of April, 
1861. On the 5th, Gov. Brown reviewed the troops before avast assem- 
blage, and then delivered an eloquent and powerful speech, full of an 
impassioned feeling unusual with him, that stirred an over-mastering 
enthusiasm. He retrospected concisely but burningly the causes and 
progress of the revolution. In his references to their mission, he was 
especially happy. He said truthfully, " My whole soul is in this move- 
ment, and my heart swells with emotions I cannot utter." He con- 
cluded amid a prolonged burst of applause with these solemn words : 

" Go then, and may the God of battles go with you, and lead, protect and defend yon, 
till the last foot-print of the invader shall be obliterated from the soil of our common 
country." 

One, company of this regiment was the Bainbridge Volunteers, 
uniformed in coarse flannel shirts, and pantaloons of the coarsest negro 
cloth, yet representing over a million dollars of wealth. A battalion 
was organized at the same time, with Capt. Larcy as major. 

It was but a few days before this that Hon. Alexander H. Stephens 
delivered a lengthy speech to an immense audience in Savannah, that 
went over the civilized world. It was a remarkable utterance in many 
respects, but in nothing more remarkable than in being regarded as one 
of those advance pioneer expressions of a cardinal idea of new and orig- 
inal statesmanship, that are only formulated by master minds, and come 
but once in generations of men. The great eloquence of the man, the 
wonderful attraction attaching to him in view of his slender physical 
tenure of life, so disproj)ortioned to his genius, the exalted position he 
held as Vice-President of the new Confederacy, and the resultant 
authoritative character of this deliverance, all made the speech a marked 
one. But the great theory of the address — a bold, immense and revolu- 
tionary innovation upon the settled convictions and prejudices of man- 
kind — gave the speech its celebrity, and made it the theme of universal 
discussion among the ruling minds of the English-speaking language. 
The address was dubbed the " Corner-Stone " speech, and the grand 
central idea was that: 

" Our new government was founded upon the great truth that the negro is not equal 
to the white man — that slaver}^, subordination to the superior race, was his natural and 
moral condition. * * This stone, which was rejected by the first builders, ' is become 
the chief corner stone ' in our new edifice." 



196 THE WORLD SET AGAIISTST THE SOUTH. 

The enunciation of this startling philosophy by Mr. Stephens evoked 
an overwhelming enthusiasm at home, and in the South, and excited a 
profound feeling North and abroad. It became the representative idea 
of the Confederacy. It fixed clearly and siiyiply the question of the rev- 
olution. It was unanimously accepted by the South. It put Ihe civil- 
ized world upon notice as to what a recognition of the Confederacy 
meant. It propounded a prodigious issue, moral and political. It pre- 
cipitated an unappealable arbitrament of the issue which concerned the 
most humanitarian convictions of mankind upon the essence of human 
freedom. Georgia again exercised that leading agency in this colossal 
agitation to which she seemed by some strange destiny fated. To one 
of her great spirits belonged the crowning honor of originating and 
formulating in his eloquent and masterly utterances, the very funda- 
mental thought of the gigantic movement. 

Mr. Stephens left nothing unsaid that perfected his great idea. He 
stated distinctly that the Union just split, rested upon " the fundamen- 
tally wrong idea that the enslavement of the African was a violation of 
the laws of nature." He said that it was apprehended that we would 
" array against us the civilized world." He continued in a magnificent 
display of eloquence, that drew deafening applause that he " cared not 
who, or how many they may be, when we stand upon the eternal prin- 
ciples of truth, we are obliged and must triumph." 

The moral effect of this great speech was beyond all calculation. It 
put squarely against the Confederacy the abolition sentiment of the 
world. It prevented foreign recognition. It narrowed the issue from 
the broad domain of political independence founded upon a contract 
that had been violated, and upon which the sympathy of the world was 
with us, to the untenable foothold of the intrinsic righteousness and 
supreme good policy of slavery, in which civilized mankind stood 
immutably against us. The slavery question had been a large one in 
the agitation, but it simply represented a greater question of self-gov- 
ernment. This speech of the Vice-President of the Confederacy claim- 
ing slavery to be a divinely originated institution based in truth, and 
the soul of the new government, set it up as the vital question of the 
conflict. It changed the battle-ground, shifted the war-flag, substituted 
a new slogan, and put us in isolation. It was an heroic thing, and it 
worked to ' the great scheme of Providence for human freedom. And 
it continued Georgia as the decisive factor of the revolution. 

On the 13th of April, 1861, the siege of Fort Sumter ended by the 
surrender of Major Anderson. On the 15th of April, President Lincoln 



A WILD TIME OF PATRIOTISM AND PARTING. 197 

made his call for 75,000 men to suppress the rebellion. On the 18th of 
April, Virginia seceded from the Union. On the 19th of April, Presi- 
dent Davis telegraphed Gov. Brown for two or three companies to go 
immediately to Norfolk, Virginia, and inquired when he could have 
them ready. Gov. Brown went to the telegraph office in Milledgeville 
and telegraphed for volunteer companies in Macon, Griffin and Colum- 
bus, asking each Captain whether his company would like to go, and 
when they could be ready. The responses in every case were: " AVe 
would like to go; how much time can you give us?" He replied, 
" You must start to-morrow," While some of them said they would 
need more time, yet rather than lose their place in the battalion, they 
would go thus hastily. In twenty -four hours the battalion was on the 
cars in motion for Norfolk, and they were said to have arrived there 
about the first troops that reached the place, and a little before the 
Virginia troops arrived at the sea-board of their own state. This inci- 
dent will show the eager war spirit of the people, and Gov. Brown's 
swift celerity in answering requisitions. The four companies forming 
this battaHon were the Macon Floyd Rifles, Capt. Thos, Hardeman; 
Macon Volunteers, Capt. Smith; Columbus City Light Guard, Capt. 
P. H. Colquitt, and a Griffin company under Capt. Doyal. Col. 
Thomas Hardeman, ex-member of Congress, was made the commander 
of this gallant corps, and he and they did some of the finest service per- 
formed in the war. 

Requisitions were rapidly made upon Gov. Brown for troops, first 
5,000. and then 3,000 men, and promptly filled. There was no halting 
in this stern time. Men rushed forward to enlist, and the dear women 
sent them to the' front in heroic tears. The jDeople assembled by the 
thousand to bid adieu to the departing soldiers. It was a wild day with 
its under-stratum of sobs and womanly grief. The huzzas of shouting 
patriotism and the roar of thundering cannon sped the gallant troops 
away, perhaps forever, amid a torrent of soulful weeping and convulsive 
embraces. It was buoyant and sorrowful, an era of proud sadness and 
damp-eyed exhilaration. The bounding ardor of the soldier was chas- 
tened in the tender grief of the women left behind to pray. Handker- 
chiefs and hands waved fervent farewells from apprehensive but resolute 
hearts. The whole State was aflame. In every county companies were 
made up. Newton county, that had been a Union stronghold, organized 
five companies in a few days, and raised a subscription of ten thousand 
dollars for aiding these military corps. The city of Macon in a short 
while furnished five hundred men. These are examples of the rest. 



198 A SAVANNAH COMPANY THE FIRST FOR THB WAR. 

Gov. Brown stood to his wonderful labor of organization witli an 
unceasing persistence. His resourceful energy seemed to grow, if 
possible. He issued a proclamation prohibiting the payment of any 
debt of money or property North; and the protesting by any bank of 
any paper due to Northern banks or people. He also issued a procla- 
mation exempting persons and operatives engaged in the manufacture 
of arms, woolen or cotton goods or iron, from military duty. All of the 
troops enlisted for the Confederate service up to May, 1861, were twelve 
months' companies, of which five regiments were organized. 

President Davis called the Confederate Congress together on the 29th 
of April, 1861, and immediately an act was passed authorizing the 
enlistment of troops for the war. Francis S. Bartow, the chairman of 
the military committee, was the captain of a volunteer company in 
Savannah, the " Oglethorpe Light Infantry," of which the writer was a 
member and a private. The company was organized in 1856, and was 
one of the popular corps in that gallant city always noted for its mili- 
tary spirit and the number and efficiency of its military organizations. 
Capt. Bartow was in communication with the company, and as soon as 
the act authorizing war troops was passed and approved, he communi- 
cated the fact by telegraph to his company. A meeting was promptly 
called. The writer well remembers the glowing spirit of that meeting. 
Amid a storm of enthusiasm and excitement a resolution was unani- 
mously passed tendering the company for the war to the President. 
The tender was flashed over the wires in hot haste, so as to be the first, 
and the acceptance was sent back as quickly, Capt. Bartow immediately 
seeking Mr. Davis. To this superb company of young men, there 
being hardly a married man in it, among the best yt)ung citizens of 
Savannah, sons of her old and honored families, belongs the honor of 
being the first company in the entire Confederacy that gave its services 
to the South for the whole war. As this company had also furnished a 
detail of men for the detachment that seized Fort Pulaski under orders 
of Gov. Brown, before the State seceded, it had a record distinctive 
above all other companies of the great revolution, which will grow 
brighter with time. And as the company in its service in Virginia and 
elsewhere, went through the greatest battles of the war during the 
entire four years, beginning with the first Manassas, and fought with an 
•increasing chivalry to the very close, it achieved an illustrious history and 
made an imperishable record of glory. 

This company left for Virginia on the 21st day of May, 1861, escorted 
to the depot by the entire soldiery of Savannah and swarming throngs of 



BARTOw's RAPE OF THE GUNS. 199 

citizens. Amid salvos of .artillery and the enmassed applause of the 
assembled people of the whole city, the train moved off with this splen- 
did young organization. They had arms belonging to the State, and 
carried them without the consent of the Executive. This rape of the 
guns elicited a tart correspondence between Gov. Brown and Capt. 
Bartow, in which some hard things were said on both sides, which prob- 
ably both of these patriotic gentlemen would have wished unwritten. 
Gov. Brown contended for the State's authority. Capt. Bartow repelled 
what he regarded as an assault upon his patriotism. In his letter Bartow 
used an expression, that in connection with his early and brilliant death 
at Manassas, became a marked utterance. He said, " I go to illustrate 
Georgia." All of these incidents, the participation in the seizure of 
Fort Pulaski, being the first company to enlist for the war, the forcible 
taking away of the State's guns, the controversy over them, and Ca23t. 
Bartow's high position in the Confederate Congress, all tended at that 
time to make the Oglethorpe Light Infantry of Savannah a famous com- 
pany. "Its twenty -fifth anniversary was celebrated in Savannah on the 
19th of January, 1881, by a handsome banquet, when its honorable history 
was recalled and commemorated. This company was organized with other 
Georgia companies in Virginia into the 8th Georgia regiment, and CajDt. 
Bartow was made Colonel; Wm. Montgomery Gardner, Lt. Colonel. 
The surgeon was Dr. H. V. M. Miller, so prominent in Georgia politics, 
who has recently presented a handsome portrait of Bartow to the Young 
Men's Library Association of Atlanta. This regiment was finally com- 
manded by Col. Lucius M. Lamar, a handsome and gallant officer and a 
member of the General Assembly of Georgia of 1880-1. It made a 
memorable record of service, on the march, in camp and in battle, 
coming up to every patriotic requirement, and in the language of the 
brilliant but ill-fated Bartow, "illustrating Georgia." 

The first regiment organized for the war was the 6th Georgia, of 
which Alfred H. Colquitt, the present Governor of Georgia, was made 
the Colonel. The practice of the Confederacy accepting troops directly 
without any reference to the State authority, was a bad one. All 
requisitions for soldiers should have been through the Executive. 
Thousands of Georgia soldiers went into the Confederate army in this 
way,' of whom there is no record. No report of them was ever made to 
the state authorities, and thus the Georgia records are, and must ever 
remain incomplete. The writer organized the 4th Regiment of Georgia 
Cavalry, sending the muster rolls directly to the War Department at 
Richmond, and there is no record of a soldier or officer in the war 



200 THE UNKNOWN HEROES OF GEORGIA, 

archives of Georgia, while the organization had, first and last, over 1,500 
men in it. This instance will illustrate the matter. It was an irregular 
way of doing things that we now see Gov, Brown was right in opjDosing. 
It made endless confusion and incurable uncertainty in the records of 
the state's service. It renders it an impossibility for the full roll of our 
Georgia soldiers ever to be obtained, and the entire measure of justice 
be done to the substantial devotion of the state to the Southern cause. 
Thousands of gallant Georgians fought and perished in this gigantic 
struggle whose names and heroism are unknown and unpreserved. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

THE PRECEDENT OF A CENTURY OVERTHROWN, AND 
BROWN MADE GOVERNOR THE THIRD TIME. 

Gov. Brown in a Constant Battle. — Unhinged Times. — Men's Fighting Blood up. — 
Brown's Curious Altercations. — The Columbus Guards. — The Startling Episode of 
the Salt Famine. — One of the Worst Terrors of The War. — Brown's Daring against 
the Salt Tyranny. — The First Manassas Battle. — Its Stupendous Effect.— The 
Georgia Coast. — "Dixie Doodle." — Curious War Names. — The "Nancy Harts." — 
Spoiling for a Fight. — The Bank Convention. — Cotton Planters' Convention. — The 
Cobbs. — Georgians to the Army. — Coast Defense. — The New Georgia Constitution 
— Col. Whitaker's Letter to Gov. Brown. — Brown Allows his Name for Governor. 
— -A Coincidence. — The Grandson of the only Third Term Governor urging 
Brown to a Third Term. — Bitter Assaults on Brown. — Opposition Convention. — 
Its Personelle. — H. V. Johnson Declines as a Delegate. — Judge E. A. Nesbit Nomi- 
nated. — Thos. E. Lloyd. — The Press Nearly Solid against Brown. — Brown's 
Trenchant Address. — BroAvn Overwhelmingly Ee-elected. 

During the turbulent days of 1861, Gov. Brown did not by any 
means, find his executive office a bed of roses. It was not in the nature 
of things that a man so daring and positive, so fearless in assuming re- 
sponsibility, and so constitutionally combative, should not get into more 
or less turmoil beyond what an easier-tempered person would have 
escaped. The Governor was not a milk and water man, taking things 
lightly and shifting serious burdens upon other convenient peo- 
ple. He met his duties boldly, fully and promptly. He shirked no 
crisis. He confronted every emergency squarely. He made mistakes, 
as no human being can avoid doing. He was sometimes too aggressive. 
He occasionally bore too hard on men. He, perhaps, could not brook 
assault as peacefully as he might. He was, mayhap, too rigid and too 
unyielding where some concession would have availed better. But in 
spite of these things, it would have been almost out of the question to 
have supplied his place. The whole power and fervor of his strong 
intense soul were in the cause. It was no time for tender-footed and 
vacillating spirits. An imperious, dominant will was the need of the 
era — an unhesitating, self-reliant intelligence. The times were un- 
hinged too. Social bonds were loosened. The ligaments of law were 
slipping their hold. War was on us, and the passions gathering and 



202 THE SALT FAMIlSrE. 

Strengthening. The epoch was, every day getting wilder. Men were 
unconsciously going backward in moral restraint under the license of 
war. They were ripening in individual audacity, and the stern temper 
born of strife. It required a firm nerve to maintain its leadership 
among the stormy elements at play. 

Gov. Brown had some curious altercations about very strange mat- 
ters. The controversy with Bartow over his rape of guns was a speci- 
men. This was extensively discussed, men and newspapers siding both 
ways. Mr. Davis, however, came through Atlanta, and had a long and 
friendly talk about the matter with Gov. Brown, and frankly acknowl- 
edged that the policy of the Confederate authorities receiving troops 
over the head of the state Executives was wrong, and he intended to 
have no more of it, but get all of his requisitions supplied by the state 
Governors. Another wholly unnecessary difficulty was one between the 
Columbus Guards and Gov. Brown, in which the Executive simply 
tracked the law, and in doing so, came in collision with a body of men 
whose eager desire to enlist rushed them into disregard of law. The 
statute prescribed the size of companies to be from fifty to eighty men, 
not exceeding the latter number. Capt. Ellis had 120 men, and the 
Governor refused to take the extra sixty men, though Martin J. Craw- 
ford urged it. Capt. Ellis took his extra men to Savannah anyhow. 
The Governor stuck to the law, telegraphing Gen. Lawton to enforce 
the statute. And the Governor was savagely assailed for his action. 
The fact is the men of the state were burning to enlist, and in the hot 
eagerness to do a freeman's duty, they quarreled over the privilege of 
service and the opportunity for peril. Nothing, however, swerved the 
Executive from his line of resolution. And in every case the public 
judgment sustained him when the facts were understood. In no case 
did he act from any personal motive. He sought the success of the 
cause, and he pursued his object with an immovable tenacity of purpose. 

A remarkable instance of his daring readiness to take any risk for 
the public good, was in the prosaic but incalculably momentous neces- 
sity of salt. This simple and cheap article of living, that exercises so 
little thought, and that is as plentiful as the air, became the subject of 
an appalling famine in the South. It lay in measureless quantities in 
the boundless ocean that bordered the Confederacy for a thousand 
miles. Yet with the coast blockaded, with inadequate facilities for 
its manufacture, with its impoi'tation cut off by the bayonets of a 
beleaguering cordon of hostile soldiers, the scarcity of salt became a 
terror to the people. It was a romantic fate that made this boundless 



THE TEERIBLE EPISODE OF SALT TYEAISTNY. 203 

commodity worth almost pound for pound with silver. It was one of 
the strangest straits of the Confederacy, this famine of salt. Specula- 
tors took advantage of it. Even early in 1861, the war of the salt 
changers began. And it continued until the legislature took the matter 
in hand and sought to j^rotect the people from these salt sharks. 
While the matter was pending the speculators took alarm and started 
to rush their hoards out of the state. The meat for the soldiers needed 
salt to cure it. The salt famine threatened the commonwealth in 
earnest. In this crisis Gov. Brown, with his wonted boldness, liberally 
construing the constitutional provision that allowed the Executive in 
cases of emergency to seize private property for public use, clutched 
several large lots of salt for the state, and prohibited its general ship- 
ment out of the state. The speculators howled. The price they gave 
with freight, storage, interest, drayage and ten per cent, interest, was 
tendered to the subjects of this rape of salt. The Legislature passed 
its protective measure, but the Governor had saved the state from the 
salt famine by his bold audacity and promjDt interference ahead of slow 
legislative action. The public uses were provided for, with some sur- 
plus over, which was sold around to the poor people who could not pay 
speculation prices, and thus the public necessities were relieved. 

His audacious exercise of authority, such as few men would have 
dared to use, and especially when it was a matter of discussion as to the 
right, elicited some hard criticism from his enemies, but the people, the 
omnipotent depository of opinion and power, sustained him over- 
whelmingly, as it will back any man in the end wdio is disinterestedly 
doing the right as he conscientiously sees it. This salt trouble was a 
permanent one during the war. The salt famine hung over the state 
with its vital terrors until the surrender. The legislatures fought it as 
sternly and persistently as they pushed the battles. They had to come 
to .the relief of the poor finally. The state took in its own hands the 
manufacture of salt in self-defense. And not only this, but the state 
had to organize a great salt bureau, and appropriate half a million of 
dollars, and make distribution of the despotic staple. In the archives 
of the Executive Department are huge volumes of records, and enor- 
mous books that a strong man staggers in carrying across the room, all 
devoted to the novel and terrible episode of our salt tyranny in the 
war. 

The battle of the First Manassas took place on the 21st day of July, 
1861, in which memorable engagement the 7th Georgia, and 8th 
Georgia regiments were engaged, and won a signal fame. The 7th reg- 



204 THE EFFECT OF THE FIRST MANASSAS BATTLE. 

iment was commanded by Col. Lucius J. Gartrell, ex-member of con- 
gress. Gen. Johnson, in his official report, mentions the name of Col. 
Gartrell with others as having distinguished themselves in that engage- 
ment. His son, Henry Clay Gartrell, was killed in the battle. Col, 
Bartow commanded the Brigade consisting of the 7th, 8th, 9th and 
11th Georgia, and 1st Kentucky Regiments. This battle, the first im- 
portant action of the war, was a remarkable one in its effects. It was a 
thorough victory for the Confederates, and a most disastrous defeat for 
the Federals. It was at first and for a long time believed that the Fed- 
erals enormously outnumbered us, but recent statistics said to be cor- 
rect show that the contending forces were nearer equality than has been 
supposed. The battle was bloody, and for a while desperate. Our 
losses were heavy. The Georgia troops especially happened at the 
very brunt of the fighting, and in pursuance of that same destiny, 
that seemed to press Georgia into the crucial situations of this great 
struggle at vital times, turned the tide of battle with a frightful loss of 
gallant men, including the intrepid Bartow himself, who fell, caught in 
the arms of Col. Gartrell, uttering the now historic exclamation, " They 
HAVE KILLED ME, BUT NEVER GIVE IT up! " The state of Georgia thus 
not only gave the deciding stroke in this momentous battle, but furnished 
the first conspicuous martyr of the war. 

The battle gave a terrific momentum to the war spirit of the North, 
while it affected the South disastrously. It seemed a confirmation of 
the immeasurable fighting superiority of the South. It aroused the 
North; it demoralized and distracted the South by a controversy that 
alienated leaders and caused dissension during the whole war over an 
issue as to whether the fruits of the victory were not neglected. The 
pride, the resentment, the courage of the Northern people were stimu- 
lated to desperation, and from this time on, the war j)rogressed in dead 
earnest. 

In Georgia the activity, if anything, redoubled. Camps of instruction 
and of preparation were organized, and filled with troops drilling and 
fitting for the next call. A large attention was given to the coast of 
Georgia. The Confederate Government had placed Gen. A. R. Lawton 
in command froiu Savannah to the Florida line, and Commodore Tatt- 
nall in charge of the naval force. Every co-operation was given to 
these officers. Gov. Brown spent 180,000 in equipping Fort Pulaski. 
Up to the 26th of July, seventeen thousand men had been organized, 
armed and equipped at a cost of 1300,000, and sent into service, most 
of them out of the state. Fully 30,000 guns and accoutrements were 



HUMOROUS INCIDENTS OF THE EAELY WAR FEVEE. 205 

supplied to the Confederacy by the state of Georgia, at her own cost, 
first and last. Three steamers had been purchased for coast defense, 
one costing- $40,000 and the others less. The Governor purchased 
$44,265 of material for making gunpowder, which he allowed the Con- 
federate authorities to take. 

There were many interesting features of the war fever of 1861, that 
would prove very readable. Amid the serious work was a by-play of 
light .incident that helps to complete the picturesque picture of a 
dramatic time. Some patriotic poetaster drew from his mtise a South- 
ern version of the familiar " Yankee Doodle," and dubbed it " Dixie 
Doodle." The names of some of the companies were a typical outcome 
of the spirit of the times. The company commanded by the present 
Governor Colquitt, was the " Baker Fire Eaters," and his regiment was 
called the " Coffin Regiment," in memory of a soubriquet given to his 
famous father, Walter T. Colquitt, in the memorable political campaign 
of 1850 and 1851, as the " Elder Colonel of the Coffin Regiment." 
" Defenders of the South," Capt. J. A. Norwood of Troup County; 
" Union Invincibles," Captain Sam Patterson of Union Co. ; " Dixey 
Boys," Capt. H. Bryan of Thomas Co.; "Miller Wild Cats," Capt. B. 
R. Kendrick of Colquitt Co.; "Monroe Crowders," of Forsyth Co.; 
" Sons of Liberty," Capt. E. F. Lawson; "Davis Invincibles," etc., were 
some of these suggestive names. The ladies of La Grange in their mili- 
tary enthusiasm organized a company called the " Nancy Harts," in 
honor of that revolutionary heroine of whom it was said, " she was a 
rare patriot, but a devil of a wife," Of this company Dr. A. C. Ware 
was Captain; Mrs. Nannie Morgan, First Lieutenant; Mrs. P. B. Heard, 
Second Lieutenant; Miss A. Smith, Third Lieutenant; Miss A. Bull, 
First Sergeant; Miss A. Hill, Second Sergeant; Miss M. E. Colquitt, 
Third Sergeant; Miss P. Beall, First Corporal; Miss L. Pullen, Second 
Corporal; Miss S. Bull, Third Corporal; Miss E. Key, Treasurer. Mrs, 
Overby, v/idow of B. H. Overby, and daughter of Hugh L. Haralson, gave 
$100 for the soldiers' families, and pledged herself to continue the 
patriotic contribution. The " Wrightsville Infantry," commanded by 
Captain Jessie A. Glenn, was ordered to Savannah. The newspapers 
copied extensively a piteous letter from Capt. Glenn to Hon. A. R. 
Wright, after whom the company was named, begging to get away from 
Savannah to someplace '■'■ loliere there is a prospect of a fight.'''' The 
universal hankering was to get a chance at the enemy, and Capt. Glenn 
voiced the general wish. 

Two Conventions were held in Georgia in June, 1861, of public inter- 



206 GEORGIA LEADERS GO INTO THE ARMY. 

est. The first was at Atlanta, a " Bank Convention of the Confederate 
States," which met June 3d, and did important work in aiding the finan- 
cial measures of the new government. Georgia, Alabama, Florida and 
South Carolina were represented. The Georgia delegates were R. R. 
Cuyler, S. Cohen, H. Roberts, Isaac Scott, W. S. Cothran, A. Austell, 
W. H. Inman, G. B. Lamar, and W. E. Jackson. The President was 
G. B. Lamar, and Vice-President, Jas. S. Gibbs of South Carolina. 
Resolutions were passed for the banks to receive Confederate ^Treas- 
ury notes, and asking railroads and tax officers to take them. The sec- 
ond Convention was the Cotton Planters' Convention in Macon. A 
committee composed of J. H. R. Washington, Pulaski S. Holt and 
Nathan Bass was appointed to issue a call for a Confederate Cotton 
Plantei's' convention, which was done. A camp of instruction, called 
Camp McDonald, was organized in Cobb county of some 2,000 troops 
under command of Brig. Gen. Wm. Phillips. War speeches were made 
in Atlanta by distinguished gentlemen passing through, among them 
Hon. Roger A. Pryor and Hon. R. M. T. Hunter of Virginia. 

The Confederate Congress adjourned in May, at Montgomery, to meet 
in July, at Richmond. It first authorized an issue of fifty millions of 
bonds for war purposes. Howell Cobb and T. R. R. Cobb issued an 
address to the planters of Georgia, urging them from patriotic consid- 
erations to invest in these bonds, in which address they called attention 
to the two proud facts that Georgia was the only State that had adopted 
the Confederate Constitution by a unanimous vote, and that she was 
offering the largest number of volunteers of any State, thus preserving 
that leadership in this revolution that Georgia had maintained. As 
Bartow had gone into the army, so our other Georgia leaders drifted in. 
Howell Cobb accepted the tender of a regiment in June, 1861, unable 
to resist the war impulse. He was followed swiftly by his brother, 
Thomas R. R. Cobb, and by Mr. Toombs, and all of them became Briga- 
dier Generals. The regiments of Georgia regulars were consolidated 
into one, and officered by Col. C. J. Williams and Lieut. Col. E. W. 
Chastain. 

In September, Gov. Brown made a visit to the coast, and found the 
force under the Confederate authorities there, wholly inadequate to the 
defense. He promptly, on his own responsibility, called out additional 
State troops. Up to the first of September, twenty-five regiments and 
three battalions had been organized in Georgia under Gov. Brown's 
authority, and some seven independent regiments, making 30,000 troops 
Georgia had furnished for the war, and of this number, over 20,000 



GOVEEXOE BE0W2^ URGED FOE A THIED TEEM. 207 

were in Virginia. Many of them were suffering for clothing. Gov. 
Brown issued proclamations making earnest appeals for the people at 
home to contribute money and clothing. He also made proclamation 
that he Vv'as exhausted of arms, and called upon the people to loan the 
State their private rifles and shot-guns for public defense. He ordered 
a full enrollment of all men liable to militia duty. All of his measures 
were vigorous and timely. Every point connected with the State's 
interest was closely watched and promptly attended to. 

The vote upon the new Constitution of Georgia will show how com- 
j)letely the people were absorbed in the war to the exclusion of all other 
considerations. The vote for ratification was 11,499, and against rati- 
fication 10,704, a majority of only 795 for ratification, and a total vote 
of but 22,203 out of 120,000. 

The time was approaching for the election of a Governor. The 
people early in the year had sounded in no uncertain tones the desire to 
have Gov. Brown re-chosen, in spite of the custom that limited Gov- 
ernors to two terms. In August, Jared I. Whittaker addressed a letter 
to Gov. Brown propounding two inquiries: 

" First. — Whether iu his opinion it was proper, under existing circumstances, to hold 
a convention to nominate a candidate for Governor, and conventions in the districts to 
nominate candidates for Congress. 

" Second. — Whether, if it should be the wish of the mass of the people of Georgia, 
without regard to old party differences. Gov. Brown would in that critical period of the 
State's history, consent to serve a third term in the executive office." 

To this letter Gov. Brown, on the 13th. day of August, 1861, replied. 
He advised against holding conventions. There were no jDolitical 
divisions and no need for any party machinery, while the people had no 
time for any unnecessary assemblages. In regard to his being Governor 
a third time, he frankly stated that neither his personal interest nor 
inclinations prompted him to give his consent to run again. He made 
this allusion to the past: 

" In the days of your honored grandfather, Jared Irwin, who served with so much 
ability as Governor-of Georgia, there was no such usage as that of a first or second term 
only, for he was called to the executive chair the third time. The political usage has 
since been for the executive to retire at tlie end of the first or second term. It has, how- 
ever, been but a usage, as there is no constitutional difficulty in the way of the same 
person holding the office for a third term. I have had no inclination to violate this 
usage. If I have made no character in the office in four years, I may not expect to do 
so in six. If I have made any reputation during that time, I have then something to 
risk by holding the office another term in the midst of a revolution." 

It was a right interesting coincidence^ that the grandson of the only 



208 A STATE CONVENTION CALLED. 

Governor in the history of the State who had been elected for three 
terms, should be the instrument of pressing upon Gov. Brown the 
popular wish for his undertaking the responsibilities and wearing the 
honors of a third term. Gov. Brown continued his letter, quoting the 
reasons that had been urged for his taking a third. These were, his 
familiarity with the duties and the situation, and the danger of putting 
a new and inexperienced man in the place, and his duty as one who had 
done so much to bring about secession to now stand to his post and bear 
his burden of the revolution. He, therefore, felt that he could not 
refuse if the people desired his services, but that he could not and 
would not make any canvass for the election. 

This permission of Gov. Brown for the popular use of his name for 
Governor was the signal for a heavy assault upon him. In his positive 
administration he had awakened some bitter personal enmities. His 
wonderful popularity excited a wide jealousy among the leaders of public 
opinion in the State. Before his letter some of the press had suggested 
and advocated a convention for September, and the opposition pushed 
the movement, A convention was called for the 11th of September, 1861, 
in Milledgeville. Numbers of counties called meetings and by resolu- 
tions refused to send delegates. Herschell V. Johnson was chosen a 
delegate to the convention, and declined in a strong letter. He said the 
contest before the convention for the nomination would be purely a 
personal one, in which he took no interest, the candidates being all 
worthy; that the State needed a united people, and the convention would 
not concentrate public opinion; that a large part of the people, not 
being represented in the convention, would not be bound by its action; 
that Gov. Brown was virtually an independent candidate, and thus two 
candidates were a certainty; that under these circumstances he would 
not be trammeled, but should vote for the man whose elevation he 
deemed best " calculated to promote the public welfare irrespective of 
partisan or personal considerations." 

There is no doubt that this pertinent letter of ex-Gov. Johnson had a 
powerful eifect in checking representation in the convention. There is 
no doubt, either, that the people were with Gov. Brown. The homely 
words of Trice had struck a bed-rock basis of popular endorsement. 
The convention had 174 representatives from only fifty-eight counties 
out of 132, and it was claimed that only forty of these had delegates 
actually empowered. Col. Cincinnatus Peeples was temporary chairman, 
and Judge Dennis F. Hammond permanent jDresident. Wm. L. Mitchell, 
chairman of the committee on business, reported the nomination of 



EUGENIUS A. NISBET NOMINATED FOR GOVERNOR. 209 

Judge Eugenius A. Nisbet for Governor. Hon. George N. Lester moved 
the appointment of a committee, which reported an electoral ticket, 
headed by David Irwin of Cobb and Thos. E. Lloyd of Chatham. The 
district electoral nominees were John L. Harris, Arthur Hood, J, L. 
Wimberly, Dr. E. McGehee, I. P. Garvin, L G. Fannin, O. C. Gibson, 
John Ray, H. H. Cannon and H. F. Price. 

Of these gentlemen, Hon. Thomas E. Lloyd of Savannah was the 
admitted leader of the bar in that city of accomplished lawyers. A 
modest gentleman of fortune and old family, indifferent to politics, 
nothing of an advocate, lacking wholly the charm of eloquence, he was 
yet a profound and learned counselor of law, and the very head of the 
civil branch of jurisprudence. A good liver, fond of his billiards and 
his wine, a luxurious bachelor, he was yet an unwearied student of his 
profession, and the most pains-taking, ei-udite and accurate attorney at 
a bar noted for its able and learned members. He was a legal umpire 
in disputed points of law. He had a purely legal mind, clear, philosoph- 
ical, discriminating, quick, powerful and analytic. He read widely, he 
digested fully. His temper was exquisite, and his spirit thoroughly 
balanced. His truth and sense of honor were perfect. He was the 
finest specimen of a civil lawyer that we have ever had in Georgia. 
His quiet manners and retiring disposition prevented him from earning 
that State repute that his extraordinary legal abilities and attainments 
entitled him to receive. Where he was knowii ho passed for his 
remarkable value. He never sought office, and when it was thrust 
upon him he took it reluctantly and laid it down with delight. 

The convention further presented Davis and Stephens for re-election 
as President and Vice-President of the Confederacy. The nomination 
of Judge Nisbet was a very strong one, the strongest, perhaps, that 
could have been made. He was an opponent well worthy of Gov. Brown, 
and fitted to test to the utmost his popular strength. He had been the 
leader of the secession convention, and enjoyed all the popularity that 
fact was calculated to give him." He was pure, able, eloquent, learned, 
distinguished. He had illustrated the State in Congress. He had 
graced private life, ornamented his profession and adorned the supreme 
bench. The opposition hailed his nomination enthusiastically. The press 
of the State, with but a few exceptions, took up his cause and went 
against Gov. Brown in a solid phalanx. The Savannah Republican led 
a bitter, unsparing warfare against the Governor. The Augusta papers 
followed in the same line zealously. The Federal Union of Milledge- 
ville and the Atlanta Intelligencer were the principal journalistic cham- 

14 



310 GOTERNOR brown's ADDRESS. 

pions of Gov. Brown, and made pretty nearly a single-handed fight. The 
campaign waxed warm. The papers showered their diatribes against 
the unquailing Brown, who, refusing to make any canvass, devoted 
his energies to the gathering storm of war, leaving the people to attend 
to his campaign. He made but one public manifesto, — a sharp, tren- 
chant, but well-tempered paper, stating his position clearly and firmly. 
This short address to the people of Georgia was dated the 19th day 
of September, 1861. He showed that he was before the people of the 
State as a candidate before the convention assembled, and when there 
were no party organizations to render a convention or caucus necessary. 
Mr. Chambers, of Columbus, was also a candidate. The convention, if 
it had been a full one, representing the people, might have justly asked 
obedience to its mandates. But the convention did not even represent 
half of the counties of the State, while in many counties that had 
delegates the masses of the people had declared against the convention. 
The convention had failed to condemn his administration, and this 
failure he used effectively. He charged that the convention movement 
was simply a caucus of the politicians and office-seekers to rekindle the 
fires of party strife when our whole people should be a unit, for the 
protection of life, liberty, property and all that was dear to us. This 
point he pushed with vigor and plausibility. Perhaps the most character- 
istic part of this unmincing address was his frank way of dealing with 
the value of his executive experience to the State. He thus put this 
delicate matter: 

" But it is insisted with much earnestness, that it has not been the usage for the same 
person to hold the office of Governor for three terms. This is certainly true, and it is 
equally true that it has not been the usage to have revolution, or to have a wicked war 
waged upon us, and the soil of our own State threatened to be drenched with the blood 
of her sons, shed by an invading army ; nor has it been the usage for Georgia to have in 
the field thirty thousand troops, called out by her executive, whose duty it is to know 
when, and with what preparation each company went to the field, what had been sup- 
plied to them and what they lack, and to know the condition of the finances of the State, 
and her present means of affording the most speedy assistance to her suffering troops, 
as emergencies may require' prompt action. Whether the public good requires that he 
who has conducted these affairs from the begiiming, should retire in the midst of them, 
and give place to a new man, who has yet to learn the condition of the financial affairs 
of the State, and the location and necessities of our troops, is a question which the 
farmers, merchants and mechanics of our State are, I think, as competent to decide at 
the ballot-box, as a few politicians and political aspirants are to decide in caucus at 
Milledgeville." 

Gov. Brown concluded by stating that he left the matter for the 
people to pass upon, not doubting that they would act for their best 



GOVERNOR BROWN RE-ELECTED A THIRD TIME. 211 

interest. Like all of Gov. Brown's documents for the people, this plain, 
matter-of-fact business presentation of his cause was effective. It 
elicited criticism, abuse, raillery, but its common-sense notions seized 
the public intelligence. Every sort of accusation was heaped upon th-e 
Governor. He was charged with being arbitrary, unconstitutional, self- 
opinionated, greedy of power, assuming to be the State, inflated and 
vain. But the fighting went on, and he continued his grim war energy, 
and the newspapers thundered at him, and the people bent their 
souls to the bloodshed, unheeding the journalistic cannonade at his 
indifferent head, and when the day came to vote, they put him back in 
the great chair of state, then a herculean responsibility, by a splendid 
popular majority of 13,691 in a vote of 79,295. Gov. Brown received 
46,493 votes, and Nisbet 32,802. The fight was whipped, and it was a 
remarkable personal victory, a tribute of popular esteem, of which any 
man might be proud, and crowning as it did, four years of exalted 
official trust, and overriding the precedent of a century, it was the 
grandest endorsement public opinion had ever given a public official in 
the annals of the good old Commonwealth. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

GOV. BROWN'S STORMY TIME WITH THE LEGISLATURE 

OF 1861-2. 

" A Nisbet Legislature that will give Brown the Devil." — Its Personelle. — T. M. Nor- 
wood. — Gov. Brown's Message. — Criticism of Confederate Legislation. — Gov. 
Brown's Third Inauguration in a Suit of Georgia-made Jeans. — Georgia War Mat- 
ters. — The Transfer of Georgia Coast Troops to the Confederacy. — Our Coast 
Threatened. — Gov. Brown Urges Defense. — E. C. Anderson Runs the Blockade 
with Arms. — Vetoes. — The Two Wars — the North against the South, and the Legisla- 
ture against Brown. — Brown's Message pending tlie Bill to Transfer Our Troops. — 
Legislative Anger. — Warren Akin Denounces Gov. Brown. — Judge E. G. Cabaniss. 
— Col. Chastain's Regiment Refused to be Transferred. — Savage Committee Report 
of Norwood. — Gov. Brown's Severe Replj. — The General Assembly hopelessly 
Divided. — Gov. Brown's Views finally Embodied. — Judges. — Toombs Elected C. S. 
Senator, and Scornfully Rejects it. — Confederate Congressmen. 

" Beown" is elected, but we have a Nisbet Legislature that will give 
him the devil," was currently reported to be the street gossip of the 
opposition. A lively session was betokened in this floating chaff, and 
the promise was fulfilled. The legislative deliberations of November 
and December, 1861, were unusually important, and in their picturesque 
animation suited well the war times. The body convened on Wednes- 
day the 6th day of November. Hon. John Billups was elected Presi- 
dent of the Senate, and Hon. Warren Akin Speaker of the House. In 
the Senate were the following gentlemen: George A. Gordon of Savan- 
nah; James L. Seward; D. A. Vason of Georgia, afterwards Judge; T. 
M. Furlow of Americus; J. T. Shewmake; W. Gibson of Richmond; 
M. W. Lewis of Greene; Wier Boyd of Lumpkin; A. J. HanseU of Cobb 
and Hiram P. Bell, afterward a member of Congress. 

In the House among the leaders were, L. H. Briscoe; L. N. Whittle 
of Bibb; Thomas M. Norwood of Chatham, a United States Senator 
since the war; L. N. Trammell of Catoosa, afterward president of the 
Georgia Senate; George N. Lester of Cobb, elected subsequently to the 
Confederate Congress; Milton A. Candler of DeKalb, since the war a 
member of Congress; Robert Hester of Elbert; Z. B. Hargrove, a prom- 
inent Republican leader since the war; A. E. Cochrane; C. W. DuBose 
of Sparta; W. H. Felton of Macon; E. G. Cabiniss of Monroe; G. T. 
Barnes of Richmond; Peter E. Love of Thomas, ex-member of Con- 



THE TURBULENT TEMPER OF THE TIME. 213 

gress; B. H. Bigham of Troup and James S. Hook, afterward Judge of 
the superior court. Hon. Thomas M. Norwood was a small, unattractive 
looking gentleman, of little grace of oratory, but a person of some 
uncommon intellectual characteristics. He had a capacity of cold, 
strong logic and elaborate argumentation, coupled with a rich vein of 
caustic satire. Not a prolific speaker, he yet was after preparation a 
very strong one, and made, as a United States Senator, two elaborate 
speeches, that won him a national re^Dutation. Another small, homely 
person, who developed after the war into a good prominence, and won 
some very flattering political victories, was M. A. Candler of DeKalb, 
A pale, low-browed, slender individual; he possessed a full, sonorous 
voice and an unusual energy of expression and delivery. He was a 
positive character, and earned justly his promotion. 

The General Assembly met under circumstances of unparalleled inter- 
est and overwhelming import. We were in the very flood tide of war, 
straining every power, and threatened with an invasion of our^own soil. 
The enemy was thundering at our portals, a large fleet beleaguering our 
coast. The emergency had to be met promptly and fully. It was 
unfortunate that there was a strong fragment of the body disposed to 
antagonize the Executive. If ever unity was desirable it was in that 
grave crisis. But somehow the drift to turbulence was irresistible. 
Men were affected by the temper of a revolutionary era. Difference of 
opinion rushed to extremes and speedily grew to acrimony. Discussions 
degenerated into disputes, and debates became altercations. There was, 
perhaps, no man in the State who was more fitted by nature for the 
combative spirit of the times than Gov. Brown. A belligerent campaign 
suited him wonderfully. Opposition brought him cordially to the front 
always, and aggression nerved every fiber of his soul to an indomitable 
resistance. His career shows that he never gave up while he could 
battle. 

His message to the Legislature was a very lengthy and a strong state 
paper, breathing a spirit of stern manhood that represented faithfully 
the sentiment of the people. The philosophy of the war and the 
needs of the hour were masterfully argued. He criticised two acts of 
Confederate legislation that he deemed wrong, the one authorizing the 
President to accept State troops without reference to the State authori- 
ties, and the other, giving to the President the appointment of the field 
officers of the State volunteers. His recital of the war measures he 
had taken constituted a remarkable record of energy and responsibility. 
Georgia had on the first day of November, 1861, fifty regiments in ser- 



214 GOVERNOK brown's THIRD INAUGURATION. 

vice, of which she had armed and equipped thirty. It was an astonish- 
ing work. He urged an appropriation of three and a half millions for 
the military needs of 1862, the passage of a stay law, the legalizing 
further bank suspension and other vigorous war measures. He con- 
cluded his message with this ringing paragraph: 

"I would cheerfully expend in the cause the last dollar I could raise, and would fer- 
vently pray, like Samson of old, that God would give me strength to lay hold upon the 
pillars of the edifice, and would enable me while bending with its weight, to die a glo- 
rious death beneath the crumbling ruins of that temple of Southern freedom which 
has so long attracted the world by the splendor of its magnificence." 

The message elicited very high encomiums, and was especially com- 
plimented for its discussion of the means of perpetuating our institu- 
tions and preserving our commercial independence. The message, like 
the inaugural which followed his installation as Governor for his third 
term, urged unity and harmony among the members, and co-operation 
cordially in the trying ordeal through which they were then passing. 
Gov. Brown was re-inaugurated on the 8th of November, at 12 o'clock, 
dressed in a suit of Georgia- made jeans, and the accounts represent him 
as " deeply impressive and solemnly eloquent." It was certainly a 
striking situation that he held. His force of character and supreme 
leadership in a great public crisis had made the people demand the con- 
tinuance of his administration in the face of long-honored custom. The 
Atlanta IntelligenQer had stated by his authority that it was his per- 
sonal desire to retire from the office. He had been re-elected over the 
most potential representative of the popular secession element in the 
State, by a splendid majority without making a speech. And he stood 
the chosen leader of a great commonwealth under all these impressive cir- 
cumstances confronting the mighty revolution. His inaugural revealed 
his consciousness alike of the tribute and the burden. Nor was his 
attitude less dramatic because an organized and implacable minority 
stood facing him, eager and resolute to batter him down and crush him 
before the people. He was aware to the fullest extent of the deter- 
mined hostility threatening him. 

The report of the Comptroller General gave the details of the year's 
work. One million of dollars had been spent for military purposes. 
The banks had loaned the state $842,500. The following regiments 
had been organized: 

1st Regiment, Colonel C. J. Williams, Regular. 

2d " " H. W. Mercer, " 

1st " " J, R. Ramsay, Volunteer, 



GEORGIA CONFEDERATE REGIMENTS. 215 

2d Regiment, Colonel Paul J. Semmes, Volunteer. 



3d 


(( 


ii 


A. R. Wright, 


a 


4th 


(( 


a 


Geo. Doles, 


il 


5tli 


a 


a 


Jno. K. Jackson, 


It 


6th 


a 


a 


A. H. Colquitt, 


li 


7th 


a 


(I 


L. J. Gartrell, 


it 


8th 


u 


ii 


W. M. Gardner, 


it 


9th 


a 


it 


E. R. Goulding, 


a 


10th 


ii 


ii 


L. McLaws, 


it 


11th 


a 


a 


G. T. Anderson, 


it 


12th 


a 


ii 


Ed. Johnson, 


It 


13th 


(( 


ii 


W. Ector, 


il 


14th 


i( 


a 


A. V, Brumby, 


a 


15th 


a 


ii 


T. W. Thomas, 


it 


10th 


li 


a 


H. Cobb, 


it 


17th 


a 


ii 


H. L. Benning, 


it 


18th 


ii 


ii 


W. T. WofEord, 


it 


19th 


(I 


li 


W. W. Boyd, 


li 


20th 


i( 


ii 


W. D. Smith, 


IS 


21st 


a 


il 


J. T. Mercer, 


tc 


22d 


<i 


li 


Robert Jones, 


It 


23d 


li 


li 


T. Hutcheson, 


11 


24th 


(C 


ii 


R. McMillan, 


li 


25th 


a 


it 


C. C. Wilson, 


11 


Georgia Legion, " 


T. R. R. Cobb, - 


u 


Phillips 


\ Legion,. " 


Wm. Phillips, 


CI 


1st Battalion, 


Lt. Col. 


J. B. Villepigue, 


It 


2d 


u 


Majoi 


' T. Hardeman, 


11 


3d 


ii 


it 


Stoval, 


It 


Independent Georgia Dragoons, Captain 


I. W. Avery. 


L camp in Georgia were also the following; 




Regiment, 


Colonel T. J. Warthen, Volunteer. 


(( 




il 


Levi B. Smith, 




iC 




it 


David J. Bailey, 




ii 




It 


A. Littlefield, 




5 Comp 


anies, 


11 


Wm. H. Stiles, 




7 




It 


E. L. Thomas, 




8 




it 


Aug. R. Wright, 




7 




(( 


A. R. Lamar, 




1 Regiment, 


(( 


C. W. Styles, 





216 MILITARY CHANGES. 

Gen. Henry R. Jackson had declined the position of Major General 
in favor of Gen. Walker, and was fighting in West Virginia as a Con- 
federate Brigadier, and had made fame there winning the Greenbrier 
battle. Gov. Brown had appointed Gen. W. H, T. Walker Major Gen- 
eral, who had resigned and accepted a position as a Confederate Briga- 
dier General. Gen. Paul J. Semmes had been appointed Brigadier 
General, but resigned and accepted the Colonelcy of the 2d Georgia 
Confederate regiment. Gen. Phillips had organized a Brigade, but the 
Confederate government refused to take any Georgia appointed Gene- 
rals, and he was commanding a legion. Gov. Brown had appointed 
George P. Harrison and F. W, Capers Brigadier Generals, both of 
whom had*oro;anized Brio-ades on the coast. Ira R. Foster was the 
state Quarter Master General, who had exhibited a signal efficiency in 
the arduous duties of this most important department. Col. J. I. 
Whitaker was appointed the State Commissary General. The Hon. 
Thomas Butler King had been sent as Commissioner to Europe to 
arrange a line of steamers for direct trade, under the act of the last 
legislature incorporating the " Belgian American Company," and 
giving the states guarantee for $100,000 for five years. 

While the legislature was in session a large Federal naval expedition 
captured Port Royal on the South Carolina coast, and threatened the 
Georgia sea-board. The attacking force had forty-one vessels. Com- 
modore Tattnall had four small gun vessels, the Savannah, Lt. J. N. 
Maffitt; Resolute, Lt. J. P. Jones; Sampson, Lt. J. Kennard; and 
Lady Davis, Lt. J. Rutledge. The legislature called upon Gov. Brown 
for information as to the protection of the Georgia coast, to which 
Gov. Brown replied, showing the condition of our defences, and asking 
means to protect the state. He immediately called for additional troops. 
On the 19th of November he sent a message to the Senate, giving a 
detailed account of the past operations on the coast and his correspond- 
ence with the Secretary of War about the matter. On the 26th he ad- 
dressed a message to the House, as the result of a conference with the 
House committee, in which he called attention to the fact that the mili- 
tary appropriation was exhausted, that he was borrowing money everv 
day, and that it was with difficulty that he could maintain the troops in 
the field. The Confederate government was not doing all that was needed, 
and yet the state had to be defended, and he implored the representa- 
tives of the people to lay aside all differences of opinion and furnish the 
means to protect the commonwealth, reserving the settlement of accounts 
with the Confederacy for the time when the danger was past. 



CONFLICT BETWEEN GOV. BROAVN AND THE LEGISLATURE. 217 

The foe was perfecting plans to capture Fort Pulaski, and thus control 
the coast. The danger was imminent. The delay of the legislature in 
voting means to effectually defend the sea front was the occasion of 
Gov. Brown's importunities and appeals, and of much popular censure 
and complaint. The legislature was halting, properly feeling that the 
Confederate authorities, that had the benefit of so large a contribution 
of Georgia soldiers and arms in other states, owed it to the state to give 
her protection. Gov. Brown participated in this feeling, but the aid 
was not forthcoming and the enemy was at the threshold, his " flag wav- 
ing over part of our soil and insulting the state's sovereignty while it 
threatens the existence of her institutions, the liberties of her sons and 
the safety and purity of her daughters." 

Again, on the 5th of December, 1861, Gov. Brown sent in a message 
to the General Assembly. He had been down in person to Savannah, 
conferring with Gen. Robert E. Lee, who was in command of the South- 
ern coast. A timely arrival of 13,341 Enfield rifles, 4 cannons, 409,000 
cartridges, 7 tons of shell and 500 sabres had been made, brought in by 
Col. Edward C. Anderson, through the Blockade from Europe where 
that gallant officer and gentleman had been sent by Gov. Brown, the 
importation alike testifying to Gov. Brown's providence and Col. An- 
derson's faithful vigilance and intrepidity. A proposition was before 
the General Assembly to transfer the Georgia troops called out by the 
Governor for service on the coast to the Confederacy, and if they were 
not received to disband them and get rid of the expense. There had 
been a growing breach between the Governor and the legislature, and 
it was charged by Gov. Brown's friends that this proposed legislation, 
involving delay in voting means and taking the short term state troops 
from Gov. Brown's control was a stroke at him. He had astounded, 
and displeased the legislature by vetoing a bill reducing the pay of the 
Judges and Governor fully a third; and a bill fixing the pay of the 
members at five dollars a day. These vetoes had stirred a bitter feeling 
in the General Assembly, and were regarded as Executive declarations 
of war. The reduction of the Governor's salary would not affect him 
personally, as it did not go into operation during his term. His veto of 
the pay of members was applying their views of economy to themselves. 
There is little doubt that a very bad feeling had arisen between the Ex- 
ecutive, and a controlling majority of the General Assembly, and the 
battle between them became a stubborn and bitter one. 

Some correspondent in the Atlanta Intelligencer aptly satirized the 
matter and avowed that the country was witnessing two well-established 



218 GOVEE^^OB brown's BOLD MESSAGE. 

wars, — that of the North against the South, and the other of the legis- 
ture against Joe Brown. There was no mistake about it either. The 
legislature took the war-path and made a lively fusilade against the un- 
quailing and responsive Governor. Right in the midst of the discussion 
upon the transfer of our short-term state troops to the Confederacy, 
Governor Brown plumped a stiff, daring message into the body arguing 
against the proposed policy. The message fell upon the body like an 
exploding bomb-shell. The storm it created was something extraordi- 
nary. It precipitated the long-brooding battle. Recounting the emer- 
gency that led him to call out these state troops when the Confederacy 
had not placed adequate defenses upon the Georgia coast, and showing 
that he had foreseen and provided for the very emergency that had 
come, he proceeded to discuss what he termed the " fatal policy " that 
with the enemy on our soil in force and our safety imperilled would 
pause to count cost, and look to the contingency of disbandment of de- 
fense, and the abandonment of the state to the invader. 

The Governor's message on this exciting subject at that heated time 
was a model of force and unanswerable logic, and the wonder is that 
any such proposition as he was combating was entertained. He 
showed that the destruction of property if the enemy took possession, 
would be ten times any cost of defense. He argued the right of the 
legislature to transfer the troops to the Confederacy without their con- 
sent, claiming such forced transfer as a violation of faith. While the 
President of the Confederacy could not accejot them under the Confed- 
erate law, as they were organized under the different state law, with 
their brigade and company organizations in conflict with the Confeder- 
ate law. He thus boldly ended this intrepid and aggressive message: 

" If this fatal policy should he determined upon by the General Assembly, I will be 
responsible for none of the consequences growing out of it ; and in the name of the peo- 
ple of Georgia, I noAv in advance enter my solemn protest against it. If the State troops 
are disbanded, or the appropriations to maintain them are made upon the condition that 
they be transferred or disbanded, which is equivalent to an order to disband them, it 
will become my duty, as the Executive of the State to proclaim to her people, that while 
the enemy is thundering at her gates, her representatives have left me powerless for her 
defense, by withholding the necessary means, and even taking from me those already 
at my command. 

" If I have used strong language, I mean no disrespect. When aU that is dear to a peo- 
ple is at stake, the occasion requires the utmost frankness and candor." 

It is doubtful if in any of Gov. Brown's series of high-spirited con- 
flicts with the legislative assemblies of Georgia, there was any one 
which exhibited more strongly the man's absolutely unconquerable 



colojStel waeeen akin's attack on governor brown. 219 

intrepidity and independence than this the stormiest of them all, and the 
culminating- one. In none did he display so conspicuously that unhesi- 
tating- self-reliance and fearless contempt of any amount of opposition 
that belonged t® him. He never quailed for a moment or yielded an 
inch of his position. Even amid the clash of arms, this conflict stirred 
the state. An intense interest was felt all over the commonwealth, and 
the people endorsed the game Governor. 

. When the message was delivered to the House, the Secretary who 
transmitted it to that body, Mr. Buleau Campbell, stated that it was on 
the subject of " State defence." Offence was immediately taken at 
this, the Speaker, Col. Akin and others declaring that the message was 
an unwarrantable interference on the part of the Governor with the 
legislation then progressing. Mr. Whittle moved to take up the mes- 
sage, but the motion was lost. The message was read the next day, 
and JNIr. Cabaniss moved to suspend the rules to introduce some resolu- 
tions denouncing the action of the Governor in sending into the House 
of Representatives an argument against the passage of the bill then 
under consideration for the public defense. The motion to suspend 
was lost. The bill was passed. The discussion was fiery and acrimoni- 
ous. The bill was reconsidered the next day, and Mr. Cabaniss again 
attempted to get his resolution of censure in. The Speaker, Mr. Akin, 
yielded the chair to Judge Cochran and came upon the floor, and 
attacked the Governor's message unsparingly. His remarks were thus 
reported in the Milledgeville Union: 

" Col. Akin remarked that the Governor had offered the grossest indignity to this 
Honse in the message thrast as an argument before us on yesterday. He proceeded to 
review the message. The Governor argued that the troops would not submit to the pro- 
visions of the bill displacing their officers. He bid the commander-in-chief and all his 
troops defiance to-day. Let them come with bayonets in their hands, and drive us from 
these halls, if they are not willing to acquiesce in the legislative action. He would bare 
his bosom to their bayonets and be the last to jump from these windows on their 
approach." 

As may be conceived, a controversy between the two great co-ordi- 
nate branches of the State government, the Legislature and the Execu- 
tive, as important and hostile as this, and conducted with such heat of 
temper and vigor of language, stirred a profound excitement all over 
the State. Gov. Brown's friends of the press roundly declared that the 
House of Representatives had " disappointed the people in all it has 
done, and in what it has not done, and from the Speaker down, with 
some honorable exceptions, demonstrated an incapacity or a want of 
inclination to maintain the chivalry and honor of Georgia." The offi- 



220 GOVERNOR brown's MESSAGE REFERRED. 

cers of Col. Chastain's regiment of State volunteers, passed resolutions 
and sent them to the Governor to be transmitted to the Legislature, 
declaring that they were not the property of the General Assembly to 
be sold and transferred from one owner to another, and avowing that 
while pledging themselves to the Southern cause, they would not be 
transferred without their consent. And even the papers most inimical 
to Gov. Brown, like the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, while quali- 
fying their commentary so as not to be misunderstood as being his gen- 
eral champion, approved his position against the transfer of these State 
troops. 

The message of the Governor was referred to a special committee, 
consisting of Norwood, Love, Cabaniss, Schley and Lester, and with- 
held from the records until the committee could report. The committee 
on the 13th of December, 1861, made a savage report. It took ground 
that the message was an unwarrantable interference in the business of 
the House and in open, direct and palpable violation of the Constitution. 
It charged that the Governor had prostituted his high office in holding 
over the heads of the Legislature the threat of a disobedient soldiery, 
to deter them from the passage of a bill which he disapproved. It 
declared that the Governor had misrepresented their bill in saying that 
it contemplated leaving the State to the invasion of the enemy. It 
concluded with a series of resolutions, enumerating these charges 
against the Governor and ordering the message, with the report, to be 
entered upon the journals of the House. No official notice of this 
action was given the Governor. The Senate not participating in the 
action, the report was not the act of the General Assembly. 

The report elicited a warm debate. Messrs. Whittle, DuBose, Hook 
and Cochran maintained that the Governor had the right to communi- 
cate as he had done. Mr. DuBose thought that the Governor intended 
no discourtesy, and deemed it unnecessary to spread the report on the 
journals. Mr. Hood moved as a substitute for the report, to spread the 
message and bill as passed, on the journals. Judge Cabaniss thought 
the report just. Mr. Smith, of Brooks, moved to put message, bill and 
report on the journals. Judge Cochran made a strong speech against 
the report and resolutions. Col, Akin exclaimed that he had done the 
Governor an injustice about the refusal of the troops to yield to legis- 
lative action. He did not think the Governor meant to convey the idea 
that the troops would be guilty of insubordination. He had sought 
the Governor to personally make the correction. Mr. Hook and Judge 
Cochran commended Col. Akin's conduct. 



GOV. BEOWN STRIKES BACK AT THE HOUSE. 221 

Gov. Brown came back at the House as aggressively as ever, protest- 
ing against the " injustice and misrepresentations " of the report. He 
deemed it due to the office he held to maintain its constitutional pre- 
rogatives against the unwarrantable assumptions of the House. The 
Constitution made it the duty of the Governor to give the Legislature 
" information of the state of the republic, and to recommend to their 
consideration such measures as he may deem expedient." He gave a 
synopsis of the bill reported by the finance committee, and showed 
that he had not misrepresented the measure before the House, and he 
added that if after his message was received the bill was relieved of its 
objectionable features, it was an evidence that the argument contained 
in the message was productive of a good effect. In reply to the charge 
of prostituting his office by transmitting the protest of the soldiers, he 
showed that the resolutions of Col. Chastain's regiment were sent to 
the House after it had acted, but he said that he trusted he might claim 
the forbearance of all intelligent citizens for " having laid the remon- 
strance of a regiment of brave State volunteers against an act of gross 
injustice to them before a body whose action had shown that its will 
was to perpetrate the act." 

The Governor referred to the fact that the message was addressed to 
the General Assembly, of which the Senate was a part and which had 
taken no offence. The Governor had so overwhelmingly the best of the 
argument that he came out of this remarkable altercation with increased 
reputation for courage and firmness. The Legislature divided hopelessly; 
the Senate and House split up and antagonized each other; committees 
of conference were apj^ointed, and finally resolutions of compromise 
were agreed upon and passed, which embodied Gov. Brown's views. 
They provided for a transfer of the State troops only with their consent, 
and for retaining them if not transferred. The sum of $5,000,000 was 
approjDriated for a war fund for 1862; also, $200,000 for a Georgia Re- 
lief and Hospital Association; $100,000 for the support of the State 
troops; $100,000 for the relief of sufferers by the great fire in Charles- 
ton, South Carolina; $50,000 to aid in manufacture of salt. The banks 
were allowed further relief and privilege of suspension. Resolutions 
were passed pledging the state to fight until peace was won; recom- 
mending the farmers to reduce the cotton crop and plant provision 
crops; and to prevent monopolies and extortions. 

Among the other matters done by this General Assembly were the 
confirmation of the appointments made by Gov, Brown, of Charles J. 
■Jenkins as Judge of the Supreme Court, and O, A. Lochrane, Judge 



222 ROBERT TOOMBS DECLINES TO BE C. S. SENATOR. 

Macon Circuit, G. D. Rice, Judge Blue Ridge Circuit, N. L, Hutchins, 
Judge Western Circuit, E. H. Worrill, Judge Chattahoochee Circuit 
and W. W. Montgomery, Attorney General. The election for two 
Confederate State Senators resulted in Hon. Benjamin Hill being 
elected on the first ballot over Toombs, Johnson, Wm. Law, James 
Jackson and Alfred Iverson. The contest over the other senatorship 
was animated and protracted. The first ballot stood, Iverson, 85, Jack- 
son, 35, Toombs, 49, Johnson, 22, James Bethune, 5, John P. King, 3, 
G. E. Thomas and J. E. Brown, 1 each. On the third ballot the vote 
stood, Iverson, 73, Jackson, 44, Toombs, 82. After the 5th ballot 
Iverson was withdrawn, and Toombs receiving 129 votes and Jackson 
67, Robert Toombs was declared elected. Gov. Brown notified Mr. 
Toombs of his election, who declined the office, stating that he could 
better serve his state and country in the army than in the Senate. He 
went on to say in deep displeasure at the struggle over the election, " I 
deem it not inappropriate on this occasion, to say that the manner in 
which the legislature thought proper to confer this trust relieves me 
from any obligation to sacrifice either my personal wishes or my con- 
victions of public duty in order to accept it." It was a characteristic 
thing in Mr. Toombs, a spoiled pet of popular favor, accustomed to win 
his political victories in a lordly way, and with the ease of Kingly right, 
to angrily spurn a triumph obtained after a close fight and when he had 
run through many ballots one of the minority candidates. It was 
openly charged at the time that the whigs had clutched the legislature, 
and it was a sort of confirmation of it that none but old whigs were 
elected, with one or two exceptions. And it was said that Mr. Toombs 
did not go through until the issue narrowed to him and Democrats of 
lona;er standina- than himself. 

The election for members of the Confederate Congress had resulted 
in the success of the following gentlemen : 

1st District, Julian Hartridge. 

2d " C. J. Munnerlyn. 

3rd " Hines Holt. 

4th " A. H. Kenan. 

5th " David W. Lewis. 

Gth " W. W. Clark. 

7th " R. P. Trippe. 

8th " L. J. Gartrell. 

9th " Hardy Strickland. 

10th " Augustus R. Wright. 



eesigjStation of judge nisbet, 223 

The dissolving of party lines had resulted in bringing in nearly every 
opposition leader. Judge Nisbet resigned from the Provisional Con- 
federate Congress on account of ill-health. The ticket of electors 
put out by the convention that nominated Judge Nisbet, had no oppo- 
sition and was elected, and cast the vote of the state for Davis and 
Stephens. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

THE ORGANIZATION OF STATE TROOPS UNDER MAJOR 
GENERAL HENRY R. JACKSON. 

The Permanent Confederate State's Government. — Georgians in High Civil and Military 
Office. — Gov. Brown's Famous Controversies with the Confederate Authorities and 
their Continuance of Georgia's Foremost Agency in the Revolution. — Georgia The 
Champion of Constitutionalism. — Old Leaders Swallowed Up. — Brown Lifts the 
State Supremacy. — Year 1862 begins Calamitously. — Address of Cobb, Toombs 
and Crawford. — Georgia's War Tax. — State Forces Organized. — Maj. Gen. Henry 
E. Jackson and His Patriotic Self-Sacrifice. — Tribute to Gen. Jackson by Gov. 
Brown. — Col. Chastain. — Funny Feminine Suggestion to Whip The Federals. — 
Pemberton Succeeds Lee. — Fort Pulaski Capture. — Col. C. H. Olmstead. — A Gallant 
Act. — Effect of This Loss. — Reorganization of State Militia. — Gov. Brown's Letter 
on Planting Cotton. — Gen, Toombs. 

The organization of the Confederate States Government under its 
permanent constitution was made on the 22nd day of February, 1862. 
Mr. Stephens was Vice-President. Mr. Toombs had gone into the army, 
giving up his place as Secretary of State. Mr. Philip Clayton of 
Georgia was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury. G. E. W. Nelson of 
Georgia was Superintendent of Public Printing. Gov. Brown appointed 
his old friend, Dr. John W. Lewis, Confederate State Senator in place of 
Gen. Toombs. Up to this time we had in the Confederate army from 
Georgia, Major Generals, David E. Twiggs, Wm. J. Hardee. Brigadier 
Generals, Henry R. Jackson, Wm. H. T. Walker, A. R. Lawton, Robert 
Toombs, W. H. C. Whiting, L. McLaws, H. W. Mercer, W. M. Gardner, 
John K. Jackson, Howell Cobb, J. B. Villepigue, T. R. R. Cobb, Ambrose 
R. Wright, Henry L. Benning, J. R. Ramsay, Paul Semmes, and Alfred 
H. Colquitt. 

Some of Georgia's strongest men in statesmanship had gone into the 
army. Mr. Stephens soon became powerless with the Confederate 
administration on account of his decided difference of view with Mr. 
Davis upon vital measures. Neither of them were men to yield, and 
thus they soon drifted hopelessly apart. It therefore happened that 
Georgia, from having been a controlling power in the revolution, 
became almost a nullity at this time so far as concerned the guidance 
of its policy. But the time was soon coming when the state was to 



Georgia's stai^d foe coxstitutioxalism. 225 

resume her agency in matters, but it was to be on a different line 
entirely, and yet a consistent one. Georgia had led in breaking the 
Union to preserve the principles of constitutional government. She 
was destined to figure as an uncompromising opponent of Confederate 
encroachment upon the spirit and the law of the Constitution. And 
the man who was fated to bear the colors in this struggle was the 
Governor of Georgia, Joseph E. Brown. 

There has been much stricture upon his course, to the effect that the 
resistance to unconstitutional legislation should have been pretermitted 
in the hour of war. The time has come to discuss this question fairly 
and dispassionately. Was Governor Brown right or wrong in princi- 
ple ? It is admitted that he contended for a right thing, but it is 
claimed that it was done at an inexpedient time. No time is inex- 
pedient to maintain the right. Right is always expedient. Where was 
the greater danger, from unconstitutional legislation, in a Federal or 
a Confederate government ? If it was right to destroy the Union to 
preserve the Constitution, it was no less right to deny the sanction of 
endorsement to the extra-constitutional acts of the Confederacy. It is 
also true that the final result was not endangered by these conflicts of 
constitutional argument that placed Georgia in a noble attitude as the 
champion of that constitutional law and liberty for which we were fight- 
ing. If we were right and sincere in our going to war to secure our 
ideas of government, we then did right in maintaining them in the 
Southern republic. The reasoning is irresistible. Georgia in standing 
up for a strict observance of constitutional limitations did her duty, and 
she deserves the more credit that she did it amid all the temptation to 
ignore it that arose from the dangers of war and the anarchy of revolu- 
tion. The consistency of the South was preserved by this splendid role 
that Georgia, under the leadership of Gov. Brown, pursued. It was a 
dutiful vindication of the conduct of the South in going into the war, 
and must so be regarded in the calm light of historic truth. There is 
no escaping the verdict. If we'were right to fight for constitutionalism, 
we were right to oppose its sacrifice even in the stern exigencies of war. 

The war absorbed our old leaders, swallowed them up, as it were, in 
the leveling atmosphere of the bayonet. Toombs and the Cobbs and 
other great spirits of statesmanship sank into excellent brigadiers among 
a host of others. Men like Stonewall Jackson, who in the calm of peace 
would have gone through life obscure and undistinguished; or like For- 
rest, who would have achieved an undesirable notoriety as successful 

negro traders, flamed into fame legitimately due to military genius and 
15 



226 THE CO^TFEDEEATE SITUATION GLOOMY. 

surpassing achievement. Georgia had a host of brilliant soldiers and 
dazzling officers. She had her Hardees, Gordons, Wheelers, Tattnalls 
and a host of others of lower rank equally heroic and faithful. But so 
had other states, and we had no superiority. The whole South was 
brave and true. It was in this monotony of heroism that Gov. Brown 
raised the State to her wonted supremacy of influence by his bold, able 
and unanswerable maintenance of our constitutional consistency. And 
at* this long day from that era, reading his masterly and exhaustive* 
papers, written amid all the distractions of those tumultuous times, 
under all the tremendous inducements to passive subservience, they . 
stand as unequaled demonstrations of intrepid personal conviction and 
exalted acts of august official duty. This is strong language, but it is 
due. There may have been an infusion of considerations not relevant, 
and an occasional betrayal of a stern temper into the indiscretion of 
severity, but admitting these minor defects. Gov. Brown's defenses of 
constitutional principle in his great and memorable controversies with 
the Confederate authorities, must be his most striking record of cour- 
ageous and masterful statesmanship, and will constitute Georgia's most 
enduring claim to historic glory in connection with her sacrifices and 
contributions to the cause of Southern independence. State sovereignty 
and Constitutional government. 

The year 1862 began calamitously for the South. Our expectation of 
a speedy end had been disappointed. The Federals had a force of 
800,000 men in the field, and the South had 300,000. Kentucky and 
Tennessee had fallen into the Federal hands. Lodgment had been made 
on the coast of North Carolina by Burnside's expedition. Southern 
embassies to Europe had failed to secure intervention and even recog- 
nition. Just before the provisional government of the Confederacy 
ended, Howell Cobb, R. Toombs, M. J. Crawford^and Thos. R. R. Cobb 
issued an address to the people of ' Georgia placing the situation clearly 
before them. What they called "unpalatable facts" were candidly 
given. The jDurport of the address was, that we were in a frightful 
conflict with a determined enemy, whose numbers and resources we 
could not equal, and we could only succeed by a united and iniconquer- 
able resistance that would put the torch to every home before yielding 
it to the foe. The address discarded hope of foreign interference as 
remote, and expressed confidence in the final result. 

A requisition was made upon Georgia for twelve additional regiments. 
The Confederate war tax on Georgia amounted to 12,494,112.41, and 
was promptly raised by the issue and sale of State bonds, Gov. Brown 



GE>'ERAL HENRY R. JACKSON. 227 

having" the amount in hand before it was due. Ten per cent, was saved 
by relieving" the Confederate authorities of the direct collection from the 
people, and in addition to this the Comptroller General, Col. Thweatt, 
discovered an error in the Confederate assessment of $00,016.16, which 
his vigilance saved to the State. The banks patriotically advanced two 
millions of the amount to the Governor as early as February, the tax 
being due April 1st. 

The operations on the Georgia coast in the early part of 1862 were 
very active. Gov. Brown selected Gen. Henry R. Jackson for the com- 
mand of the State forces on the coast, and nominated him as Major- 
General, in chief command of all the State troops, which nomination 
was unanimously ratified by the Senate of Georgia. 

This gallant officer had served brilliantly in the Mexican Avar as Colonel 
of a regiment. His service in West Virginia during 1861 had been 
conspicuous and valuable. The operations in that locality were ended. 
Gen. Jackson therefore hailed joyfully the prospect of a change to 
Georgia, his own State, whose coast was the object of Federal attack. 
The selection of Gen. Jackson for this duty was a deserved recognition 
of his merit, and a compliment of which he could well be jDroud. Gov. 
Brown immediately sought to have him ordered on this congenial and 
honorable mission, he welcoming gladly a transfer from inactivity to a 
field of peril and usefulness — that field his own beloved State, and he 
urged the change. It was one of those strange acts of the Confederate 
administration that it so frequently did, to disregard this call for this 
worthy ofificer. The campaign in Virginia had ended; by far the larger 
portion of Gen. Jackson's command had been withdrawn from him and 
sent elsewhere; he had been ordered into winter-quarters tclthin hand- 
ling distance of the remnant. All eyes were directed to the Southern 
sea-board as the scene of operations for the winter. Gen. Lee, who was 
in command on the Southern coast, as he told Gov. Brown, preferred 
Gen. Jackson to command the Georgia troops, and had been " negotiat- 
ing " with the war department for him at the time. Eager to accept 
the flattering call of his own State from an inactive to active duty. Gen. 
Jackson applied for leave of absence to take the more perilous service 
in Georgia, but was sternly and inexplicably refused. With that chiv- 
alric patriotism that belonged to the man, Gen. Jackson resigned the 
coveted commission which he held in the Confederate army, feeling that 
he could not ignore the demands of his own people menaced Avith danger, 
to stand peaceful watch in the then quiet mountains of West Virginia. 
Gen. Jackson as Major-General of the State troops had under him 



228 TRIBUTE TO GENERAL HENRY R. JACKSON. 

Brigadier Generals George P, Harrison, F. "W. Capers, and also, William 
H. T. Walker, who had resigned from the Confederate service. Gen. 
Jackson cooperated with Brig. Gen. A. R. Lawton, who had command 
of the Confederate forces and the territory comprehended in the Depart- 
ment of Georgia. Brig. Gen. H. W. Mercer of the Confederate army- 
commanded Savannah, Gen. Robert E. Lee was in command of the 
extreme Southern coast, including Georgia and South Carolina. 

Gen. Jackson received orders direct from Gov. Brown. His Adjutant 
General was Lt. Col. Charlton H. Way. During the brief campaign of 
a little over three months in which the state troops were in service, 
there was a vast deal accomplished. Gen. Jackson was very zealous, 
and between himself and Gen, A. R. Lawton, commanding the Confed- 
erate troops, there existed an admirable accord. The official corres- 
pondence of Gen, Jackson's division shows many interesting, as well 
as some lively episodes. Gov, Brown gave a close supervision to 
every detail of the service. The Governor entertained a cordial re- 
gard and admiration for this capable and distinguished officer. In 
his message to the General Assembly in the following November, in 
referring to the state troops Gov. Brown used this language about Gen. 
Jackson: 

" It is but justice to Major General Jackson, that it be remarked that he had, with 
untiring energy and consummate ability, pressed forward the preparation of the 
defenses and the training of the army, and that the people of Georgia owe much of 
gratitude to him for the safety of the city of Savannah and its present freedom from 
the tyrannical rule of the enemy. There is not probably an intelligent, impartial man 
in the state who does not regret that the services of this distinguished son of Georgia 
should not have been properly appreciated by the Confederate authorities, and that he 
should not, after the Georgia army was transferred, have been invited by the President 
to a command equal to his well-known ability and merit. This was requested by the 
Executive of this state, which request was presented to the President by her entire del- 
egation iu Congress." 

Col, E. W. Chastain, who commanded the 8th regiment of Gen. 
Walker's Brigade, was arrested by Gen, Walker for using severe lan- 
guage to Major O, C. Myers, the Assistant Adjutant General of the 
Brigade. The Governor knew the value of the volunteers and their 
spirit too well to disgrace officers on account of a hasty ebullition of 
profanity, and insisted that Col. Chastain should not be punished beyond 
arrest, Capt, Henry Cleveland, in charge of the Savannah arsenal, 
had been the editor of the Augusta Constitutionalist, and was a writer 
of genius. In his position in the Ordnance Department he appears not 
to have had very harmonious relations with Major Lachlan Mcintosh, 



FIGHTING THE FEDEltALS WITH TUEPENTINE. 229 

the Chief of Ordnance for the state. Writing in January to Gen. 
Jackson, Major Mcintosh thus discoursed: 

" It is but right for me to say that I fully appreciate Captain Cleveland's eccentricity, 
and deeply regret that there is not some other field open to that gentleman wherein to 
exercise his wondrous administrative abilities." 

A lady signing herself " P. M. L.," made the following unique sug- 
gestion for the defense of the city of Savannah, stating that she had 
been trying to think up a plan to " expel the Yankees " from the 
coast and had hit upon this plan. 

" To put on board of boats about 500 or 1,000 barrels of turpentine (first having made 
a calculation of the speed of the water of the Savannah river, so as to allow the proper 
time to elapse), and go to within a mile of the fleet (during the night) and at different 
distances have the turpentine turned out along across the water, having allowed the 
proper time to elapse from the turning out of the turpentine, for it to reach the fleet, as 
it will not mix with the water. Then set fire to the turpentine poured upon the water, 
and it will do them much damage, if not entirely rout them. Now if you will head the 
expedition to see that all is done at the proper time, and in order and no failure, I think 
somebody will be hurt. It at least will be worth trying. I only give the initials of my 
name below, as I do not wish you for a moment to think that I, a lone female, should 
dictate to one of your experience and judgment what should be done." 

This feminine invention is solemnly filed among the patriotic archives 
of that exciting period. Gen. Lee was transferred to another depart- 
ment, and Maj. Gen. Pemberton assigned to the command of this de- 
partment. The enemy inaugurated the series of movements that 
resulted in the loss to the Southern cause, and to Georgia, of Fort Pu- 
laski. Tybee and Warsaw Islands were covered with Federal troops. 
The inlets of our coast swarmed with Federal vessels. Skidaway and 
Green Islands were abandoned by Gen. Pemberton. The line of defense 
was confined to the main land. By the 22d of February, the Federals 
succeeded in a complete isolation of Fort Pulaski, by removing the ob- 
structions in Walls Cut and thus entering the Savannah river in the rear 
of the Fort. Commodore Tattnall succeeded in effecting a passage to 
the Fort in the very teeth of the Federal gunboats, and supplied the 
garrison with six months' provisions. Eleven batteries were thrown up 
on Tybee Island. 

The garrison of Fort Pulaski consisted of 365 men and 24 officers, 
under command of Col. Charles H. Olmstead, a gallant and capable of- 
ficer. He was a graduate of the State Military University at Marietta, 
and combined in a striking degree the graces and culture of the true 
gentleman with the intrepidity and skill of the soldier. Gen. David 
Hunter commanding the Federal forces, demanded the surrender of the 



230 THE SriRIT OF GEORGIANS TRUE. 

Fort on the morning of the 10th of April, 18G1, and Col. Olmstead re- 
plied briefly that he was there " to defend the fort, not to surrender it." 
The bombardment began and continued for two days. The main fire of 
the foe was directed on the south-east angle of the fort. The guns in 
it were all dismounted,' and a large breach made through which the shot 
and shell went directly to the magazine. Retreat was impossible, and 
further defense impracticable. The Fort was surrendered at half past 
two o'clock, the 11th day of April, 1862, honorable terms having been 
granted the garrison. Col. C. C. Jones in his well-written sketch of 
the' Chatham Artillery, relates an incident of personal daring that oc- 
curred during this siege that deserves preservation. In the second 
day's bombardment, in a storm of shot and shell the flag was shot 
down. Lt. Christopher Hussey, of the Montgomery Guards (Capt. 
Guilmartin), and private John Latham, of the Washington Volunteers 
(Capt. McMahon), lea^Ded upon the parapet, upon which the fatal hail of 
battle was raining an unbroken torrent, disentangled the fallen symbol 
of defiance, coolly carried it to the north-eastern angle of the fort and 
floated it gayly to the ball and breeze on a temporary stafp, erected for 
the occasion on a gun carriage. It was an intrepid act of personal 
heroism. 

The loss of Fort Pulaski stimulated the preparation for the defense of 
the land. The term of enlistment of the troops was expiring in many 
cases. The hot fever of the early days of the war had very much quieted 
down. The effervescence had dissolved. Men were not so eager to 
fight. A year of actual service had dissipated the poetry of soldiering. 
Men had come to a recognition of the cold realities of a desperate con- 
flict. There was a decided toning down of that buoyant eagerness for 
enlistment that so marked the inception of the struggle, but it was still 
true that the men of Georgia came forward willingly to the serious work 
in store for us and not to be avoided. The loss of Fort Pulaski stirred 
every patriotic heart in Georgia. It nerved every man and woman to 
resistance, and to cordially persevering in the duty of the hour. 

Gov. Brown issued a Proclamation for a complete org'anization of the 
militia with a view to a draft if there were not voluntary enlistments. 
The State troops had almost unanimously voted against a transfer to 
the Confederate war authorities. In recognition of the grave crisis the 
7th day of March was appointed as a day of Fasting, Humiliation and 
Prayer. The use of corn in the distillation of spirits was prohibited by 
proclamation to prevent the consumption in that way of grain needed 
for food. A reward of S5,000 was offered for the discovery of any salt 



• THE BAD POLICY OF PLANTING COTTON. 231 

springs or wells that would afford 300 bushels of salt a day, the Gov- 
ernor taking the responsibility of proclaiming such reward without 
authority. Gov. Brown paid a visit to the coast early in April, and 
reviewed and addressed the State troops. In this speech he compli- 
mented their defense of the sea-board, and urged them to re-enlist, mak- 
ing an earnest appeal to their patriotism. 

A vital subject at that time was the policy of the farmers of planting 
provision crops instead of cotton. Judge Linton Stephens in behalf of 
a number of citizens addressed a note to Gov. Brown asking his views 
on this matter. The reply was an able discussion of the subject. He 
said that we had more to fear from the production of cotton than any 
other disadvantage. The ordinary sources of provision supply were 
very much diminished. "We would have to rely upon ourselves for 
food. The reply ended with an appeal to the farmers to do their duty in 
this crisis. Hon. Alex. H. Stephens came to Georgia and made a strong- 
speech, urging the people to continued energy and sacrifices in the 
prosecution of the war, and in this speech he pressed the paramount 
necessity of raising ample food crop. Gen. Toombs incurred much 
odium by his course on this matter, he boldly insisting upon raising 
upon his own plantation nearly full crops of cotton. And the following 
dispatch from Gen. Toombs brought him considerable animadversion. 

"EiCHMOND, June 11, 1862. 
" To Messrs. Geo. Hill, A. F. Newsom and Wm. Carter, Committee. 

" Gentlemen : — Your telegram has been received. I refuse a single hand. My prop- 
erty, as long as I live, shall never be subject to the orders of those cowardly miscreants, 
the Committees of Public Safety of Randolph County, Ga., and Eufaula. You may rub 
me in my absence, but you cannot intimidate me. 

"EGBERT TOOMBS." 

County meetings were held in whifth the farmers pledged themselves 
to drop cotton and raise provisions. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

BROWN AND DAVIS IN THEIR GREAT TUSSLE OVER 

CONSCRIPTION. 

The Conscription Act. — Not Needed in Georg-ia. — Col. A. H. Kenan and Gov. Brown. — 
A Cabinet Place in Brown's Grasp. — The Correspondence between Gov. Bruwn and 
President Davis. — A Model of Statesmanlike Controversy — Tiie Discussion. — A 
Mile-stone of the Revolution — Mr. Davis' Treatment of the Controversy in his 
" Rise and Fall of the Confederacy." — A One Sided Presentation. — Both Sides 
Fairly Given in this Volume. — Gov. Brown Obeys the Act. — The State Troops 
Turned Over — The Officers Refused. — Gen. H. R. Jackson's Farewell Order. — Gov. 
Brown's Order. — This State Force Episode Romantic. — The Folly of the Confed- 
erate Administration. — The Arrest of Col. Ben. Laugbridge. — Col. C. J. Williams. 
— Col. Walter Ector. — Mrs. C. J. Williams. — Hon. Alfred Iverson. — Unverified 
Prophecy. — The Funny Blunder of the Types. — "Stripped Wives." — The 
Audacious Attempt to Seize the State Road. 

The Conscription Act passed the Confederate Congress in April, 
1862. Its passage was the result of the military stress. Mr. Davis 
recommended the measure in a special message, and the Confederate 
Congress promptly passed it, under decided and considerable opposition. 
It was not needed in Georgia. For every requisition there was more 
than ample volunteering. Under the last call for twelve regiments, Gov. 
Brown furnished eighteen. And he expressed the belief that he could 
have raised fifty regiments if Mr. Davis had called for so many. The 
spirit was still rife for volunteering, and it continued to be a difficult 
matter to reconcile captains of companies who were left out of regi- 
ments. From the time the Conscript Act was enforced in Georgia, 
there was a greater reluctance to go to the field than had ever before 
been shown. Even after that, however, there was no difficulty in furnish- 
ing troops promptly and in larger numbers than called for, if they had 
the right to form their regiments at home, and elect their own officers. 
It was the practice at the North at the same time that Mr. Lincoln made 
requisition upon the Governors of States for troops, to furnish them 
organized into regiments. And there was no difficulty in Georgia about 
getting plenty of troops when they were allowed the privilege of 
organizing and electing their own regimental officers. That practice 
would have ffiven regiments in our State as Ion"- as tliere were men out 



GOV. BROWN TENDERED A CABINET PLACE. 233 

of which to make them. This right of organization they considered 
the Constitution clearly guaranteed to them, and they set great store 
by it. 

It must ever remain a mooted point, whether the Conscript Law was 
a benefit or an injury to the Southern cause. It was claimed a neces- 
sity, and therefore enacted and enforced for this reason. Its opponents 
bitterly disputed its necessity, while as urgently arguing its uncon- 
stitutionality. It may well be doubted when people have been dragged 
by law to the forced support of a cause, and when they will not vol- 
untarily rally to such cause, whether success can be achieved. Be 
this as it may, conscription was never necesssary in Georgia. The most 
determined opposition to the Conscript Law came from this State. And 
the controversies that ensued between Gov. Brown and Mr. Davis and 
his Secretary of War were matters of intense and universal Southern 
interest, and the antagonism resulting became as bitter as it was 
liistoric. 

There is a curious and interesting incident connected with this act 
of conscription. The Act awakened a general and lively interest and 
provoked a warm public discussion. The people were prepared for it 
before it came. Every effort was made to harmonize popular sentiment 
upon it that it might go off well. Among the special friends of Mr. 
Davis was Col. Augustus H. Kenan, one of our Georgia Confederate 
congressmen, representing the district in which Milledgeville lies. He 
was well known over the State, of imperious force of character, a large, 
handsome, imposing person, rather haughty and aristocratic, but possess- 
ing ability and honor. He was known to be a friend of Gov. Brown, 
and was probably for this reason selected for the mission of which we 
are speaking. It was known that Gov. Brown was not favorable to the 
Conscript Act. Col. Kenan came to Georgia, and seeking an inter- 
view with Gov. Brown, he tried in a long and earnest talk to recon- 
cile him to the support of conscription, or at least, to induce him to 
make no opposition. The conversation became very animated, and at 
times stormy. Both were positive men, both combative, both unyield- 
ing, both of a dominating temper. Col. Kenan plied every argument 
and persuasion to the placid but determined anti-conscriptionist, but in 
vain. Gov. Brown would not yield to logic or entreaty. He was firm 
and immovable. In the course of the interview. Col. Kenan intimated 
to Gov. Brown that a place in the Cabinet of Mr. Davis would be at 
his command if matters went harmoniously. But Gov. Brown would 
not yield his place as Governor of the great State of Georgia for any 



234 THE FIEST LETTER OP GOV. BROWN OjST COJSTSCEIPTIOX. 

Cabinet office. The mission was unsuccessful, and towards the close, 
the interview became very warm, both gentlemen getting emphatic'and 
somewhat plain spoken. And they parted in spirited disagreement, and 
under considerable display of feeling against each other; but in their 
next meeting, having cooled, their temporary misunderstanding was 
laid aside and they resumed their wonted friendliness of intercourse, 
based upon a hearty respect and reciprocal regard. 

The first important correspondence was between Gov. Brown and Mr. 
Davis, and was on the constitutionality of the Conscript Act, and was 
conducted with great ability and dignity on both sides. It was a model 
of statesmanlike controversy, lofty, courteous, argumentative and pow- 
erful. Both showed themselves masters of the subject — each present- 
ing his side with striking force. The first letter of Governor Brown 
was dated April 23, 1862, and notified Mr. Davis of his receiving a 
copy of the Conscription Act and of his turning over the state forces 
in compliance therewith to the Confederate command. He went on to 
state that Georgia had seceded from the Union because the Federal 
government had disregarded the rights of the states. He contended 
that the Conscription Act puts it in the power of the Confederate 
Executive to disorganize all state troops and destroy Georgia's state 
government by disbanding her la w-m iking power. Under the Con- 
script Act every officer of the state governments, the state employes, 
the mechanics, railroad operatives and state military officials, etc., can 
be forced into the Confederate service. It was unconstitutional for the 
Confederate Executive to have such power. He argued that the act 
was in conflict with the Constitution, which reserves to the states the 
right to appoint the officers of and train the militia. He declined 
to have anything to do with the enrollment of conscripts, leaving 
the execution of the conscript law to the Confederate authorities, reserv- 
ing any test of the constitutionality of the act for consideration when 
it may less seriously embarrass the Confederacy in the prosecution of - 
the war. He desired to know what exemptions would be made. Mr. 
Davis replied briefly on the 28th of April, 18G2, inclosing copies of 
various acts exempting certain classes from military service. The 
wager of battle was thrown down in the following condensed utter- 
ance: "The constitutionality of the act you refer to as the 'conscrip- 
tion-bill,' is clsarly not derivable from the power to call out the militia, 
but from that to raise arnaies." 

Governor Brown's second letter, dated May 9, 18G2, started out with- 
the assurances that while as an individual or Executive he proposed to 



LETTEP^S OF GOV. EEOWK AKD MR. DAVIS. 235 

give Mr. Davis all aid possible in the war, he did not propose to commit: 
the state to a policy subversive of her sovereignty and at war with the 
principles for which Georgia entered the revolution. The Conscription 
Act could not aid in getting more arms, but more men, and as more 
men could be enlisted than could be armed, the act was not necessary. 
As to the constitutional point he argued that all the grants of power 
given by the Constitution to Congress must be construed together and 
be subject to that paragraph which reserves to the states the right to 
appoint officers. The grant to raise armies refers to regular armies, and 
not those composed of the whole militia of all the states; and if under 
such grant all of the militia of the states could be used by Congress, 
with the power of appointment of officers, then the constitutional pro- 
vision securing the states the reserved rights over militia was a nullitv. 
The debate on the Federal Constitution shows how sacredly this right 
of the states was regarded and preserved. This letter wound up with 
this strong paragraph: 

" Should you at any time need additional troops from Georgia to fill up her just quota 
iu proportion to the number furnished by the other states, you have only to call ou tlie 
Executive for the number required, to be organized and officered as the Constitution 
directs, and your call w^ill, as it has ever done, meet a prompt response from her noble 
and patriotic people, who, while they will watch with a jealous eye, even in the midst of 
revolution, every attempt to undermine their constitiitioual rights, will never be content 
to be behind the foremost in the discharge of their whole duty." 

Mr. Davis wrote his second letter on the 29th of May, 1862. His 
Cabinet, Attorney General and a majority of Congress believe the con- 
scription constitutional. The power of Congress to raise armies under 
the Constitution was broad and unqualified. It could raise armies 
without limitation as to method or material, and to any extent neces- 
sary. The necessity in this case was urgent, to prevent the disbandment 
of twelve-months' troops whose times were out. The militia of a state 
are only militia when called out and organized, and are not the citizens 
taken singly. The power of Congress to call out state militia is differ- 
ent from the power to raise armies. The grant of exclusive power to 
raise armies is not restricted by a grant of divided power over militia. 
They are two distinct subjects. The armies and the militia are necessa- 
rily raised out of the same material. The power to enlist' must be 
co-extensive with the exigencies of the occasion, and the extent of the 
exigency must be determined by Congress. The existence of the Con- 
federacy being threatened by vast armies, the Congress had in its 
power called for, not militia, but men to compose armies. Mr. Davis 



236 PRESIDENT DAVIS COMPLIMENTS GEOEGIA. 

wound up his letter with these sentences, the first remarkable in the 
light of the final result: 

" At some future day, after our independence shall have been established, it is no 
improbable supposition that our present enemy may be tempted to abuse his naval power 
by depredation on our commerce, and that we may be compelled to assert our rights by 
offensive war. How is it to be carried on? Of what is the army to be composed? If 
this government cannot call on its arms-bearing population otherwise than as militia, and 
if the militia can only be called forth to repel invasion, we should be utterly helpless to 
vindicate our honor or protect our rights. War has been well styled ' the terrible liti- 
gation of nations.' Have we so formed our government that in this litigation we may 
never be plaintiff ? Surely this cannot have been the intention of the framers of our 
compact. 

" In conclusion, I take great pleasure in recognizing that the history of the past year 
affords the amplest justification for your assertion that if the question had been whether 
the conscription law was necessary to raise men in Georgia, the ani^wer must have been 
in the negative. Your noble State has promptly responded to every call that it has been 
my duty to make on her ; and to you personally, as her Executive, I acknowledge my 
indebtedness for the prompt, cordial and effective cooperation you have afforded me in 
the effort to defend our common country against the common enemy." 

Gov. Brown's third letter was dated June 21, 1862. It expresses the 
conviction with great diffidence that Mr. Davis has failed to sustain the 
constitutionality of the Conscription Act. He calls attention to the 
omission of Mr. Davis to answer that part of his arg-ument which 
established that the contemporaneous construction of the Federal Con- 
stitution nor the earlier practice of the Federal Government sustained 
the constitutionality of conscription. This letter is a very lengthy and 
exhaustive one. He takes Mr. Davis to task for assuming such a strong 
Federalist position, as that Congress is the judge of its own powers. 
He says that he had for years regarded Mr. Davis as one of the ablest 
and boldest defenders of the States' Rights school. Gov. Brown quotes 
liberally from the utterances of Madison and Calhoun and from the 
Virginia resolutions. He follows the exercise of the power claimed for 
Congress to its full extent, alleging it would make Congress supreme 
over the states, placing the very existence of the State governments 
subject to the will of Congress. It can compel the Governors of States, 
Judges of State courts. State militia officers to go into service as privates 
in the Confederate armies, and thus practically disband the State govern- 
ments whenever Congress shall judge that it is necessary. The very 
exemption acts of Congress are assertions of the unconstitutional and 
dangerous power that Congress claimed and that Gov. Brown opposed. 

Gov. Brown argued at very considerable length the sound policy of 
allowing the State troops to organize themselves and choose their own 



THE CONSCRIPTION CORRESPONDENCE CONCLUDED, 237 

officers. The right to select their own officers vfSis one dearly cherished 
by the troops, and they did better service when allowed the privilege. 
The volunteers clung to the right tenaciously. The Conscription Act 
embraced so large a proportion of the militia officers in Georgia that it 
would absolutely disband the organized militia left at home, and leave 
the women and children helpless against negro insurrection. Gov. 
Brown wound up with these very kind words: 

" K I have used strong language in any part of this letter, I beg you to attribute it 
only to my zeal in the advocacy of principles and a cause which I consider no less than 
the cause of constitutional liberty, imperiled by the erroneous views and practice of 
those placed upon the watch tower as its constant guardians. 

" In conclusion, I beg to assure you that I fully appreciate your expressions of personal 
kindness, and reciprocate them in my feelings toward you to the fullest extent. I knew 
the vast responsibilities resting upon you, and would never willinglj^ add unnecessarily 
to their weight, or in any way embarrass you in the discharge of your important duties. 
While I cannot agree with you in opinion upon the grave question under discussion, I 
beg you to command me at all times wlien I can do you a personal service, or when I 
can, without a violation of the constitutional obligations resting ujjon me, do any service 
to the great cause in which we are so vitally interested." 

The third letter of Mr. Davis, dated July 10, 1862, disclaimed any 
sentiment that " Congress is the final judge of the constitutionality of 
a contested power." He adds that " the right of each state to judge in 
the last resort whether its reserved powers had been usurped by the 
general government is too familiar and well-settled a principle to admit 
of discussion." Mr. Davis concludes thus: 

" As I cannot see, however, after the most respectful consideration of all that you 
have said, anything to change my conviction that Congress has exercised only a plainly- 
granted specific power in raising its armies by conscription, I cannot share the alarm and 
concern about state rights which you so evidently feel, but which to me seem quite 
unfounded." 

Jiily 22, 1862, Gov. Brown wrote his fourth letter, which concluded 
this memorable correspondence between the President of the Confed- 
eracy and the Governor of the leading Southern state upon the most 
important act of Confederate legislation. In this letter Gov. Browia 
struck Mr. Davis a center stroke and turned his own fire upon him. He 
insisted that in all regiments organized in the State, and turned over as 
organized bodies to the Confederate government, they should be per- 
mitted to elect their own officers to fill vacancies. He made this demand 
with the greater confidence because in the Mexican war, when President 
Polk tendered Mr. Davis (then colonel of a gallant Mississippi regiment) 
a commission as brigadier general for heroic services, Mr. Davis declined 
the appointment on the ground that the President had no right under 



238 THE STATE TROOPS TURNED OVER TO MR. DAVIS. 

the Constitution to appoint a brigadier general to command the State 
volunteers then employe J in the service of the United States Govern- 
ment, but that the State alone could make such appointments. If such 
was the constitutional difficulty then, certainly, under the same pro- 
visions, the Confederate Government could not appoint not only the 
brigadier generals but the field and company officers of State troops. 
The profound interest created by this controversy pervaded the whole 
Confederacy. The importance of the subject, the high position of the 
gentlemen and the ability and dignity of the letters make the discussion 
one of the mile-stones of the revolution. 

Mr. Davis in his " Rise and Fall of the Confederacy," recently pub- 
lished, prints his Own letter of the 29th of May, 1862, as his presentation 
of- his own side of the question, except that he omits the paragraphs 
complimenting Gov, Brown and the State of Georgia. He also fails 
to extend to Gov. Brown the justice of publishing his side of the 
question. The discussion was so important, able and exhaustive on both 
sides, that it is deemed a matter of sufficient historic interest and value 
to print in " Appendix B " of this work the letters in full of Mr. Davis 
of the 29th of May, 1862, and of Gov. Brown of June 21st, 1862, as 
embodying the full argument of each distinguished gentleman for and 
against the great subject of Conscription. The reader can for himself 
contrast the elaborate pleas. 

But notwithstanding his effort to preserve the sanctity of constitu- 
tional principle, Gov. Brown gave a practical and instantaneous 
obedience to the Confederate law. Hon. G. W. Randolph, the Con- 
federate Secretary of War, telegraphed Gov. Brown on the loth of 
April, 1862, of the passage of the Conscription Act, which placed in the 
Confederate service all men between 18 and 35 years of age, not legally 
exempt. Gov. Brown the same day responded by telegraph, " I pro- 
pose to turn over the troops who yet remain in service with the respon- 
sibility to you, immediately, in such manner as may be most agreeable 
to the President.". This unhesitating and unconditional co-operation 
with the Confederate authorities should satisfy all fair-minded men that 
Gov. Brown in defending the principle for which he was fighting was 
governed by a high and commendable sense of duty, and was entirely 
consistent with a devotion to the cause and an energy in its mainte- 
nance, that were not surpassed in the whole vast extent of the struggle. 

Mr. Randolph telegfaphed to Gov. Brown to keep his troops together, 
and employ his State enrolling officers. Gov. Brown telegi-aphed on 
the 16th to Maj. Gen. Henry R. Jackson the expiration of his commandj 



FAREWELL ORDERS OP GEX. JACKSOiN' AXD GOV. BR0AV:N". 239 

and directing that the Brigade commanders under him with their com- 
mands report to Brig. Gen. Lawton. He tendered liis thanks to the 
officers and men for their patriotic conduct, and justly stated that " the 
works around the city of Savannah will relate to posterity the skill, in- 
telligence, energy and patriotism of the State troops of 1861-C3." Gen. 
Jackson, on the 16th, issued his order bidding farewell to his Division, 
in which he used these words: 

" Wliile he confesses to a keen disappointment in the disorganization of his command 
before it had encountered the enemy in battle, he feels strengthened by the conviction 
that whenever, or under whomsoever, its elements may be called into action, they will 
exhibit not only the heroism of Georgian's fighting for their liberties, but the force and 
efficiency of drilled and disciplined soldiers." 

Gov. Brown issued an order, which, like the farewell order of Gen. 
Jackson, is a touching and graceful expression of feeling. In it he used 
this remarkable language — remarkable in connection with the Con- 
script Act, in illustrating the conscientious purity of his position in re- 
gard to that measure, 

" The country is now in great peril, and the city of Savannah threatened with an 
early attack. Under these circumstances whatever may he your opinion or mine of the 
the luisdom or propriety of the Conscription Act, it behooves us all as Georgians and 
patriots, to sacrifice our personal interests, feelings and aspirations upon the altar of our 
common country. I therefore admonish each and every one of you, to perform in the 
future, as you have done in the past, all your duties as soldiers, with promptness and 
cheerfulness, and to remain in the service without regard to the expiration of your re- 
spective terms, till Savannah is safe, and the invaders driven from the soil of our be- 
loved State." 

Taking it all in all the episode of this gallant division of state troops 
was a right romantic one, and of striking interest, and its transfer was 
full of touching features. Called into existence under a doubtful 
authority, yet through a masterly prescience of the future in Gov. 
Brown, it was vindicated by the very emergency that he foresaw and 
that it remedied, and it was a crowning tribute to his daring readiness 
to assume responsibility for the public good. It was this quality in 
Gov. Brown that made him so valuable, so famous and so popular dur- 
ing the war. Signally clear-sighted and absolutely fearless, he uner- 
ringly divined future necessities, and fearlessly acted while other men 
deliberated. He did whatever he believed for the best, leaving con- 
sequences to take care of themselves. Nor was there any vacillation or 
looking back after he had acted. He shrank from no opposition or 
criticism, but confronted the logic of his deeds with unflinching intre- 
pidity. 



240 INJUSTICE AND BLUNDERING OF THE CONFEDERATE AUTHORITIES. 

The legislative battle over the State troops was a highly colored act 
of this lively drama. And it tested Gov. Brown's supreme nerve in 
adhering to his will. It looked as if the legislature would crush him 
out. It raised the black flag against him, nearly, and in its collective 
majesty thundered his destruction, its august aggregate of condemna- 
tion striking him in his single-handed isolation. But he stood like a 
rock, defied their arguments, recriminated their denunciation, and 
boldly appealed to the people. They sullenly yielded the victory, which 
he firmly clutched from their unwilling hands. But when the treasured 
fortification of Pulaski fell and the sea-board was beleaguered with 
fleets and armies, and the brave troops he had so long before called into 
service on his own audacious and questionably authorized volition 
stood the safe-guard and protection of Georgia's liberty, then did he 
receive the full meed of praise and gratitude due to what was heroic 
personal and official sense and courage. 

Perhaps the most interesting matter connected with this superb divis- 
ion of state forces, this noble little Georgia army was the generous self- 
sacrifice of its officers, who so promptly laid down their cherished 
commissions and with them the opportunity of that exalted ambition, 
which so largely enters into both the patriotism and military glory of 
the soldier's career. Can it be wondered that a directing administra- 
tion should finally fail that so wofully blundered as to throw over the 
superb officers who led this division, who had organized and dis- 
ciplined it, and who could point to a proud piece of handiwork, 
renounced in a lofty spirit of self-abnegation, that deserved recogni- 
tion. There was not in the comprehension of both armies a brighter 
galaxy of military spirits than the division and brigade commanders of 
this rare little force, and yet not one of them was retained by the Con- 
federate government, the command being received by regiments and 
battalions. It was a cruel injustice and a fatal folly. And the aggre- 
gate of such blunders helped the ultimate defeat. 

The injustice was especially reprehensible in connection with the 
heroic and capable commander of this superb division. Gen. Henry R. 
Jackson. In the Mexican war he had served with Mr. Davis, and there 
had been some intercourse not entirely smooth. Mr. Davis has been 
noted for carrying with him the memory of resentments. There would 
be no severe stretch of probabilities to read in the treatment of Gen. 
Jackson the invisible stimulus of an unforgotten prejudice. He had, 
in order to take this state command at the call of his native common- 
wealth, been forced to lay down his brigadiership, a leave of absence 



MAJOK GENERAL HENRY R. JACKSON. 241 

for that purpose having' been refused him by the Confederate govern- 
ment. He had wrought his division to superb organization and effi- 
ciency. In the hour of proud consummation he unmurmuringly yielded 
it up to the Confederate authorities to avoid embarrassment created by 
his rank, and retired to the ranks, even offering himself as a private 
in the company he had taken to Mexico. The people of Florida, 
through a committee, called for him to command there, but another was 
assigned to that duty. 

A Georgia delegation from the army of Tennessee applied for Gen. 
Jackson, but the President received the application in silence. When 
Gen. Cobb was ordered to the command of a military geographical 
division, embracing Florida and a part of Georgia, he wrote to Gen. 
Jackson to ascertain whether he would desire the command of a district 
under General Cobb, should a plan which he had submitted, dividing 
his command into two districts, be adopted. Gen. Jackson replied that 
he would be thankful for any position in the field, an.d wrote to Gen. 
Cooper, the Confederate Adjutant General, soliciting the appointment. 
Gen. Cooper replied in a brief note that, as the President did not 
approve of Gen. Cobb's plan, Gen. Jackson's " services were not 
needed." It was a strange- purpose that v/ithheld service from an 
eager, gallant, skilled and experienced officer of such consummate 
ability, who so urgently and variedly sought military duty. 

Gen. Jackson was finally restored tardily to his Brigadier's rank in 
the Confederate army when the ill-fated struggle was drawing to its 
close, and with a noble brigade skillfully handled, he accompanied 
Hood to Tennessee. He shone in every battle, and finally in the lines 
before Nashville he held his place until both flanks were driven back, 
and was captured by overwhelming numbers. He was retained as a 
prisoner of war until the surrender of the armies of the Confederacy, 
which occurred a few months afterwards, and thus honorably termi- 
nated the military career of this brave, accomplished and patriotic 
officer. 

Several incidents occurred that demonstrate Gov. Brown's quality of 
decision. Upon the issuance of Gov. Brown's order stopping the dis- 
tillation of whiskey. Col. Laughridge, the commanding colonel of the 
Murray county militia, not only denied the right of the Governor to 
issue the order, but himself disobeyed it by running a still. The Gov- 
ernor immediately ordered the arrest of Col. Laughridge, and he was 
court-martialed, convicted, and fined 1500. When the Governor ordered 

the seizure of salt, he took one thousand bushels belonging to A. K. 
16 



242 MES. MARY A. AVILLIAMS, AUTHOR OF DECORATION DAY. 

Seago of Atlanta. Mr. Seago was paid for his salt and receipted for the 
money. The salt was placed in charge of William Watkins, one of the 
military store-keepers of the State. Mr. Seago filed an action of Trover 
against Mr. Watkins, and made the necessary affidavit to put him under 
$32,000 bail. Gov. Brown promptly ordered the sheriff to release Mr. 
Watkins from arrest and abstain from any further proceedings, declar- 
ing that in time of war, with the enemy on our soil, he coiild not per- 
mit military operations to be hindered by civil authority. Learning 
that there was some talk of the sheriff refusing to obey the order, the 
Governor issued an additional instruction to Gen. W. P. Howard, com- 
manding the 1st Brigade of the 11th Division of the militia, to use any 
force necessary to prevent Watkins' incarceration in prison, or if im- 
prisoned, to release him and arrest the sheriff. This settled the matter 
and quieted the sheriff. ■ 

During the early part of 1862, two very valuable Georgians died, 
Col. C. J. Williams of Columbus, colonel of the 1st Georgia Regulars, 
and Col. Walter Ector of the 13th Georgia Infantry, both g'entlemen 
dying from disease incurred in the service in Virginia. Col. Williams 
stood very high in the State, and had been prominent in our politics. 
He had been Speaker of the House of R^resentatives. He had in a 
high degree, the confidence and esteem of Gov. Brown. His widow, 
Mrs. Mary A. Williams, originated the beautiful " Decoration Day " that 
has become an established custom of the country, North and South, 
since the war. And she also conceived and started into actual opera- 
tion, from Georgia to Virginia, the beneficent system of " Wayside 
Homes " for soldiers, that did so much good during the war. She was 
the daughter of Major John H. Howard, a noted politician and railroad 
president. In 1846, she presented a flag to the 1st Georgia regiment, 
commanded by Col. Henry R. Jackson, her prospective husband, C. J. 
Williams, being Major, whom she married after the Mexican war. She 
died in Columbus, at the house of her son, on the 15th of April, 1874, 
and was buried with military honors. Her grave is decorated every 
memorial day. She sent her only son to the war at fourteen years of 
age. In Appendix " C " will be found the original communication, 
written to the Columbus Times, suggesting the " Memorial Day " custom. 
A son of hers, C. H. Williams, is one of the leading journalists of the 
State, now publishing the Atlanta Gazette. 

Upon the refusal of Mr. Toombs to accept the election as Confederate 
States Senator, the Hon. Alfred Iverson, ex-United States Senator, pub- 
lished a letter declaring that he would not accept the appointment from 




MRS. MARY A. WILLIAMS, Author of the Decoration Day CuSTOia; 



THE AMUSING MISTAKE OF THE TYPES. 243 

Gov. Brown, the legislature having defeated him for the office. He 
took occasion to refer to his famous Griffin speech, to vs^hich reference 
has been made in this volume, and which elicited so much hostile com- 
mentary, and was declared to have buried him politically. In that 
speech he had declared for disunion on the ground that the abolitionists 
meant to destroy slavery, and separation alone would save slavery. He 
had been discarded for that. speech, but called attention to the verifica- 
tion of his views, and the fact that the people now stood with him. The 
concluding sentences of this letter of the distinguished ex-Senator are a 
striking expression of the confident spirit of the times, and like many 
other prophecies of that day, read incongruously in the light of the final 
result. In complacent review of his disunion efforts, Mr. Iverson thus 
spoke: 

" Our liberties will be won ; our government will be maintained ; our independence 
achieved and acknowledged by all nations. The blasts of 'wild war' will subside and 
gentle peace return to bless and smile upon our beloved Southern homes. Having con- 
tributed all in my poAver to bring about these glorious results, I ask no more than to 
enjoy in peace and quiet the blessings of freedom under a government for which mv 
heart has yearned for years." 

An amusing mistake occurred in connection with the patriotic spirit 
of the people as shown in the willingness expressed to strip their roofs 
to furnish material to mould into cannon. The matter was generally 
discussed. In the over-mastering desire to aid the cause, the people 
were ready to make any sacrifice and give up any property that could 
be used. The Adjutant General of the State, Gen. Henry C. Wayne, 
wrote to a Savannah lady in reply to an inquiry about utilizing brass 
and copper for manufacturing cannon. The letter was published in the 
Savannah News, and contained this expression: "I mention this that 
we may not have our wives stripped to no purposey The letter was 
widely copied and evoked a volley of comment and speculation as well 
as raillery. The Atlanta Commonwealth solemnly declared that " an 
official announcement "of the fact was uncalled for." It seems that the 
General's letter should have been printed with the word " roofs " in- 
stead of wives, which would have made the expression read, " I mention 
this that we may not have our roofs stripped to no purpose." The At- 
lanta Intelligencer stopped the very ridiculous agitation with an expla- 
nation of the matter, and trusted that the good wives of the country 
would be satisfied and pardon that printer's blunder. 

In April of this year, 1862, occurred a most audacious attempt of 
some Federal spies on the State road. The leader in it was a man by 



244 BOLD ATTEMPT TO DESTKOY THE STATE ROAD. 

the name of Andrews, who was at the head of a band of twenty-two 
men. He was a tall, black-bearded man, wearing a military black over- 
coat with a large cape. The object of the men was the destruction of the 
thirteen bridges on the Western and Atlantic railroad, besides general 
damage to the road. The project was more daring than feasible, or of 
any practical utility, as it contemplated injury that could so soon be 
remedied. But it illustrates the spirit of adventurous hazard that 
prompts bold men in war times. These men got on the train at Marietta 
and at Big Shanty, some twenty-five miles from Atlanta, uncoupled 
the engine and three cars from the passenger train while^the passengers 
were in at breakfast, and made for Chattanooga. Mr. W. A. Fuller, the 
conductor, with Mr. Anthony Murphy, the superintendent of the road 
shops, and the engineer JefP Cain, started on foot in pursuit. They soon 
reached a hand-car, and gathering reinforcements as they went along 
they pushed vigorously for the audacious depredators. It was a long 
and an exciting chase. At Acworth the track was blocked with forty 
or fifty cross-ties, and the telegraph wires were torn down for a quarter 
of a mile. Reinforced by another hand-car and ten more men, they 
swept on, to be tumbled in a ditch near Etowah by the torn-up track at 
a short curve. Here an engine was obtained belonging to- Hon. Mark 
A. Cooper, and also a coal car. At Kingston the artful spies had made 
up a story about carrying ammunition to Beauregard, and duped the 
switch keys from the agent. Here the Rome engine was obtained and 
they dashed on twenty-five minutes behind the bridge burners. 

Near Adairsville they came upon a torn track. Fuller and Murphy 
took it afoot and met the down train at Adairsville and turned its 
engine back, having to stop every short while to remove cross ties 
from the track. A mile and a half beyond Calhoun they came in sight 
of the flying fugitives, who dropped a car to stop the way. Near 
Resaca another car was detached. The indomitable Fuller switched 
these two cars on a sideling at Resaca and dashed on. The spies had 
loaded their remaining car with cross ties, and dumped them out at 
intervals to block the way. The trouble with the ready-witted fellows 
was that their steam was giving out. The oil-cans and everything 
else inflammable were hurled into the diminishing fire. In sight at 
Dalton and also at the Tunnel, they drove their engine to the last. 
At Dalton they piled up cross ties. At Ringgold the engine began 
to flag, and several miles beyond the race was over, though they ven- 
omously reversed their engine to collide with ours, and then they took 
to the woods. The pursuit through the country was as vigorously 



THE SPIES PUNISHED. 245 

pressed, mounted men having started out from Catoosa. Andrews 
when captured, offered $10,000 to be released. He had several thou- 
sand dollars on his person. The whole number of the spies, twenty- 
two, was caught and carried to Knoxville, where they were tried by 
a court martial convened by Gen. Ledbetter, commanding the post. 
Col. Leander W. Crook was President of the Court Martial. The 
prisoners were defended by Hon. John Baxter and Judge Gait. The 
man Andrews proposed the scheme to Gen. Mitchell at Shelbyville, and 
was to be paid 160,000 in gold if successful. Seven men of the 2nd 
Ohio regiment volunteered, and fourteen of the 21st Ohio Regiment 
were detailed on this duty. Andrews and the seven volunteers, named 
Wm. Campbell, Geo. D. Wilson, M. A. Ross, P. G. Shadrack, Samuel 
Slavens, S. Robinson, and John Scott were convicted, and hung near 
Atlanta. Andrews was executed in June, 1862, near Walton Spring, 
and the others south-east of the Atlanta cemetery. The 14 detailed 
men were not tried, and afterwards were regularly exchanged. The 
father of M. A. Ross, who lives in Christianburg, Ohio, came for his 
son's body after the war. Col. W.- J. Lawton was commanding the 
Post of Atlanta at the time, and O. Winningham was the officer of 
the day. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 
A GLOOMY CHAPTER OF WAR'S RAVAGE. 

Georgia had Done her Whole Duty. — Negroes for Coast Fortifications. — Gov. Brown's 
Strong Message on Conscription. — Sentiment Conflicting — Conscription Tested 
Judicially. — A Warm Time in the Legislature. — Linton Stephens' Great Speech. — 
Calumny by the Governor upon the Supreme Court Charged by Judge Cabaniss. — C. 
S. Senators Elected.— Called Session of the General Assembly.— The Stupendous 
Measure of the State assuming the Confederate War Debt.— Gov. Brown against it. 

Appalhug Figures of Indigence. — Desperate War Stress. — A Beautiful Incident of 

Gov. Brown. — He gives his surplus Corn to the Poor.— Large Loss of Georgians. — 
Gen. T. R. R. Cobb Killed —Gen. Lee's Exquisite and Toucliiug Letter.— Ben. Hill 
the Prop of Davis' Administration. — The Curious Interweaving of the Lives of 
Hill and Brown,— Gov. Brown's Rare Joke.— The Militia Officers put in the 
Ranks. — Tory Troubles 

The Legislature held its second annual session, beginning Novem- 
ber 6th, 1863, under much brighter auspices than its session of 1861. 
The Confederate cause was in the ascendant. We had achieved some 
great victories in Virginia, Lee defeating McClellan, Pope and Burnside 
in swift succession. Stonewall Jackson had dazzled the continent by his 
marvelous triumphs. Shiloh in Tennessee and Elkhorn in Missouri 
had adorned Southern valor. Bragg had made his brilliant Kentucky 
incursion. Confederate prowess had been illustrated by success in 
grand battles against great odds. William L. Yancey, who had been 
sent as a Commissioner to Europe to induce intervention if possible, 
returned stating that the people of that continent were against us on 
account of slavery. This enunciation, j>ublicly made, had satisfied the 
South that we must depend upon ourselves for independence. And 
the splendid successes of our arms had inspired us with buoyant con- 
fidence in our ability to triumph. 

Georgia had done her whole duty. She had sent 75,000 men to the 
field. We had sixty-one infantry regiments, five cavalry regiments, six- 
teen infantry battalions, three cavalry battalions, two legions and four 
ranger battalions, besides scattering companies and large numbers of 
individual soldiers sent under the conscription act to fill up existing 
companies. Our cavalry regiments were: 

1st Georgia Cavalry, Colonel J. J. Morrison. 

2nd " " " W. J. Lawton. 



GEORGIA REGIMENTS, 247 

3d Georgia Cavalry, Colonel M. J. Crawford. 
4th " « " I. W. Avery. 

5 th Partisan Rangers, " S. J. Smith. 
The cavalry battalions were commanded by Lieut. Colonel Charles 
Spalding, Major M. Camming and Major D. L. Clinch. The Fourth 
Georgia Cavalry was organized under Confederate authority. The germ 
of it was the Georgia Mountain Dragoons, raised by Capt. I. W. Avery, 
in Whitfield county. It was increased by Capt. Avery, first to the 
23d Battalion of Georgia cavalry, and then to the 4th Georgia cavalry 
regiment. The Dragoons participated in the campaign of Gen. Albert 
Sidney Johnson, including the battle of Shiloh. Girardey's Georgia 
Battery also fought in that battle. The Dragoons were an independent 
scouting company connected with Gen. Hardee, and was once compli- 
mented by Gen, Beauregard, commanding the array, for penetrating 
the Federal army lines and bringing out important information at a 
critical time. The following infantry regiments we had in addition to 
those reported at the opening of the session last year: 

26th Regiment, Colonel W. H. Atkinson. 

27th « " L. B. Smith. 

28th « " T. J. Warthen. 

29th « « W. J. Young. 

30th « « D. J. Bailey. 

31st « « C. A. Evans. 

32d « « Geo. P. Harrison, Jr. 

33d « « A. Littlefield. 

34th « " J. A. W. Johnson. 

35th « " E. L. Thomas. 

36th « « J. A. Glenn. 

37th « « A. F. Rudler. 

38th « « George W. Lee. 

39th « « J. J. McConnell. 

40th « « Abda Johnson. 

41st « « C. A. McDaniel. 

42d « « R. Henderson. 

43d « « Skid Harris. 

44th « « R. A. Smith. 

45th " " Thomas Hardeman. 

46th « « P. H. Colquitt. 

47th « « G. W. M. Williams. 

48th « « Wm. Gibson. 



'■248 AVAR MEASURES IX GEORGIA. 

49th I\cg-imont, Colonel A. J. Lane. 

oOth " " W. R. Manning-. 

51st " " W. ]\I. Slaughter. 

6M " " AVier Boyd. 

o3d " " L. T. Doyal. 

54tli " " C. H. Way. 

55th « " C. B. Harlde. 

oGth " " E. P. Watkins. 

Srth " " W. Barkaloo. 

59th " " Jack Brown. 

• 60th " " W. H. Stiles. 

While our Georgia coast was constantly threatened, the summer had 
witnessed comparative quiet on account of our warm climate. Tlie fall 
brought more activity. The Brigadier General in command, H. W. 
Mercer, had made strenuous efforts to get Savannah and other points 
properly entrenched and fortified. He had called upon the Confederate 
authorities for assistance, which was refused. He had then appealed to 
Gov. Brown, who issued a proclamation asking the planters to promise 
a portion of their slaves for such work. The response was meager. 
And when the legislature met the necessity for labor to complete the 
defenses of Savannah was reported to the body. 

Gov. Brown's message gave to the General Assembly the military 
work of the xenr in Georgia. Of the five millions appropriation 
$2,081,004 had been expended: 8,000 state troops had been employed 
and supported for six months; the state's quota of Confederate war 
tax, 82,-494:,113.41, had been paid; a state armory had been established 
in the Penitentiary which was turning out 125 good arms a month; and 
arrangements had been made in Virginia for the manufacture of salt. 
The Governor recommended measures for the prevention of the distilla- 
tion of grain; provision for soldiers' families; the seizure of factories 
and tanneries to furnish clothing- for the soldiers; a tax upon cotton to 
prevent its production; the continuance of state military; and the 
appropriation of three millions for military purposes. 

Governor Brown sent a special message to the General Assembly 
upon the subject of conscription. The Confederate Congress had 
passed an additional act, extending conscription to embrace all men 
between 35 and 45 years, and compelling them to enter old organiza- 
tions until they were filled to a maximum number. Gov. Brown had 
immediately written to Mr. Davis that he should not permit enrollment 
under the new law the few weeks until tlie Leo'islature met and acted 



THE GRKAT COXSCRIl'TIOX ISSUE. 249 

on the subject, as it would practically disband his state militia, and 
urged Mr. Davis to call for the troops he wished as he was authorized 
to do under the old laws. His special message furnished to the Legis- 
lature a copy of his letter to Mr. Davis, and proceeded to discuss the 
whole suVjject in a lengthy paper of surpassing ability, presenting the 
issue whether Georgia, ready to furnish more than her quota of men 
and means, should submit to a method of enlistment that degraded her 
soldiers and violated the very state sovereignty for which the war was 
inaugurated. He covered the ground embraced in his correspondence 
with Mr. Davis, a summary of which has been given before in this 
volume. 

This clear vigorous message created a profound sensation and a con- 
flicting variety of comment. There was little difference of opinion 
upon the illegality of conscription. But there was a decided conflict 
upon the policy of insisting upon state rights and constitutional re- 
strictions in the existing emergencies of the war. And there was also 
a fixed diversity of view upon the policy of conscription. Some of the 
ablest men in the State thought with Governor Brown, among them the 
iStephens brothers. Gen. Toombs, ex-Go v. Johnson and others. The 
'Cobbs, Mr. Hill, and others were for sustaining conscription. A case 
was made before Judge Thomas and another before Judge Iverson L. 
Harris, to test the constitutionality of conscription. Judge Thomas 
decided it unconstitutional, and Judge Harris sustained its constitution- 
ality. Both decisions were able and elaborate. The case decided by 
Judge Harris of Asa O. Jeffers conscript, versus John Fair, enrolling 
officer, was carried to the Supreme Court, and the decision of the con- 
stitutionality of conscription affirmed, Judge Jenkins delivering the 
opinion. The court held, however, that the officers of the State were 
not subject to conscription. 

A warm discussion of the matter was precipitated in the General 
Assembly by a message frr m Gov. Brown on the lyth of November, 
1862, communicating the fact that an incursion of Federal negro soldiers 
had been made in Camden county, and property destroyed and ladies 
insulted. Col. Henry Floyd, commanding the Camden militia, asked 
leave to call out the militia to defend the county. Doubting his 
authority under the Conscription Act, and its approval by the Georgia 
Supreme Court to call out the militia. Gov. Brown requested the legis- 
lature to give direction in the matter and instruct him whether as Gov- 
ernor he had the right to use the militia to defend our imperiled 
homes. He stated in this message that the decision of our Supreme 



250 LINTON STEPHENS' GREAT SPEECH, 

Court had been made under heavy outside pressure, and the counsel on 
both sides had agreed in their individual opinion that the decision 
should be made as it was made. 

The Senate promptly passed a resolution authorizing the Governor 
to call out the militia. The resolution was immediately transmitted to 
the House and there occasioned an able and warm debate. Strange to 
say there was opposition to the resolution. Judge Cochran moved a 
substitute to inform the Secretary of War and ask help, and in the mean- 
time to call out the militia. Judge Cabaniss moved the reference of 
the whole matter to the military committee, which was done. On the 
14th the military committee reported, adopting the part of Judge 
Cochran's substitute that called on the Secretary of War, but instead of 
authorizing the call of the militia, in the meantime resolving to take 
immediate action upon bills then pending. The discussion that ensued 
upon this matter continued for days, and was marked by a good deal 
of bitterness. 

Judge Linton Stephens made a speech of great power, taking strong 
ground against the Conscription Act. He showed that conscription 
had been put upon the country " from no necessity, from no conviction 
of necessities, but from premeditation and deliberation." This speech 
was, perhaps, the finest ever made by this sinewy debater, and made a 
profound impression. He defended Governor Brown from the charge 
made by Judge Cabaniss, that the Governor had uttered a calumny upon 
the supreme court, a charge showing the heat that was pervading the 
discussion. The interesting question was also sprung that the decision 
of the court was not binding upon the legislature, which was a coordi- 
nate power of the government. Mr. Norwood replied to Mr. Stephens 
with great vigor and ability. The debate went on for days. Some idea 
may be formed of the interest it excited and the intensity of feeling 
that existed from the fact, that at the election for Confederate States 
Senator on the 18th of November the issue was openly raised by Mr, 
Whittle as to the position of the candidates on the conscript law and 
the decision of tlie supreme court. This was after the first ballot, which 
had resulted in: H. V. .Johnson, 84 votes; James Jackson, 59; R. Toombs, 
24; Howell Cobb, 6; T. R. R. Cobb, 12; Alfred Iverson, 3; A. H. Chap- 
pell, 1; Wm. Dougherty, 1; J. W. Lewis, 7; J. E. Brown, 1; A« R. 
Wright, 1; H. V. M. Miller, 2. 

None of the gentlemen voted for had been put in nomination but H. 
V. Johnson and James Jackson. When Mr. Whittle sprung the con- 
scription issue, Mr. Vason remonstrated against such an issue. Mr. 



H. V. JOHNSON ELECTED CONFEDERATE STATES SENATOR. 251 

Whittle said that he understood Gov. Johnson to believe the conscrip- 
tion act unconstitutional, but he would support the law and the 
administration. Judge Jackson and Mr. Cobb favored the law and 
sustained the administration, Mr. J. H. R. Washington and Mr. Candler 
both thought the discussion inappropriate, while Mr. Stephens protested 
against the proceeding as extraordinary and out of place, and calculated 
to convert the legislative hall into a hustings and to draw party lines. 
The second ballot gave the election of Herschell V. Johnson, he receiv- 
ing 111 votes; Jackson, 40; Dougherty, 24, and Toombs, 14. 

The House appears never to have acted on the Camden county matter. 
The joint committee on the State of the Republic made majority and 
minority reports on the conscript law. The majority report was pre- 
sented by Judge E. A. Cochran, chairman, and declared that the Con- 
federate government could not raise armies by compulsion, only through 
requisitions on the states, leaving each state to exercise such compulsion 
as may be necessary in her own case and to appoint officers; and all laws 
of the Confederate Congress using direct compulsion without requisition 
and impairing the right of the states to choose officers were unconsti- 
tutional. The majority report, however, declared that Georgia would 
furnish her just quota of troops and leave the conscription acts undis- 
turbed, reserving such rightful remedies as may be demanded by future 
emergencies. 

Judge E, G, Cabaniss presented the minority report, signed by him- 
self and J. A. L. Lee, S. L. Barber, W. J. Reese, Z. B. Hargrove, Geo. S. 
Black, Peter E, Love, O. L. Smith, L. D. Carlton and Geo. T. Barnes, 
This report declared the Conscript Acts constitutional, recommended 
acquiescence in the decision of the Supreme Court, and that the Gov- 
ernor countermand all orders suspending the execution of the Conscript 
Act, These reports were discussed in both houses by the ablest men, 
and numerous substitutes were offered, but the legislature adjourned on 
the 13th of December, 1862, without taking any action, to convene on 
the 4th Wednesday in April, The General Assembly passed acts limit- 
ing the cultivation of cotton to three acres to a hand; appropriating 
$500,000 to supply the people with salt; $100,000 for cotton" cards; 
$545,000 to obstruct our rivers; $400,000 for the Georgia Relief and 
Hospital Association; $1,500,000 for clothing for our soldiers; $2,500,- 
000 for the support of the indigent widows and families of deceased or 
disabled soldiers; $1,000,000 for a military fund; $300,000 to remove 
indigent white non-combatants from any part of the State threatened 
with invasion. This aggregated over six millions appropriated for war 



252 ASSUMING THE CONFEDEKATE WAR DEBT. 

purposes. The Governor was authorized to raise two regiments for 
home defense, and to impress hands to perfect the defenses around Sa- 
vannah. The General Assembly further passed a resolution that 
" Savannah should never be surrendered, but defended street by street 
and house by house, until if taken, the victors' spoils should be alone a 
heap of ashes." 

Just before the adjournment of the legislature, Governor Brown sent 
in a message urging that some action be taken to secure to our volun- 
teers the right which they were seeking to elect their own officers in 
vacancies occurring in regiments already in service. But nothing was 
done. 

Gov. Brown convened the legislature by special proclamation, on the 
25th of March, 1863. This was done to urge that the law be altered 
allowing the planters to cultivate three acres of cotton to the hand. The 
great question of the revolution was one of Bread, and the farmers 
must produce bread and not cotton. In his message this matter and 
others were discussed. The project was mooted at that time of the 
states assuming the Confederate war debt, and several states, Alabama, 
Florida, Mississippi and South Carolina had agreed to do this. Gover- 
nor Brown opposed the policy with wonderful acumen, taking ground 
for giving aid to the Confederate government by direct taxation. This 
measure occasioned a heavy struggle in the General Assembly. There 
were majority and minority reports and debates and substitutes innu- 
mei'able, but finally a bill authorizing the guarantee of the bonds of 
the Confederate States on Georgia's proportionate share of 1200,000,- 
000 was defeated by four votes. 

The fund of two and a half millions for the indigent families of sol- 
diers was distributed between the two sessions, and the distribution 
reported at the March session. The figures are interesting and pathet- 
ically demonstrative of the devotion of our people to the cause and the 
ravages of that great war among our patriotic population. The vast 
total of the unfortunate beneficiaries of this generous fund was 84,119. 
Of this terrible number of war indigents, 45,718 were children, and 
22,637 kins-women of poor living soldiers; 8,492 were orphans, and 4,003 
widows of deceased and killed soldiers, and 550 were helpless soldiers, 
disabled in service. These are appalling figures for less than two years' 
warfare for a single state of the Union, and they testify with over- 
whelming emphasis to the awful magnitude and destructiveness of the 
struggle. No words can bear such impressive witness to the deadly 
drift and extent of that revolution as these simple statistics. 



Georgia's desperate stress. 253 

The plain, unvarnished truth is that the pressure of that day was 
something desperate. Georgia had three-fourths of her voting popu- 
lation fighting in other States, who were clamoring for proper clothing 
and food. Her own borders were threatened by a merciless enemy. 
And poverty and destitution were raging among her people. The 
orders and appeals with which the papers were filled, will afford some 
conception of the stress. There were calls for troops, orders for desert- 
ers, appeals upon appeals for clothing and shoes, proclamations doling 
out salt by the half bushel, savage prohibitions of whiskey distillation, 
impressments of negroes for fortifications, begging for hospital funds, 
lists of dead and wounded and diseased soldiers. It was a dolorous 
and incessant activity. Every heart and every hand were busily at 
work, thinking, toiling, straining in the single, overshadowing cause of 
brutal war. 

Gov. Brown devoted himself with an herculean and grandlv self- 
abnegating zeal to the war. A beautiful incident is related of him, that 
touches even at this long day, from its occurrence. He went up to his 
farm in Cherokee for a day, in March, 18G3. A gentleman on officia. 
business followed him. As he neared the farm, the gentleman overtook 
a large number of wagons and carts, and foot passengers, going the 
same way as himself. When he arrived at his destination he found a 
host of other vehicles and people, and Gov. Brown in. person, engaged 
at his corn crib in the gratuitous distribution of some four thousand 
dollars' worth of corn and shucks to the poor people of the county in 
proportion to the size of their families and their wants. These people 
receiving his generous bounty were the families of the soldiers from 
Cherokee county, and he was giving to them every bushel of his sur- 
plus corn. Said the narrator of this incident: 

" The sight was a most grateful one to our traveler, who came back to Atlanta, im- 
jiressed with the double conviction of Gov. Brown being not only a good Governor, but 
a good man. The grateful tears wliich he saw in the eyes of the good women of Chero- 
kee who were being made the recipients of Gov. Brown's patriotic liberality, made an 
impressioji upon liim wliich he says will be lasting, and which has tauglit him not to 
be chary in his charities in the future." 

It is little to be wondered at that Gov. Brown had gained such a 
hold upon the masses of the people in that dreadful time. He not 
only drove straight to practical success in every measure he urged or 
attempted, but he gave practical daily evidence of his sympathy with 
the wants and sufferings of the unfortunate. He showed the most 
subtle perception of the popular wishes, and at the same time he boldly 



254 GEX. lee's tribute to GEX. T. R. R. COBB. 

ignored the trammels and circumlocution of official red tape. Every 
controversy he had w^ith any authority or power but strengthened him 
with the masses, and was a battle in their interest. In the Camden 
county matter, he was protecting the coast, and the delay and oppo- 
sition of the General Assembly but magnified his own daring and eager 
readiness to go to the aid of the alarmed. His fight against conscrip- 
tion was for the two-fold purpose of vindicating the cherished sover- 
ignty of the State, and assuring to our volunteers a recognition of their 
rights and manhood. Add to all this, unquestioned championship 
of the people's wishes and interests, his boldness and common-sense 
genius, and then cap the whole with his unsolicited devotion of his 
means to a generous charity, and it would have been a marvel if he had 
not clutched the public heart with a resistless grasp. 

During the year 1862, the Georgia troops suffered very much. Gen- 
erals Toombs, Lawton, and Ranse Wright were all wounded, and Col. 
C. A. McDaniel of the 41st Georgia, and Gen. T. R. R. Cobb were 
killed. The death of Gen. Cobb was the occasion of the following 
beautiful and feeling letter from Gen. Lee. 

" Camp neak Fredericksburg, | 
Dec. 18, 1862. ) 

" Gen. Plowell Cobb. General, I beg leave to express my deep sympathy in your great 
sorrow. Your noble and gallant brother has met a soldier's death, and God grant that 
this army and our country may never be called upon to mourn so great a sacrifice. 

"Of his merits, his lofty intellect, his accomplishments, his professional fame, and 
above all his Christian character, I need not speak to you who knew him so intimately 
and well. But as a patriot and soldier death has left a deep gap in the army, which 
his military aptitude and skill render it hard to fill. In the battle of 'Fredericksburg he 
won an immortal fame for himself and his brigade. Hour after hour he held his posi- 
tion in front of our batteries, while division after division of the enemy was hurled 
against him. He announced the determination. of himself and his men never to leave their 
post until the enemy was beaten, and with unshaken courage and fortitude he kept his 
promise. 

" May God give consolation to his afflicted family, and may the name and fame of the 
Christian statesman and soldier be cherished as a bright example and holy remembrance. 

" With great esteem, your obt. svt., 

" E. E. LEE." 

Such a letter as this from the moderate and pure-souled Lee, using 
words so strong, is a crown of honor worthy of all esteem. Consider- 
ing the source and the terms it is as high a panegyric as any man ever 
won. Less for its beauty, great as that is, than its inspiration and 
truth, should it be valued. The two men, Bartow and Cobb, were a 
glorious brace, of martyrs that Georgia gave to the cause of Southern 



GOVEEISrOR BROWN AND BEN HILL. 255 

liberty, and it was an ominous incident that these two men, who thus 
grandly yet uselessly perished, were the two most representative cham- 
pions and zealous enthusiasts in the Disunion movement. Purer men 
never gave up life in any cause. 

It was at this time that Hon. Benjamin H, Hill became prominent as 
the congressional prop of the Confederate administration. And from 
this time on no man in the Confederate Congress was more potential 
with that administration. Georgia, in Mr. Hill, resumed her influence 
in the direction of the revolution. Closely linked to Mr. Davis in sym- 
pathy, a constant and devoted personal friend and official adviser, 
entrusted with frequent and important missions of delicacy, a brilliant 
and earnest defender and exponent of the Confederate policy, through 
the remaining two lurid years of the struggle, Mr. Hill and Mr. Davis 
stood in a warm cooperation with each other. Georgia could not evade 
her inevitable destiny of leadership in this war. Mr. Hill came to 
Georgia and made to the Legislature a magnificent speech in favor of 
conscription, and in it he handled Gov. Brown with the gloves off. 

It has been curious how interwoven have been the political careers of 
Governor Brown and Mr. Hill, sometimes antagonistically, and then in 
a remarkable harmony. When Gov. Brown first ran for Governor it 
was Mr. Hill whose glittering oratory, his homely but magnetic common 
sense vanquished. It was Mr. Hill's burning utterances that vitalized 
the next campaign of Governor Brown, though he was not the fig'ure- 
head as before. In Reconstruction days Brown and Hill locked shields 
in a famous encounter of brains. And to-day, in warm accord, they 
focalize the celebrity due to two masterful senators of the United 
States, splendid complements to each other's rare and most different 
endowments. In that day of conscription, Hill, representing the Davis 
policy, came at Brown with hard blows. Brown struck back as he 
always strikes, with vigor. And he rather obtained the advantage of 
Mr. Hill, who made the mistake of giving his argument a personal 
direction. The flaw in Mr. Hill's logic was that he voted against the 
conscription in Congress, which he was so ably advocating, and Gov. 
Brown used it unsparingly. No man ever had a keener perception of 
the weak places in the armor of his foemen than Gov. Brown, nor 
drove the hammer upon the flaws more mercilessly. 

The adjournment of the legislature without any action upon con- 
scription left Gov. Brown uninstructed. He had refused to let his 
militia officers be enrolled as conscripts, the Supreme Court having 
held that they were not subject, and the clamor was very boisterous 



25G GovEE^roR brown orders the militia officers out. 

The opposition press rang with abuse of his favoritism to his pets. He 
took the storm of abuse with his wonted coolness, and soon gave his 
abusers a dose of practical punishment that created a lively clatter. 
Gen. Beauregard was commanding the Southern coast. Savannah was 
threatened in February, and Gov. Brown was called on for help. It 
was a rare inspiration, blending a grim patriotism with a certain rich- 
flavored humor, that led the Governor to order his whole legion of 
militia officers, from the Generals down to the humblest company rank, 
into service at Savannah. The order was perfect in its lively details. 
It transformed Major Generals into Captains of companies, turned 
Brigadiers into Lieutenants and Captains and Lieutenants into pri- 
vates. If any officers refused to go, their exemption from conscription 
was incontinently withdrawn. This novel order commanded immediate 
service, and it concluded with these inimitable words: 

" The high character, intelligence and military training of the persons of whom this 
force will be composed, justifies the expectation entertained by the Commander-in- 
Chief, that they will not only render the State the most effective service in this hour of 
trial, but that they will display an intrepidity of valor upon the battle field, which will 
make them invincible, and will satisfy all that injustice has been done the militia officers 
of Georgia by those who have doubted their willingness to sacrifice their lives, if need 
be, in the defense of their State." 

This order created a wonderful sensation in the State. Even the 
opposition press gave in to its felicity and relished and approved it. 
A grin, so to speak, spread over the State, that added a tinge of 
relief to the impending horrors of invasion and the darkness of a really 
grave situation. The papers commented upon it spicity, and Governor 
Brown with a stern complacency surveyed the conclusive effect of his 
happy order. Men that had reviled him for shielding favorites from 
conscription, frankly owned that they were mistaken, and that he had 
shown that he was actuated by an honest desire to maintain the con- 
stitutional rights of the State. The Macon Telegraph, a persistent 
opposer of Gov. Brown, declared that it was a good conception of his, 
that it would give new vigor to the volunteer movement, and that the 
example of officers shouldering their guns and taking place in the 
ranks as privates, would stimulate the spirit of self-sacrifice in all 
classes. And Mr, Clisby, the editor of that paper, with a fine humor 
that belonged to him, gave a vivid account of the effect of the order 
upon the astounded militia officers. The Confederate authorities had 
conceded to Gov. Brown the exemption of these militia officers from 
conscription, and they were taken aback at this reduction in rank and 



TORY TROUBLE IS NORTH-EAST GEORGIA. 257 

summary injection into service. They obeyed promptly, however, and 
reported in Savannah, but the emergency passed and they were sent 
back home subject to recall if required. 

At this time also began trouble in the north-eastern counties of the 
State, Rabun, Union, Gilmer and adjoining counties, that continued 
more or less to the end of the war. At the beginning there was some 
Union feeling in that section that threatened formidable resistance to 
secession, and which as we have shown, was quieted by Governor 
Brown's admirable tact. That section in the latter part of 1862 and 
the first part of 1863 became the refuge of a band of deserters and 
Union sympathizers, who organized a rebellion on their own account 
against Confederate authority and the peace of the State. They plun- 
dered about generally. Gov. Brown issued his proclamation outlawing 
these men, and sent Maj. Gait and Maj. Wynn, commanding detach- 
ments of reserve infantry and cavalry, to break up the mischief. These 
officers seized some 50 of the ring leaders, headed by a deserter named 
Jeff Anderson, returned some 200 men directly to their commands, and 
hustled out fully 2,000 absentees. 

The year 1862 ended with one dollar of gold being equal to three and 
four of Confederate money. Our Confederate currency was rapidly 
depreciating, and patriotic men in vain resisted it. For instance, a 
public meeting was held in Macon, presided over by that noble gentle- 
man and distinguished ex-Judge, Thaddeus G. Holt, to devise means to 
strengthen the money of the new nation. Provisions and clothing had 
nearly quadrupled in value. One of the greatest obstacles that the 
South had to contend against in the war was the speculation that was 
constantly made in the 'staples of life. The General Assembly of 
Georgia constantly fought against it. In nothing did Gov. Brown more 
signalize himself than in his unsparing warfare against the speculators 
and extortioners. He stopped at nothing to thwart their infamous 
schemes and disappoint their subtle calculations. He seized their 
hoards without mercy, and struck down their nefarious projects. 



17 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

THE INCREASING WAR FEVER OF 1863. 

The Average of 1863 against the South. — Gov. Brown Wished to Eetire. — His Con- 
scription for Governor Irresistible — The Augusta Constitutionalist Leads Off. — 
An Urgent Letter from some Augusta Gentleman calls Gov. Brown Out. — Brown's 
Letter. — Joshua Hill and Timothy Furlow against BroAvn. — A Triangular Fight. — 
Foreign Comment. — " Model War Governor." — Brown Elected the Fourth Time. 
— Confederate Congressmen. — The Legislature of 1863-4. — Its Personelle. — Gov. 
Brown's Clarion Inaugural. — His Message. — Military Changes. — John B. Gordon 
Ilising into Fame. — Gen. Toombs. — Longstreet's View of Toombs. — Gov. Brown 
and Hon. James Seddon. — Gov. Brown's Second Memorable Controversy. — Gov. 
Brown and Mr. A. Fullarton, the British Consul. — A Spicy Correspondence. — Gov. 
Brown's Interest in the Soldiers. — His Part in the Missionary Mass Meeting and 
Baptist Convention. — Forest's Capture of Speight. — The Eepulse by Fort McAl- 
lister. 

The year 1863 was one of increasing war-strain in Georgia. It 
was marked by an heroic monotony of sacrifices and service. At short 
intervals came demands for troops, to which our unconquerable men re- 
sponded with a gladsome readiness and in every case far beyond the 
call. The Federal Government bent to the conflict with the energy of 
a giant. Congress voted Lincoln five hundred millions of money, and 
three millions of soldiers to whip the fight. On the first of January 
Lincoln issued his famous Emancipation Proclamation. The South 
met the colossal storm unquailingly. The year went on in blended vic- 
tory and disaster, but the average was against us. We lost Tennessee, 
that luxuriant land of milk and honey, the bounteous paradise of the 
soldiers' campaigning. Vicksburg fell, and the Confederacy at one 
stroke was riven into two fragments, split and cleft hopelessly asunder. 
The battle of Gettysburg was fought and lost, grandest fight and most 
disastrous defeat of the war, and deadly ending of the only formidable 
invasion of northern territory made by the South. Stonewall Jackson, 
that wonderful warrior, was fatally wounded by our own men and lost 
to the Confederacy. We won the battle of Chickamauga, fateful River 
OF Death, but failing to follow it up, a terribly punished foe rallied 
and gathered his forces, and the cruel blistering, inexcusable defeat of 
Missionary Ridge by Gen. Grant, closed the year with our Western 



gover:n'or brown conscripted for a fourth term. 259 

army shattered and demoralized at Dalton, and the besom of devastation 
hovering" at Chattanooga upon our own beloved State. 

Our regular biennial election came on this year of 1863. The press- 
ure upon Governor Brown had been superhuman. He had been very 
ill once or twice during- his term. It was his wish to retire from the 
gubernatorial chair. But again the people, with a spontaneous and deep- 
voiced earnestness, called upon him to serve for a fourth term. It was 
a grand tribute to the man and the officer, to the individual, the patriot 
and the Governor. Despite his innumerable conflicts, that bred antago- 
nisms against him hot and fierce, and many of them implacable, the 
masses of the people clamored for him to continue in his great trust. 
Letters from all parts of the state poured upon him, beseeching him to 
remain. Journals that had opposed him insisted upon his re-election. 
Distinguished, officers of the army wrote to him to consent to serve. 
The movement for his re-election appears to have been started by that 
powerful paper, the Augusta Constitutionalist, which had been almost 
uniformly opposed to him. This journal, early in the year, came out in 
a strong editorial and candidly admitted that in a 

" Great crisis, a time of much peril and excitement, with new revokitionarj phases con- 
tinually presenting themselves, he has administered affairs with singular wisdom, justice 
and success, has maintained the character, credit, rights and honor of Georgia and her 
people, and aided largelj^ to bring the great struggle in which we are engaged to a suc- 
cessful and triumphant issue." 

On the IGth day of May, 1863, Messrs. George Schley, B. H. Warren, 
James Gardner and Robt. H. May of Augusta, addressed a letter to 
Gov. Brown asking him to allow his nam.e to be used. They stated that 
they had differed with him on many points of public policy, but appre- 
ciating his honesty of purpose, his adherence to the welfare and charac- 
ter of Georgia, and his devotion to the interest and comfort of our 
soldiers, as lovers of our country, they believed they could best promote 
her cause by merging all past differences in Gov. Brown's re-election. 
Gov, Brown replied on the 21st of May that he would serve if elected. 
He said that he had desired the position in time of peace. He had 
been gratified. He could not now decline its responsibilities in time of 
trouble. He alluded to the main ground of objection that had been 
urged against him, that he had opposed the Confederate administration 
on its conscription policy. He had done it conscientiously, under an 
honest difference of opinion. He frowned upon any attempt to build 
vip an opposition party to the Confederate administration. He also 
opposed any reconstruction of the old Union. 



260 BROWK, JOSHUA HILL, AKD T. M, FUELOW. 

There is some interesting secret history connected with Gov. Brown's 
fourth candidacy for Governor, that has never been in print. The facts 
were furnished by Col. P. Thweatt. Gov. Brown had decided not to 
run, and called a meeting of a large number of his friends at the- 
executive mansion to whom he announced his purpose. Gov. Brown 
wished Gen. Toombs to be Governor, and induced Col. Thweatt and 
other friends to canvass his chances, and after a careful scrutiny it was 
believed that Mr. Toombs' trouble with Mr. Davis would prevent his 
election. Gov. Brown was very warmly attached to Gen. Toombs, and 
earnestly desired his election, and reluctantly gave up the idea of his 
candidacy. At the meeting of friends, among whom were Col. Thweatt, 
Mr. Seward of Thomas, Mr. Gordon of Chatham, I. R. Foster of Chero- 
kee and Gen. Wayne, Gov. Brown announced his resolution not to run, 
and asked them to look about for some one else. It was moved to 
appoint a committee, and an additional motion was made that Col. 
Thweatt be added to it. Col, Thweatt declined to take any part in the 
matter, expressing the opinion, that none of the gentlemen proposed 
could be elected, and urging Gov. Brown, if he wished to take care of 
and sustain his friends, to withdraw his determination and let his friends 
run him again. This stopped further action. And Gov. Brown, under 
the strong pressure, yielded his inclinations and ran the fourth time. 
Col. Thweatt says, that until Gen. Toombs assailed Gov. Brown in 1868 
he never had a warmer or more devoted friend than Gov. Brown. 

This acceptance placed Gov. Brown before the people again. The 
opposition sought to get out a number of gentlemen. Gen. Gartrell, 
Gen. Colquitt, Judge Cabiniss and Judge Jenkins were all pressed to 
run, but declined. Finally the Atlanta Gazette put out the name of 
Hon. Joshua Hill, and stated authoritatively that he would serve if 
elected, but that he would not send forth nor deliver any address. The 
Rome Southerner hoisted Mr. Hill's name. The Atlanta Gazette 
ominously expired before the election. A pretty heavy fusillade was 
made against Mr. Hill, that he was in favor of a reconstruction of the 
Union. Messrs. George W. Adair, Jno. J. Thrasher and James W. 
Calhoun of Atlanta, addressed him a letter about this charge, to which 
he replied denying it, but making no announcement of policy. 

The Milledgeville Recorder put out the name of the Hon. Timothy 
Furlow, and that gentleman accepted in a letter declaring vigorously for 
the support of Mr. Davis and his administration. Thus stood the 
triangular contest. It was inspired by a shrewd policy. Mr. Hill was 
the representative of the conservative element and the rallying point for 



GOVERNOR BROWX ELECTED GOVERNOR THE FOURTH TERM. 2G1 

a decided and growing Union fragment in North Georgia. Mr. Furlow 
was a secessionist and an ardent war man, and was expected to divide 
Brown's support. It was hoped by the opposition that in the split of 
elements the election would be thrown into the legislature, as it was 
not believed Gov. Brown could get a majority over both of his compet- 
itors. Mr. Furlow was a wealthy, liberal gentleman, devoted to the 
Southern cause and very popular. The campaign was only tolerably 
lively. People were too much absorbed in war to take much interest in 
politics. The enemy was at the door. The field of conflict was on the 
point of transfer to Georgia soil. Civil matters were at a discount in 
the turbulence of strife. The jingle of the sabre and the tread of armed 
men silenced the ordinary tumult of political agitation. A sort of mild 
campaigning was done, but it made little noise. The dread work of 
revolution was running its bloody course, and men felt little inclination 
to vex themselves over civil j)lace. Gov. Brown left his canvass to take 
care of itself, and busied himself with preparation for the storm gath- 
ering' against Georgia. 

How he was impressing impartial minds can be understood from the 
following opinion of the Mobile Register: 

" Whatever the Georgians may think of their Governor he is immensely popular 
away from home. In his own State he appears to have bitter enemies, and tliis is evi- 
dence to our mind that he is a man of grit and not of straw. We look upon _Mr. 
Brown as a model War-Governor — a veritable Stonewall Jackson among State Execu- 
tives. . . . Tor our part we render our sincere thanks to Governor Brown, and 
we believe his course meets the general and fullest approbation of the country." 

The New York Herald watched the contest closely and predicted 
Mr. Hill's election. But the ballots told a different tale. There were 
64,804 votes polled, only half a vote, showing the abstraction of the public 
mind from politics by the war. Governor Brown received 36,558, 
Joshua Hill 18,222, and Timothy Furlow 10,024. Gov. Brown had 
18,336 majority over Hill and 26,534 over Furlow, and he beat both 8,312. 
The army vote from seventy-three regiments was 15,223, of which 
Brown received 10,012, Hill 3,324, and Furlow 1,887; Brown's army 
majority over Hill was 6,688, and over Furlow 8,125, and over both 
5,801. These figures show how Gov. Brown stood Avith the fightiiig 
men of the State, and how fully and emphatically the soldiers endorsed 
him. The vote also shows the terrible decimation our Georgia regiments 
had undergone in the service, testifying eloquently to their manhood. 
The following gentlemen were elected to the Confederate Congress: 
First district, Julian Hartridge; second district, W. E. Smith; third 



202 ^ THE LEGISLATURE OP 1863. 

district, M. H. Blanford; fourth district, Clifford Anderson; fifth dis- 
trict, J. T. Shewmake; sixth district, H. Echols; seventh district, James 
M. Smith; eighth district, George N, Lester; ninth district, H. P. Bell; 
tenth district, Warren Akin. 

Of these, Wm. E. Smith, H. P. Bell and Julian Hartridge have been 
United States Congressmen since the war, James M. Smith, Governor 
of Georgia, and Clifford Anderson is at present Attorney General. 

In the Legislature there w^ere some very able men. Among the Sen- 
ators were Thos. E. Lloyd, the great civil lawyer of Savannah; T. L. 
Guerry; Phil Cook, since a Congressman; J. H. Pate, now a Judge of 
the Superior Court; Gen. A. R. Wright, the brilliant Ranse, a Congress- 
man subsequently; E. H. Pottle, now a Judge; Alex, M. Speer, now a 
Justice of the Supreme Court; and C. D. McCutchen, recently a Judge 
of the Superior Court. Among* the leading Representatives were Gen. 
W. S. Holt and Thomas Hardeman of Macon, the latter an ex-Con- 
gressman; J. B. Jones, ex-member of Congress; L. N. Trammell, Presi- 
dent of the Senate since for two terms; Philip M. Russell of Savan- 
nah; W. F. Wright; R. Hester; Morg-an Rawls, a Congressman after 
the war; M. Dwinell, a prominent journalist; Gen. R. W. Carswell, now 
a Judge; Jas. M. Russell; J. R. Stewart, now a Judge; Thos. G. Law- 
son, now a Judge; and B. H. Bigham. 

The Hon. Thomas Hardeman was elected Speaker of the House, and 
Hon. A. R. Wright President of the Senate. The fourth inaugural ad- 
dress of Governor Brown was a remarkably ringing document, that 
seemed to have caught the clang of steel from the spirit of the great 
conflict. It had a single idea in it, put with singular eloquence. It 
simply sounded in a clarion voice the manly duty of the hour. Scan- 
ning the vast struggle, it sped to the State one throbbing idea that we 
were in to the death, and must unite and achieve freedom. 

The annual message of Governor Brown to this legislature, of Novem- 
ber 1863, was one of the best papere of his executive career. It put the 
situation clearly and concisely before the people. It urged some very 
decisive measures, the repeal of the substitute law, authority to civil offi- 
cers to arrest absentees from the army and the increase of the pay of 
soldiers. He argued that our soldiers should be clothed and their fam- 
ilies fed by the State whenever it was necessary to any amount. The 
improper impressment of private property, the rig-ht of the State troops 
to elect their own officers he warmly advocated. 

The Legislature adjourned December 14, 18G3. It appropriated 
1500,000 to the "Georgia ReUef and Hospital Association;" 13,500,000 



CONTINUED WAR ENLISTMENTS. 2G3 

for soldiers' clothing; 16,000,000 for indigent families of soldiers; 
$500,000 for salt; $3,000,000 for a military fund; $750,000 for a blockade 
steamer. The enrollment of all militia between 16 and GO years was 
authorized, and the Governor empowered to call them out if necessary. 
Resolutions were passed re-affirming the resolutions of the General 
Assembly of 1861, pledging the state to the fight until peace was 
established upon the basis of Southern independence. A resolution 
was also j)assed accepting battle flags of the 4th, 14th, 20th and 26th 
Georgia regiments and the 12th Georgia battalion, and several Federal 
flags captured by the 4th Georgia and Dole's brigade. 

During the year 1863 many interesting military matters transpired 
in Georgia and in connection with Georgia troops. The two regiments 
of Georgia state troops were organized by the election of E. M. Gait 
Colonel of the 1st regiment, and R. L. Storey Colonel of the 2d. The 
following infantry regiments also had been organized for Confederate 
service: 

Colonel Wm. H. Stiles. 
" John H. Lamar. 

J. R. Griffin. 
'' George A. Gordon. 

" Jno. W. Evans. 

" Jno. S. Fain. 
Some light infantry battalions had also been formed. Also the 
following cavalry regiments: 

5th Georgia Cavalry, Colonel R. H. Anderson. 
6th " " John R. Hart. 

7th " " E. C. Anderson, Jr. 

^ 8th " " J. L. McAllister, 

9th « " J. Taliaferro. 

Also a second 4th Georgia cavalry under Col. Duncan L. Clinch. 
Mr, Davis had made requisition for 8,000 home guards. Governor 
Brown called for these troops, and 18,000 offered, demonstrating the. 
ready gallantry of our Georgians and the correctness of Gov. Brown's 
position that the conscript law was unnecessary in Georgia to raise 
soldiers. Mr. Davis would not permit the selection by these commands 
of their brigade and division officers. Gen. Howell Cobb was made 
Major General and assigned to the charge in Georgia. He assumed 
command September 14, 1863. Gen. Alfred Iverson, Jr., and Gen. 
Henry Jackson were reported Brigadiers under him, the former at Rome 
and the latter at Savannah. Gen. Gustavus W. Smith, who had resigned 



60th G^ 


eorgia. 


61st 


a 


62d 


a 


63d 


a 


64th 


a 


65th 


a 



264 GENERAL TOOMBS RESIGNS. 

from the Confederate army, was employed by Gov. Brown in aid of the 
fortification of the state. Col. R. A. Smith of the 44th Georgia, Lt. 
Col. J. C. Mounger of the 9th Georgia, and Lt. Col. W. T. Harris of the 
2d Georgia, were killed. A very sad loss to the state was Col. Peyton 
H. Colquitt of the 46th Georgia at Chickamauga, one of the most 
brilliant young men in the commonwealth. Col. Wm. Gibson of the 
48th was badly wounded. It was in April, 1863, that a Georgia gentle- 
man was made Brigadier General, who became the most famous and 
brilliant soldier the state had in the war. Gen. John B. Gordon. 

It was early in this.year that Gen. Toombs resigned. Of this versatile 
genius Gen. Longstreet, who arrested him once, said that if he had been 
educated at a military school in subordination, lie would have been as 
illustrious and successful as a soldier as he was as a statesman, so great 
were his natural military abilities. And a curious incident is told which 
is vouched for by Col. Raphael J. Moses, who was serving under him, 
that at one period Gen. Toombs was desired at the same time by Gen. 
Lee and President Davis, one desiring to consult him on a war point, 
and the other on a matter of civil administration, both important 
affairs, and he had to hurry from Richmond to the front the same day 
to fill both momentous advisory roles. Yet his ungovernable spirit of 
intractable insubordination to any authority kept him in hot altercation 
with his superiors, and resulted in such bitter feeling that he resigned 
his coveted stars. His farewell to his brigade was a model of eloc|uent 
pathos and incisive soldierly ardor. He came home, refused to run for 
Congress, and started to raise a regiment for the home service. 

During this year, 1863, Gov. Brown had several of his memorable 
controversies that gave him so much celebrity in the Confederacy. 

In May, 1863, a correspondence Occurred between Gov. Brown and 
Hon. James A. Seddon, Secretary of War, in regard to the right of 
the Fifty-first regiment of Georgia Volunteers to fill by election, the 
colonelcy made vacant by the killing of Colonel Slaughter at Chancel- 
lorsville. This regiment was one of twelve organized regiments turned 
over to the President in February, 1862, under requisition of Mr. Davis, 
and declared by Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of War in 1862, to be entitled 
to elect their own officers and have them commissioned by the Gov- 
ernor of Georgia. Gov. Brown claimed, apart from this pledge, that 
this regiment came under the clause of the Constitution reserving to 
the States the appointment of the officers. Mr. Seddon claimed that 
under the conscription law the President was authorized to appoint the 
officers. Gov. Brown argued that the conscription law was in conflict 



GOT. BEOWn's correspondence AVITH the BRITISH CONSUL. 265 

vdtli the Constitution, and the Constitution must govern. Gov. Brown 
plead that the principle had been decided on this very question, raised 
in Col. Benning's regiment of Gen. Toombs' brigade, in favor of the 
right of the State to commission. Mr. Seddon refused to yield. Gov. 
Brown concluded his final letter with this thrust: 

" The Presicleut has the power in his own hands, and I am ohliged for the present 
reluctantly to acquiesce in what I consider a great wrong to tliousauds of gallant 
Georgia troops and a palpable infringement of the rights and sovereignty of the State. 
I will only add that this letter is intended more as a protest against your decision than 
as an effort to protract a discussion which it seems can be productive of uo practical 
results." 

There was probably no matter of higher value to our spirited volun- 
teers than this very privilege of selecting their officers, and the Con- 
federate authorities made a great mistake in their policy on this j)oint. 
While it was true, as a general jDrinciple, that the ordinary war rules 
were founded in a long experience as to -regular and professional sol- 
diers, our voluntary citizens' army was an organization of patriotic 
gentlemen, inspired by love of country and a blended sentiment of 
duty and honor. Mr. Davis and Gen. Bragg, both of them, failed to 
comprehend the difference. Some of our most skillful fighters and best 
strategists were civilians who had not enjoyed military education. The 
great bulk of our officers were men untrained in war. Gen. Sidney 
Johnson and Gen. Lee both appreciated the regime best for the volun- 
teer. The Legislature endorsed Gov. Brown's views on this subject of 
election of officers, and passed a resolution urging them on the Confed- 
erate Congress. 

A very spicy correspondence is that between Gov. Brown and Mr. A. 
Fullarton, British consul at Savannah. This was in July, 1863, when 
Qov. Brown ordered a draft of eight thousand men for home defense 
from persons between eighteen and forty-five years, including British 
subjects. Mr. Fullarton protested against such service, stating that for 
maintaining internal peace and order, British subjects were liable to 
duty, but not for fighting the United States troops. He claimed that 
the United States was not a foreign power in relation to Georgia. Gov. 
Brown replied, refusing to exempt British subjects from such duty or 
modify his order.- The United States was a foreign nation at war with 
Georgia. If the British subjects did not wish to incur the burdens of 
living in Georgia they could leave. Mr. Fullarton replied that while 
advising British subjects to do police or patrol duty, he counseled them 
if they were required to leave their homes or meet the United States 
forces in actual conflict, to throw down their arms and refuse to render 



266 REMARKABLE STATISTICS. 

the service, which violated their neutrality. He claimed that Gov. 
Brown's course was in contrast with the practice of the United States 
Government and other Southern Governors. Gov. Brown replied that 
while Her Majesty's subjects lived in Georgia they must perform the 
duties imposed' upon them by the law of nations. The Governor put 
in a home stroke by saying that if Fullarton really thought the United 
States was not a foreign power hostile to Georgia, he should have 
appealed for protection to British subjects resident in this State, to the 
government in Washington, and not to the Governor of Georgia. He 
added that if Her Majesty's subjects should act on Mr. Fullarton's 
advice and throw down their arms on the approach of danger, and thus 
be guilty of the unnatural and unmanly conduct of refusing to defend 
their domiciles, they would be promptly dealt with as citizens of this 
State would be committing such dishonorable delinquency. As to 
the United States exempting British subjects, as it had. by the use 
of money drawn large numbers of recruits from the dominions of Her 
Majesty, in violation of the laws of the realm, it may well afford to 
affect a pretended, liberality which costs it neither sacrifice nor incon- 
venience. Mr. Fullarton gave up the contest, and there is no report of 
any hardship being suffered. 

In all subjects pertaining to the welfare of the soldiers, Gov. Brown 
not only took a deep interest, but did an active part. A Missionary 
mass meeting was held in Griffin, April 26, 1863, Rev. Dr. Mell jDre- 
siding, the object of which was christian ministrations among our sol- 
diers in the field. Gov. Brown attended and made an earnest speech 
for this noble cause, and gave a handsome donation to army colportage 
for the dissemination of religious reading among the troops. In the 
Baptist Biennial Convention at Augusta, May 11, 1863, resolutions 
of Dr. Broadus were reported, rendering hearty support to the Con- 
federate .government and paying tribute to Stonewall Jackson. Rev. 
Dr. Boyce, of South Carolina, opposed these resolutions as covering po- 
litical ground. Gov. Brown made a speech of great power and fervor 
in support of them, and they were unanimously passed. In September, 
1863, a dinner was given by the Atlanta ladies to the paroled Vicks- 
burg prisoners. Gov. Brown was the orator of the occasion, and made 
a most effective and patriotic speech. 

There are some remarkable statistics for this year. Confederate 
money fell in value until from 4 to 1 in 1862, it became 21 to 1 in gold 
in 1863. The property of the state swelled in figures, from 1578,352,- 
262, in 1862, to 1991,596,583, in 1863. Polls decreased in number from 



GEORGIA THE HEAVIEST LOSER OP MEN. 367 

91,562 to 60,168. The State road paid in to the treasury, $1,650,000. 
The public debt had grown to 114,149,410. . The Bank capital of the 
State had enhanced to $70,713,048. An income tax had been imposed 
which showed $15,737,479 of profits on business in the state, yielding- a 
tax of $683,235. But the most striking and honorable statistical fact — 
placing Georgia in a position of unequal ed distinction for the patriot- 
ism and valor of its people, and its guiding agency in the war, was her 
greater loss of soldiers than any other Southern State. The Second 
Auditor at Richmond, published the following statement of soldiers' 
deaths to December 31, 1863: Georgia, 9,504; Alabama, 8,987; North 
Carolina, 8,261; Texas, 6,377; Virginia, 5,943; Mississippi, 5,367; South 
Carolina, 4,511; Louisiana, 3,039; Tennessee, 2,849; Arkansas, 1,948; 
Florida, 1,119. 

It was during this year that two small but most conspicuously brill- 
iant military exploits took place on Georgia soil, the fame of which a 
just and appreciative history will not permit to die. The raid of Streight 
the Federal cavalryman into Georgia, with a splendid band of 1,800 dar- 
ing and thoroughly equipped troopers was thwarted, and the whole 
command captured at Rome by the unparalleled Forrest with but 600 
men. Following them night and day, assaulting them at every stand, 
he finally compelled a surrender at the very threshold of the picturesque 
little mountain city, and saved the state some dreadful devastation. 

The other equally historic and glorious incident was the repulse of a 
fleet of seven Federal monitors and gunships by the intrepid little gar- 
rison of Fort McAllister, at the mouth of the Ogeechee river on the 
Georgia coast, in March, 1863, under command of Capt. Geo. W. Ander- 
son. Major John B. Gallic, the commandant, was killed at the begin- 
ning of the engagement. This was the seventh attempt that had been 
made to take this Fort, a simple earthwork with sand parapets, all of 
which had failed. This was the last and crowning effort. The garrison 
resisted an eight hours' desperate bombardment with guns, throwing as 
large as 15-inch shot and shell, and finally drove off the attacking ex- 
pedition crippled and whipped. The papers rang with the splendid 
achievement, and the General commanding complimented it in a general 
order, directing the garrison to inscribe on their flags, " Fort McAllister, 
March 3rd, 1863." 

The history of war may be searched in vain to find two more heroic 
and dauntless achievements than these matchless instances of skill and 
valor. They were unsurpassable exhibitions of chivalric courage and 
sublime patriotism. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

THE FIRST HALF OF THE MOST THRILLING YEAR OF 
GEORGIA ANNALS, 1864. 

Georgia becomes the Crucial Battle Ground of the War. — Virginia and Georgia. — 
Georgia the Hope of the Confederacy. — Gov. Brown Convenes the Legislature. — 
His Great Message. — A Document that Vivified the Confederacy. — Extraordinary 
Press Comment. — The Focal Southern Governor. — It Evokes, also, Savage Censure. — 
Linton Stephens' Kesolutious and Memorable Speech on Gov. Brown's Line. — Gov. 
Brown Endorsed. — The Kei^eal of the Habeas Corpus Suspension Recommended. — 
Alec Stephens' Strong Speech. — Protest against the Resolutions. — Linton Stephens' 
Famous Adjustment Resolutions. — Gov. Brown's Fixedness. — Special Message that 
the Legislature must act or he would Re-couvene it Immediately. — The Grapple of 
Joe Johnston and Sherman. — Resaca. — Tanners Ferry. — The Anguish of Leaving 
Homes to the Enemy. — Cassville. — New Hope Church. — The Dead Lock. — Ivenne- 
saw and its Tweuty-three Savage Days of Fight. — Over the Chattahoochee. — Joe 
Johnston Removed, and the End Begun. — The Protest against Removal. — Davis' 
Misgivings. — The Anomaly of Johnston's Career. — Georgia Adhering to her Fate 
of Supreme Ageucj^ in the War. 

The year 1804 was a vivid and memorable one in Georgia annals, the 
most dramatic, thrilling and eventful in her century and a half of 
august history. From the first to the last week of this fateful twelve 
months there was a continued succession of throbbing and vital incidents 
that involved the fate of the Confederacy and the destin}?- of the conti- 
nent. The State became the crucial point of the war, the decisive 
battle ground of the conflict, in strange pursuance of that mysterious 
fortune that seemed to make her the foremost instrumentality of the 
revolution. Both in civil and soldierly matters she was the scene, 
during this salient year, of controlling occurrences that shaped and 
settled the struggle. With the result of events in Georgia in 1864 the 
war was practically ended. The conclusion was clearly in sight from 
the smitten and smouldering wreck of our noble State — ravaged, battle- 
cliarred and desolated out of recognition. The bloody swath through 
this State of four hundred miles, from the Tennessee line to the ocean 
border, quartering the Confederacy, and destroying the Confederate 
base of sujjplies, left the Southern cause crushed, quivering and doomed. 
The Georgia campaign made the Virginia campaign simply a question 
of time, after which the end was at hand, close, final, deadly. 



GEORGIA THE HOPE OF THE COXFEDEEACY. 269 

The difference between Virginia and Georgia, in their relative situa- 
tions and importance in the anatomy of the revolution, was very striking. 
Virginia was a gate-way on the border. Georgia was the very vitals of 
the Confederacy. When Vicksburg fell it was a gloomy halving of the 
young republic of the South. Georgia became the heart of the cause. 
This State was the main source of grain supj^lies. It was also the chief 
manufactory of military stores, Atlanta being the grand center of 
production and distribution. Back in the supposed interior point of 
safety, the thousands of Federal prisoners in our hands, held under a 
Federal policy of non-exchange, were huddled at the famous Anderson- 
ville stockades in South-Western Georgia. But the living, dominant 
spark of Confederate existence and power lay in the grand army, one 
of the two that propped up the super-incumbent and massive yet 
tottering c^use of Southern nationality. This army reposed on Georgia 
soil, gathering its wounded energies for the last, conclusive, desperate 
ordeal. 

The war was at length focalized in Virginia and Georgia, and the crucial 
point was Georgia. The loss of Georgia was not only the destruction 
of one army, but it was the cutting off the source of subsistence and 
munitions for the other army, and therefore the more important prize. 
The operations everywhere save at these points were about ended. The 
Mississippi Valley was practically gone, Tennessee, Missouri and Ken- 
tucky were riveted, beyond hope, back to the Union, and in the other 
states resistance was barren. The unspeakable importance of the cam- 
paign in Georgia can be imagined, and the vital value of the Southern 
army here in that vivid year can be but faintly estimated. 

The hope of the Confederacy rested upon the commonwealth of 
Georgia, and the year 1864 records the most romantic, sustained and 
versatile passage of arms on a large scale with the mightiest results 
known to modern history. As the year 1863 broke in gloom, so the 
year 1864 began for the South in the same darkness. After the bat- 
tle of Missionary Ridge our army lay crushed at Dalton. Bragg was 
forced by public opinion to yield its leadership. Gen. Hardee took 
temporary command, but in the grand spirit of patriotism, as morally 
heroic as it was unexampled, he declined the permanent generalship. 
That incomparable organizer. Gen. Joe Johnston, was placed over the 
shattered force, and the work of rehabilitation proceeded thoroughly 
under his superb direction. The Federal head-quarters were at Chatta- 
nooga, and a magnificent army was organized there, ready when the 
" tugging leash " was slipped to precipitate upon the devoted soil of 



270 WARM COMPLIMENTS TO GOVERXOli BROWX. 

Georgia the glory and the woe of this last trial of the stupendous 
revolution. 

The whole country pulsed with the thrill of the impending storm. 
The authorities at Richmond and Washington looked with equal and 
fierce anxiety to the clash. The South gazed in breathless suspense. 
The people of Georgia braced their unquailing and intrepid energies 
for the encounter, and their dauntless Executive, composed and self- 
reliant, masterfully met the emergency with every resource of a power- 
ful state and every sympathy of its gallant citizens. Gov. Brown called 
the legislature together to convene Thursday, the 10th of March, 1864. 
He sent in to that body the best message of his Executive career. It 
was a genuine inspiration. He incarnated in its glowing sentences the 
central idea of constitutional government and the very genius of South- 
ern heroism. It fell upon the Confederacy with the vivifying potency 
of a blended slogan of battle and of law. From every part of the Con- 
federacy came back the answering echo of encomium and approval. 
Said the Selma (Ala.) Reporter, " From the sea of blood whose fell 
waves threaten to sweep away the guerdons that encircle the Ark of 
our Covenant of Freedom, there rises, in the person of Joseph E. Brown 
of Georgia, a nucleus around which a summoned resistance will aggre- 
gate which it were madness to oppose." 

Said the 3Iississippian : " The country, the People are with Gov. 
Brown in sentiment. We hear it on steamboats, in cars, in hotels, in 
private and public circles." Said the Charleston MercK^ri/ : " Our sym- 
pathies are in unison with the whole course of Governor Brown's argu- 
ment." Said the Petersburg JSxp7'ess : " The Governor of Georgia is 
devoted heart and soul to the cause of the South." Said the Memphis 
A2?2^eal : "Such action by the Sovereign States is at this time needed 
to prevent usurpation, centralization of power, and preserve intact the 
personal liberty guaranteed to us." 

These extracts, taken at random from the mass of contemporaneous 
expression of opinion out of thfe State, will give an idea of Gov- 
ernor Brown's prominence in the South, and how he loomed above the 
whole file of Southern Governors in that animated day. His influence 
went out beyond state bounds. He was the acknowledged leader and 
exponent of the large element of citizens in his way of thinking. In 
the State the majority of the press was against him, as curiously 
enough it has been during the greater portion of Gov. Brown's long 
and successful public career. But he received from a powerful minority 
of the State press some striking commendation upon his message. 



GOVERN^OR BROWJSr's AVAR MESSAGE. 271 

The Columbus S101, Augusta Chronicle, Atlanta Intelligencer, Atlanta 
Confederacy, and Milledgeville Union all endorsed the Governor in 
strong terms. 

The message covers forty-five pages of the journals of the General 
Assembly, and a perusal of its burning sentences and unanswerable 
arguments will, explain the profound sensation it created over the 
South. The message recommended some additional war measures, and 
then entered into a fervid, powerful discussion of two great subjects. 
One was the passage by the Confederate Congress of an enlarged con- 
scription act, enrolling citizens from 17 to 50 years of age, and of an 
act suspending the writ of habeas corpus. The other subject was the 
principle involved in the war, and the conduct of the struggle by the 
North. These two vital and gigantic public themes were treated with 
a vigor and exhaustiveness, with an ability and energy, that could not 
be surpassed, and the overmastering document fell upon the public 
mind with tremendous effect. Some parts of this stern, dominant 
paper are magnificent expressions of sentiment and thought clothed in 
lofty language. There pervades the whole document a sublimated 
spirit, born of the extraordinary times, and as exalted as the majestic 
subjects discussed. There was a high and sustained power in it that 
showed a wonderful ability wrought up to a sublime exercise of its 
strength. The seemingly extravagant encomiums of the press out of 
the state given before will demonstrate how able minds regarded this 
remarkable state paper. It was at once a logical protest against cen- 
tralized despotism in friend and foe, and a masterful plea for the sanctity 
of our cause. 

Looking at the message, with its ability proportioned to the subject, 
and this is saying much, it was a rare exhibition of discernment and 
courage, a profound and jDhilosophical discussion of the principles of 
constitutional liberty and a bold, timely admonition of statesmanship. 
An Alabama paper voiced the public estimate in these strong words: 

"It is a majestic pyramid of impregnable facts, built with the skill of a scholar 
and a logician — a pyramid whose base is as broad as the sovereignty of the states, with 
an apex as lofty as the ambition of all lovers of constitutional freedom. It is an epitome 
of the war in its vital aspects, and luminous with a grasp of practical statesmanship 
adequate to the salvation of the Confederacy, provided its admonitions and teachings 
find a lodgment in the popular mind at the South." 

Perhaps the most valuable personal tribute to this message was the 
one paid by Gen, Toombs, who wrote to Gov. Brown a characteristic 
and lengthy letter, presenting some additional arguments in its sup- 



272 LINTON STEPHEN'S' GREAT SPEECH. 

port. In this letter he tendered Gov. Brown his " sincere thanks for 
the ability, firmness and success with which you have supported the 
cause of personal liberty." And he went on with these strong words: 

"Among your many and well-merited claims upon the confidence and gratitude of the 
people of Georgia and of the whole Confederacy for your great, valuable and unwearied 
services in the cause of Southern liberty, none rank higher or endure longer than 
this noble defense of the most valuable of all human rights." 

The message also elicited some very harsh and opposing criticism, 
and there was a warm diversity of opinion upon the policy of question- 
ing the acts of the Confederate authorities in the desperate pressure of 
the conflict. Some very hard names were applied to Gov. Brown, " dis- 
organizer," " madman," " marplot," etc. Hon. Linton Stephens intro- 
duced resolutions enforcing Gov. Brown's views. The debate was 
able and earnest. Outside gentlemen made speeches at night. Howell 
Cobb, A. H. Kenan and Hon. L. Q. C. Lamar of Mississippi made 
strong, eloquent addresses in support of the Acts of the Confederate 
administration. Alexander H. Stephens delivered a lengthy and elab- 
orate speech upon the line of Gov. Brown's message. Linton Stephens 
made perhaps the strongest speech on the subject — an enunciation of 
great power and intensity, in which he uttered with nervous fire the 
memorable and ringing expression, " I am for the cause and not for 
DYNASTIES ! " The Augusta Chronicle is responsible for the statement 
that the lobby of the Legislature was filled with prominent administra- 
tion officials opposing Gov. Brown's policy. The resolutions passed by 
a majority of three in the House and eight in the Senate. They 
declared the act of Congress suspending habeas corpus unconstitutional, 
recommended repeal by the next Congress and obedience to the act 
until repealed. A protest was entered against these resolutions, signed 
by 43 members, among them Thos. G. Lawson, M. Dwinell, J. D. Mat- 
thews, Thos. Hardeman, Jr., D. P. Hill, W. S. Holt, W. O. Fleming 
and others. The protest was based upon the ground that the law 
should be acquiesced in until decided unconstitutional by the courts. 

Georgia thus led off in the protest against this infringement upon 
liberty, and took the initiative as the honored sentinel, in the language 
of Alex. Stephens, to preserve Constitutional liberty and independence 
as objects " co-ordinate, co-existent, co-equal, co-eval and forever insep- 
arable." 

Nor was this action without practical and solid results. The states 
of Alabama, North Carolina and Mississippi, the home of Mr. Davis, 
followed Georgia and Gov. Brown in this vital matter and protested 



THE FAMOUS GEORGIA PEACE EESOLUTIO:S^S. 373 

against the suspension of habeas corpus. But this was not all. The 
second Confederate Congress after a powerful, exhaustive and heated 
discussion refused to continue the suspension though Mr. Davis insisted 
upon it. It was a signal triumph of the Georgia policy inspired by 
Governor Brown. 

A resolution was also passed expressing unabated confidence in Mr. 
Davis. Another very celebrated action of Georgia through her General 
Assembly at this time was the passage of some resolutions, also the 
work of Linton Stephens, declaring the ground on which the Confed- 
erate States stood in the war, and the terms on which peace ought to be 
offered to the enemy. These resolutions have become famous, and 
stand as a monument of that governing statesmanship that during the 
revolution Georgia so supremely and without rivalry exercised. The 
resolutions declared the object of good government and the right of the 
people to alter government to secure those objects ; that the Declaration 
of Independence was the outcome of this principle; that Georgia was 
such a nationality as was entitled to exercise the full right of self-gov- 
ernment; the causes' of separation and a justification of secession; the 
vindication of secession by the subsequent policy of Mr. Lincoln, 
especially the proposition to establish governments in the seceded states 
if one-tenth of them were loyal to the North; that an honorable close 
of the war was highly desirable, and to put an end to the unnatural, 
unchristian and savage work of carnage and havoc, the Confederate 
government, after signal successes of arms, should officially tender peace 
on the great principles of 1776, allowing the border states to make free 
choice of future associations ; that the effect of such a course would be 
salutary upon the foe and upon our soldiers and people; but renewing 
pledges of the prosecution of the war, defensive on our part, until an 
honorable peace was obtained and the independence and nationality of 
the Confederate States established upon . a permanent and enduring 
basis. 

An incident illustrating Gov. Brown's fixedness of purpose was this: 
The legislature passed a resolution to adjourn on the 19th of March, 
1864, at 12 o'clock m., without acting on the Habeas Corpus and other 
matters. The morning of the 19th Gov. Brown sent in a message noti- 
fying the General Assembly that unless the great questions requiring 
action were finally settled in some way, he should convene the body in 
extra session on the 21st. The session was prolonged until night and 
action taken. Among the acts passed by this General Assembly, of an 
aggressive war character, was a law allowing loyal Southern females in 



274 Johnston's famous retreat begins. 

Georgia to secure total divorces from husbands in the military service 
of the United States, or voluntarily in the lines of the enemy furnishing 
them aid and comfort. The battle flags of the 10th and 50th Georgia 
Regiments were placed in the archives. The Georgia troops whose 
time had expired had generally re-enlisted and resolutions of compli- 
ment were passed. 

On the 4th day of May, 1864, began the great Georgia campaign 
that ultimately ended in the downfall of the Confederacy. Gen. Joe 
Johnston had in the interval between the 27th day of December, 1863, 
and May, 1864, brought up the army to the highest point of efficiency 
from its sadly disorganized condition after the calamitous defeat of 
Missionary Ridge. His force was 42,856. Gen. William T. Sherman, 
commanding the Federal army, had 98,797 and 254 cannon; or more 
than double Johnston's army. It is to be doubted if there was ever in 
military annals a more consummately conducted campaign. It was a 
game of chess between masters. It was a grapple of giants. It was a 
joust of arms of unsurpassed skill between two warriors who exhibited 
each the highest art of warfare. Both were wary, adroit, sagacious 
strategists, and both were bold fighters. Johnston's policy was to pre- 
serve his precious army at the sacrifice of territory, draw Sherman 
away from his base of supplies, and give battle, only where he had 
the chance of success, and where defeat to Sherman would be most 
disastrous. 

The writer was with Johnston during a large portion of the retreat, 
commanding cavalry, and participating in the actions until wounded at the 
battle of New Hope Church. He therefore knows practically the man- 
agement of the campaign by Johnston. It was a faultless demonstra- 
tion of soldierly genius. The fighting was continuous. Johnston fought 
under shelter of entrenchments, preserving life to the utmost extent, 
administering all the punishment possible, and when flanked, leisurely 
falling back without the loss of a gun or canteen or wheel-spoke, his 
army intact, deliberate and orderly as on parade. There were no sur- 
prises, no discomfitures, no disorders. The men were troubled at 
giving up their homes to the enemy. But their confidence in Johnston 
never abated. 

Sherman's policy was to precipitate a great battle and crush Johnston 
at one blow. Failing in this, he shied around the strong fronts and 
compelled Johnston's retirement. The two captains both showed a 
marvelous subtlety in penetrating each other's adroit designs. Between 
Dalton and Ringgold where the two armies confronted each other, lay 



tanner's ferry compels resaca given up. 275 

Rocky Face Mountain with Johnston impregnably settled against direct 
attack. Making a vigorous show of assault on the front with Schofield's 
and Thomas' armies, Sherman sent McPherson's army through Snake 
Creek Gap on the left, to Resaca, eighteen miles below Dalton on the 
State road. Johnston had seen the trap and made Resaca too strong 
for assault, and the catch failed. Johnston quietly gave up Dalton and 
concentrated his army around Resaca. 

The town of Calhoun is six miles below Resaca. At Calhoun was 
Johnston's base and reserves. The Oostanaula river runs by Calhoun 
down to within a mile of Calhoun, when it turns and goes in the 
direction of Rome. At Tanner's Ferry, two and one-half miles, a near 
point of the bend to Calhoun, Col. I. W. Avery of the 4th Georgia 
Cavalry was stationed with a brigade of cavalry and a battery of artil- 
lery defending two miles of the river. A mile behind him was Gen. 
John T. Morgan's brigade of cavalry in reserve, and at Calhoun Gen, 
W. H. T. Walker's division of infantry, both of which commands he 
was directed to call upon if too heavily pressed. On the afternoon of 
the 14th of May, 1864, Sherman made a general attack on Johnston's 
army at Resaca, and simultaneously threw a heavy force at Tanner's 
Ferry to drive a crossing. Col. Avery's brigade, extending along two 
miles of river, presented a thin line of defense. Immediate dispatches 
were sent both to Gen. Morgan and Gen. Walker of the attack, and a 
most stubborn resistance was made, but the crossing was forced after 
several hours' fighting, in which one half of the brigade was destroyed. 
Gen. Morgan arrived a short while after the enemy were over, and after 
dark Gen. Walker arrived. The Federals entrenched and strangely 
delayed to move upon Calhoun, to which they were three and one-half 
miles nearer than Johnston's main army at Resaca. The next morning. 
Gen. Walker, deceived by the enemy's quiet, and against the opinion 
of the cavalry officers in front, dispatched Gen. Johnston that the 
report of the passage of the Oostanaula was unfounded, and caused a 
change of plan. Gen, Walker then threw Gen, Jackson's brigade of infan- 
try against the quiet enemy and met with a quick and bloody repulse, 
and immediately notified the army commander. That night Gen. John- 
ston retired from Resaca, having repulsed the Federals with a loss to 
them of 5,000 men, while his own was inconsiderable. 

On the morning of the 16th, Gen. Hardee rode out to the Picket line 
where Col. Avery was, and after a close inspection of the enemy's 
lines, came to the conclusion from the inactivity that no movement was 
threatening. In five minutes after he left, there was an advance sweep- 



276 SOLDIERS GIVING UP HOMES TO THE FOE, 

ino- the cavalry back, and a lively brush occurred between Hardee and 
McPherson. Johnston fell back to Cassville. Rome was abandoned to 
the Federals. At Cassville, Johnston determined to give battle. It was 
a very strong position for us. The men were burning to fight. The 
writer remembers well the afternoon of the 19th of May, 1864, reading 
Johnston's ringing battle order — a model of terse, fiery rhetoric to his 
brigade in the falling twilight, in an old field environed by solemn 
woods. The men called for a speech, and in common with others, the 
writer made a few words of deep-felt appeal from a convenient stump. 
The delight of these grim soldiers at the prospect of fighting for their 
beloved homes was inspiring. The writer's comVnand was composed 
mostly of men from the section we were giving up, and in retreating 
they were leaving their wives and children behind them to the ruthless 
mercies of the foe. It is such a test as this that tries brave men to the 
very depths. None can understand the anguish of such a retreat, save 
those who have undergone it. Death almost were preferable to an or- 
deal so full of agony of soul and wretched dread for loved ones. This 
was bringing home to soldiers the last and worst horror of the blighting 
war. And when it was announced that a stand was to be taken and the 
battle fought, there was such a thrill of joy pulsing the hearts of these 
brave patriots as gave stern token of the unconquerable fight they 
would have made. Men were never more earnest, and they would 
have never yielded that field. But the battle purpose was unwisely re- 
linquished by Gen. Johnston, and the golden opportunity of the cam- 
paign was lost against his decided judgment. Gen. Johnston afterward 
traveled with the writer in the fall of 1864, from Macon to Charlotte, 
and said that the battle was renounced by him at the urgent entreaty of 
Generals Hpod and Polk, two of his corps commanders, who said they 
could not hold their positions; while Gen. Hardee, the other corps com- 
mander, who had the weakest place in the line, declared his ability to 
maintain his ground. Gen, Johnston himself, said he regarded it as the 
loss of the best chance of the retreat, and that he had always regretted 
that he did not give battle then. He apprehended, however, that Hood 
and Polk would not fight with zeal if they did it in fear of defeat, so he 
yielded to them. The army was discouraged at not fighting this battle, 
but soon recovered, and it shows their stern sense of duty and sturdy 
patriotism, that they remained in the ranks, though they were leaving 
their homes in the hands of the enemy. 

Sherman, presuming that Johnston would utilize the Allatoona Pass 
for a stand, made another flank movement for Dallas. The sleepless 



THE NEW HOPE CHURCH BATTLE. 277 

Johnston detected the new step and quietly interposed his army at New 
Hope Church. Here was a desperate bout, furious and bloody, in 
which Sherman was frightfully punished. Early lie made an effort to 
turn our right and get in between Johnston and the railroad. This was 
the afternoon of the 26th of May, 18G4. Col. Avery was thrown at the 
double quick with a part of the 4th Georgia Cavalry to check the 
movement until troops could get up to thwart it. Gen. Johnston in his 
Narrative says of this perilous attempt upon his flank, " Although 
desperately wounded in the onset, Col. Avery, supported in his saddle 
by a soldier, continued to command, and maintained the contest until 
the arrival of forces capable of holding the ground." Major Sidney 
Herbert, the capable and careful correspondent of that powerful paper, 
the Savannah ISFeios, writing in 1878 the particulars of a conversation 
with Gen. Johnston, reported him as making this additional statement 
about this most dangerous and nearly successful effort of a corps of the 
enemy to cut him from his base, an effort prevented in a manner show- 
ing the value of moments and of the determined resistance of even a 
small force against a large one at the opportune time: " Finding him- 
self confronted by the advance guard of several divisions of Federal 
troops. Col. Avery saw that it was hopeless to contend against such 
odds, yet a stern sense of duty made it plain to him that he must resist 
their advance until the Confederate forces could have time to place 
themselves in action. Under these circumstances, and impelled by this 
strong sense of duty, he fought against overwhelming numbers and 
with bloody results, until the needed reinforcements came up. His 
rare personal courage inspired his brave soldiers. Although severely 
wounded, he remained in his saddle supported by a soldier, and thus ac- 
complished, under great physical suffering, his grand self-imposed task 
for duty's sake." From this time to the 4th day of June the two armies 
lay in a dead-lock, fighting daily. Every effort inade by Sherman to 
trip his adversary was abortive. Every assault was bloodily repulsed. 

Sherman began to flank again, this time moving to the right of 
Johnston, and the two vast gladiators faced each other, Sherman near 
Acworth, and Johnston near Marietta. Johnston manned a line of emi- 
nences, of which Pine Mountain in the center. Lost Mountain on his 
left, and Memorable Kennesaw Mountain on his right composed the ob- 
structive trio. Rested, reinforced, provisioned, Sherman determined to 
break the cordon if possible by force, and on the 9th of June, 1864, he 
commenced. The history of war reveals no such battle. Until the 3rd 
day of July, twenty-three savage days, he battered away with his ponder- 



278 THE DESPERATE TWENTY-THREE DAYS' BATTUE. 

ous human mallet to break down and through the interposing wall of flesh 
and steel. It was one incessant straining battle, lulling occasionally to 
a hot skirmish, and then blazing into a deadly struggle. Hood had the 
right, Hardee the left, and Polk the center. McPherson confronted 
Hood, Schofield faced Hardee, and Thomas grappled with Polk. On 
the 14th of June the Bishop-soldier Polk yielded his sacred life. Sher- 
man pushed the mortal game with a grand tenacity. Pine Mountain 
was first abandoned, and then Lost Mountain was sullenly relinquished, 
and Johnston contracting his line presented a stronger chain of obstacles 
than ever, while Sherman had spent men in vain with a prodigal thrift- 
lessness. For the first time Johnston threw Hood against the enemy's 
right in a crisp tentative reconnoisance, but it was done with a repulse 
and a loss. On the 27'th of June Sherman made his crucial drive, and 
a mad, terrific clash it was, Thomas and McPherson with three-fourths 
of the Federal army striking Hardee and Loring, who had succeeded the 
noble Polk. The Federal' line, with a desperate courage unsurpassed 
anvwhere, rolled against Johnston's entrenched ranks, but it recoiled, 
smitten and shattered, in crumbling, bloody fragments, with the loss of 
thousands. Sherman was satisfied with a direct march upon our army 
for over three straight crimson weeks, and he returned to his tactical 
waltzing. He shot McPherson's army for the Chattahoochee on the 
right, and back slid the undeceivable Johnston out of the strategic trap, 
and after a number of days of lively snapping, on the 9th of JiJy, 1864, 
he crossed the Chattahoochee with his army as solid as a packed cotton 
bale, and North Georgia,, reposing in Sherman's grim clutch, helpless and 
miserable. 

Both armies went to sponging off for the next grapple. For two 
weeks they rested. It is always wise to heed a foe. The following 
pregnant and impressive sentences so aptly teU the truth that quoting 
them is an irresistible temptation. They are from Swinton's famous 
Book. 

" In the latter days of the Confederacy, the grim fatality -which from the outset had 
walked with it, side by side, along its destined course, silent and unseen, seemed to 
throw off, at length,^ the cloak of invisibility, to stab it boldly with mortal blows. While 
in the enthusiasm of the contest, it seemed hardly fanciful to declare that fate itself, 
shadowing the Confederacy so long through successes, with unsuspected presence, at 
length revealed its sardonic figure in the moment of destiny, to fix its doom and down- 
fall. One such mysterious blow to the Confederacy ^vas that by which Gen. Johnston 
was removed from its "Western army, at the moment when he was most needful for its 
salvation, kept from command till an intervening general had ruined and disintegrated 
it, and then gravely restored to the leadership of its pitiful fragments." 



GENERAL JOE JOHNSTOn's EEMOVAL. 279 

On the 17tli of July, 1864, the Federal army resumed its active work, 
and on the same day the President, Mr. Davis, relieved Gen, Johnston 
of the command of his army, and substituted Gen. Hood in his stead. 
Johnston had made vigorous preparations for the defense of Atlanta. 
He was sitting in his tent talking with Gen. Mansfield Lovell, when a 
package of communications was brought to him. He read one, and 
then with a quiet unconcern and a pleasant smile handed it to Gen. 
Lovell, saying, " What do you think of that ? " It was the order reliev- 
ing him of command. Stunned at the order. General Lovell begged 
him to make no obedience to it until an effort could be made to get it 
reversed. Johnston declined to make any effort. Gen. Lovell, how- 
ever, got the corps commanders together. Generals Hardee, Stewart and 
Hood, and they petitioned and protested against the change, deputizing 
Gen. Hood himself as a matter of courtesy to send the protest. Gen. 
Hood sent the dispatch, but it was worded in such a way as to carry no 
force and exert no effect. Mr. Davis declined to withdraw the order 
and Johnston returned to privacy. 

In this connection it is said upon the authority of two gentlemen 
closely connected with Mr. Davis, one of them, alleged to be Gen. A, 
R. Lawton, who had been made the Quartermaster-General of the Con- 
federate armies, and the other. Gen. Gilmer, that he was opposed to 
removing Gen. Johnston, and reluctantly yielded to the advice of his 
Cabinet advisers. The account goes that at the meeting when it was 
determined, Mr. Davis walked up and down the room with his hands 
behind him in deep anxiety, saying with earnest emphasis and a most 
troubled manner, that he doubted the propriety of it. This report is 
the more important because it conflicts with the generally accredited 
opinion and puts Mr. Davis in a different light. 

It is not perhaps irrelevant nor an exaggeration to say that Gen. 
Johnston's career presents the most remarkable anomaly of military 
annals. From the beginning to the end he was distrusted and depre- 
ciated by the Confederate authorities, yet he held from first to last the 
confidence and admiration of armies and people. And every effort of 
the several made to retire him to obscurity, but strengthened him in 
popular esteem, and resulted in calling him to new exaltation of power, 
new display of genius and increase of fame. It seemed impossible to 
dispense with him. The public outcry for his installation in responsible 
leadership was irresistible. His genius was openly decried, and his 
administration condemned by his superiors, yet it was utterly in vain 
so far as the public confidence was concerned. The people stubbornly 



280 THE DOWNFALL BEGAN. 

believed in him, and the soldiers clamored for his Generalship and 
fought under it with an unshakable trust and a loving- enthusiasm. 
And while he labored under a continuous censure from the Confederate 
rulers, he enjoyed a constant triumph of praise from the masses of the 
people. It certainly presents a strange incident of the war, this incon- 
gruity of Johnston's connection with the struggle. Another curious 
fatality of Johnston was, that his genius was conspicuously and most 
mournfully vindicated by the blundering failure of others, instead of 
the successes achievable by the enforcement of his counsels and plans. 

When Gen. Johnston was removed he had been fighting an army 
double his own for seventy-four consecutive days. He had lost in 
killed and wounded 9,450 men, and inflicted a loss upon the enemy 
equal to the Southern army. He turned over to Gen. Hood a splendid 
experienced army of 50,627 veteran soldiers, disciplined, seasoned and 
buoyant, as fine a band of fighters as the world ever saw, well equipped 
and armed, well officered, well organized and invincible in Gen. John- 
ston's hands against attack. The removal of Johnston was the begin- 
ning of the end. It was the turning point to ultimate failure. Sher- 
man gave a long, deep breath of relief, and said, " Heretofore the fight- 
ing has been as Johnston pleased, but that hereafter it would be as he 
pleased." 

From this time on, the cause steadily sank, until it was engulfed in 
ruin. The army was the prop of the cause, and the leadership was 
given to one who was brave enough, but who fatally underestimated its 
value. Territory lost could be regained. The army gone, the cause 
was dead. The downfall was progressing surely, and our great Georgia 
was the theater of its enactment in strange fulfillment of romantic 
destiny. 



CHAPTER XXIX. 
SHERMAN TEARS ATLANTA FROM HOOD. 

The Georgia Militia. — Gen. G. W. Smith. — Gov. Brown's Heroic Ardor. — Johnston's 
Praise of Brown. — Brown and Davis. — Hood's Gallant Waste. — The Battles of the 
18th and 22nd of Julj around Atlanta. — The Death of Col. John M. Brown, 
brother of Gov. Brown. — Sherman's Cavalry. — Stoueman's Capture. — Hood's At- 
tack 28th July. — Bombardment of Atlanta. — Gov. Brown orders out County 
Officers. — Hood Sends off his Cavalry. — Jonesboro. — Atlanta Falls. — Its Moral 
Effect. — The South Stunned. — The North Vivified. — Compliments to the State 
Militia. — Gov. Brown and Mr. Sedden in their Last Stern Correspondence. — The 
Close of a Series of Intellectual Conflicts that will Gain Interest with Time. — De 
Fontaine's Pen Picture of Joe Brown. — Sherman in Atlanta. — His Exile of her 
People — Hood and Sherman. — Tart Letters. — Beauregard. — Convention of Gov- 
ernors. — Mr. Davis and Ben Hill Visit Georgia. — Davis' Unwise Speech at Macon. — 
A Photograph of Mr. Davis. — His Qualities and Needs. — Hood sent to Tennessee. 
— And the Dark End at Hand. — The Appointment of General A. E. Lawton 
Quarterma.ster-Geueral of the Confederate Government. — A Distinguished Oihcer. 
— The Great Compliment of this Assignment. — A Vast Kesponsibility Well Borne. 
—-Georgia's Controlling Agency Continued in this. — Gen. Lawton's Brilliant Admin- 
istration. — Destruction of all the Quartermaster's Papers. — The Enlistment of 
Negro Soldiers. — A Remarkable Document. 

We have come to Hood's fatal assumption of command, in the Heart 
of Georgia, of the most important of the twin armies of the Confeder- 
acy, on the 17th day of July, 1864. Atlanta and its vicinity were to 
become the arena of momentous occurrences. The defenses around 
Atlanta had been going on for weeks. Heavy rifled cannon had been 
brought from Mobile; the military shops had been removed. Gov. 
Brown had organized over 10,000 of the State militia, and placed them 
in the trenches around Atlanta, under Major-General Gustavus W. 
Smith, with Gen. Toombs as chief of staff, who was placed under Gen. 
Hood's orders. The conduct of Gov. Brown in this crisis deserves all 
praise. He did all that mortal man could to aid the desperate and fail- 
ing cause. His appeals were eloquent and urgent for the sons of the 
•State to rally to its defense. He had used every possible means to 
supply the troops with arms and clothing. He had chartered ships to 
import supplies. The Confederate Secretary of the Treasury refused 
to permit any vessel to clear unless she carried out one-half of the 
cargo for the Confederate government, which blocked Gov. Brown's 



282 THE BATTLE OF ATLANTA, JULY 22ND, 1864. 

operations. He had bought 30,000 blankets for soldiers and 30,000 
cotton cards, and had 300 bales of cotton loaded on the ship Little 
Ada to send out and pay for them, when Mr. Memminger refused a 
clearance for her. Gov. Brown, in conjunction with Gov. Clark, Gov. 
Watts and Gov. Vance appealed to Congress for relief. The matter 
created much comment at the time, but the Confederate authorities 
refused to yield. 

Gen. Johnston states in his " Narrative," that on all occasions he was 
zealously seconded by Gov. Brown. Quite an important correspond- 
ence took place between Gov. Brown and Mr. Davis in June, 1864. 
Gov. Brown wrote to Mr. Davis asking if reinforcements could not be 
sent to Georgia, and suggesting that Forrest or Morgan cut Sherman's 
communications. Mr. Davis replied, saying that he could not change 
the disposition of our forces so as to help. Gen. Johnston moi'e effec- 
tually. Gov. Brown answered: " If your mistake should result in the 
loss of Atlanta and the occupation of other strong points in this State 
by the enemy, the blow may be fatal to our cause, and remote posterity 
may have reason to mourn over the error." 

Gen. Hood lost little time in assuming the aggressive. Throwing 
completely over the cautious Fabian strategy of Johnston, Hood com- 
mitted an error that the most ordinary soldier would have avoided — 
threw his army against Sherman's double force, strongly entrenched, 
and met with a bloody repulse. If Sherman with twice the men had 
been unable to ever drive Johnston, what hope could Hood possibly 
have to force strong entrenchments with half the men. Hood took 
command at sunset on the 18th July, 1864. On the 20th, in the after- 
noon, he struck Sherman on the Buckhead road running from the 
Chattahoochee river to Decatur. He indented the Federal line at the 
first onset, but a five hours' gory battle sent him hustling back with a 
loss of about 5,000 men against a Federal loss of 1700. Nothing 
daunted. Hood moved out on the Federal left on the night of the 21st, 
and on the morning of the 22nd pounced savagely upon Sherman. 
There has been no heavier fighting than this fierce battle. From 11 
o'clock until night it raged. The Confederates secured several important 
advantages by sheer audacity. Gen. James P. McPlierson was killed 
in this battle. Gen. McPherson, though a young officer, was one of 
the most brilliant in the Federal armies. A monument in the woods 
near Atlanta marks the spot where he fell. Several batteries were 
captured, and several valuable positions taken gallantly. Wheeler's 
cavalry did good service. Prodigies of superb but useless valor were 



GOVERNOR brown's BROTHER KILLED. 283 

done by Hood's noble men. But Sherman was too strong and too game. 
Hood withdrew from his fatally earned inches of progress with two 
pitiful guns and the loss double the enemy, whose hard fighting was 
shown in a summary of 3,732 casualties. In this battle Gen. W. H. 
T. Walker was killed and Gen. Mercer wounded. Among the desper- 
ately hurt was Lieut. Col, John M. Brown, a brother of Gov, Brown, 
who was wounded while leading his regiment, one of the State organi- 
zations, gallantly in a charge. He was twenty-five years old. He had 
been wounded at the battle of Resaca while holding the rank of Major. 
He returned to his command before his wound was healed, and was unani- 
mously elected Lieut, Colonel. He took part in the Kennesaw battle. 
He was commanding the regiment on the 22nd. He was a very prom- 
ising officer, and beloved by his regiment. This was the second brother 
that Gov, Brown lost in the service. Col, Brown died from his wound 
at the executive mansion on the 25th of July, 1864. While standing 
by the bedside of his dying brother. Gov. Brown was called upon to 
provide means for the defense of Milledgeville threatened by a raid, and 
it seemed doubtful if he would be permitted to bury his brother in 
peace. 

Sherman's cavalry were very active. Garrard broke some bridges 
near Covington on the Georgia road. Rousseau tore up the West Point 
road at Opelika. Stoneman with 5,000 troopers and McCook with 4,000 
went out to meet on the Macon road and rip up matters. Both com- 
mands were surrounded. McCook escaped, but Stoneman surrendered 
to a force consisting of Iverson's Georgia brigade, Adams' Alabama 
brigade and Williams' brigade, under command of Brig, Gen, Alfred 
Iverson, Stoneman had attacked Macon but had been repulsed by a • 
part of Gov, Brown's militia under Gen, Cobb, both Gov. Brown and 
Gen. Cobb being on the field, and acting under suggestion of Gen. Jos. 
E, Johnston, who was present supervising the engagement. Over 600 
Federals were captured. The grateful citizens of Macon proposed a 
dinner to Iverson and his command, but the command was ordered away 
before the purpose could be carried out. 

The fighting around Atlanta up to this time had been done on the 
South-east, Sherman moved his forces over on the west side, and Hood 
followed him up. On the 28th of July, 1864, Hood made another of 
his daring onslaughts upon Sherman with the same unsuccessful and 
bloody result, a loss of three or four of his own men to one of the 
enemy. The losses of Hood in killed and wounded, not including the 
captured, up to July the 31st, from the night of the 18th, or thirteen 



284 THE BOMBARDMENT OF ATLANTA, 

days, were 8,841, or only 609 less than Johnston had lost in seventy-four 
days' continuous battle, in which Johnston had whipped every conflict 
and Hood lost every one he had fought. On the 5th of August Schofield 
struck Hood's line, but was driven back with a loss of 400 men. This 
was the sole Confederate success won by Hood, and it illustrated the 
wisdom of Johnston's strategy. A division of Federal cavalry made an 
attack upon Macon, but were repulsed by Maj. Gen. Howell Cobb with 
two regiments of militia and several other commands. 

Sherman constantly bombarded Atlanta, throwing his shot and shell 
into the heart of the city. The private residences were daily struck. 
The dwelling of Judge C. H. Strong, the present clerk of the superior 
court, the stores of Beech & Root and W, F. Herring on Whitehall 
street, the residences of E. lB. Walker and A. M. Wallace on Ivy street, 
and hundreds of others, were damaged. People burrowed in their 
cellars for protection; basement stories were at a decided premium; 
and holes in railroad cuts were utilized in the cause of personal safety. 
The campaign was rapidly culminating. Sherman finding that direct 
assault was unavailing, and that Hood had learned by costly experience 
the lesson that Johnston had so astutely understood at the start, that 
he must economize his army, again resorted to his old strategy. In the 
meantime Gov. Brown, appreciating the emergency, was reinforcing the 
State militia. He used every means to get men to the front. Some 
foreigners were dodging military duty. He issued an order driving 
aliens from the State unless they would do service. He ordered out the 
county officers. He infringed pretty nearly upon the cradle and the 
grave. His energy was unbounded. And the raw State militia did 
noble duty. Gen. Johnston on the 7th of July wrote to Gov. Brown 
complimenting the Georgia State troops. After the battle of the 22nd 
of July Gen. Hood wrote Gov. Brown that they had fought with great 
gallantry. The field officers were as follows: 

First Brigade, Brigadier General R. W. Carswell. 

First Regiment, Colonel E. H. Pottle. 

Second Regiment, Colonel C. D. Anderson. 

Fifth Regiment, Colonel S. S. Staffprd. 

First Battalion, Lieutenant Colonel McCay. 

Second Brigade, Brigadier General P. J. Phillips. 

Third Regiment, Colonel Jno. M. Hill. 

Fourth Regiment, Colonel R. McMillan. 

Sixth Regiment, Colonel J. W. Burney. 

Independent Artillery Battalion, Colonel C. W. Styles. 



ATLA:^rTA LOST BY THE CO:S^FEDEKATES. 285 

The Staff was as follows: 

Major General, Gustavus W. Smith. 

Inspector General, General Robert Toombs. , 

Adjutant General, Major W. K. De Graffenseid. 

Chief of Artillery and Ordnance, Colonel Joseph S. Claghorn. 

Chief Quartermaster, Colonel L. H. O. Martin. 

Chief Commissary, Major W. J. Williford. 

Medical Director, Dr. H. R. Casey. 

Division Surgeon, Dr. Thomas A. Rains. 

Aid-de-Camp, Colonel Linton Stephens. 
Gen. Sherman struck out on the 25th of August, 18G4, for his final 
mischief in the matter of securing Atlanta. Gen. Hood perpetrated 
another of his irreparable blunders, that Gen. Johnston so unerringly 
avoided. He sent off Wheeler's cavalry to cut the State road. Sherman 
leaped to the opportunity. He dashed down on the West Point railroad 
and tore up twelve continuous miles. He then made for the Macon 
railroad, threatening it for eleven miles from Rough and Ready to Jones- 
boro. Hardee and S. D. Lee were at Jonesboro, and made a rushing 
onslaught upon the Federal force on the olst of August, 1864, but 
retired finally with a heavy punishment upon both sides. The next day, 
the 1st of September, Lee having been withdrawn by Hood the night 
before, Sherman attacked Hardee's attenuated line late in the afternoon. 
The fight was a frightful one, and Hardee's dauntless corps, fighting 
overwhelming odds, covered itself all over with glory. But a break was 
made at one point by the pure pressure of numbers. The line reformed 
in the short distance of one hundred and fifty yards from the break, and 
held until night. But the campaign was ended. The road to Atlanta 
was in Sherman's hands, and Hood moved out of Atlanta amid the 
thunder of exploded magazines and the baleful light of burning military 
stores, fired to destroy them. In the silence of the night the reverbera- 
tions of this ominous noise, the counterfeit of battle, and the gloomy 
glare of conflagrations at Atlanta, came down the twenty miles to cheer 
the slumbering Federal conquerors, and to sadden the weary, mutilated 
legions of Hardee, sullenly leaving the blood-stained streets of Jonesboro. 
The moral effect of the fall «)f Atlanta was simply immeasurable. In 
Virginia, Lee had repulsed every assault, destroying innumerable Fed- 
erals, and manning his lines with a seemingly untouched capacity of 
resistance. Jubal Early, in the Yalley, had won a startling success. The 
North was gloomy. A convention there clamored for peace. The peo- 
ple grumbled savagely. An additional half a million of soldiers was 



286 THE EFFECT OF THE FALL OF ATLANTA, 

drafted, and Lincoln squinted at peace negotiations. In this pervasive 
depression, the capture of Atlanta thrilled the Union with its ringing 
spell. The Southern Heart was reached. Half of Georgia lay writhing 
in Sherman's iron grasp, and with it the Gate City, the Key to our 
Southern railroads, workshops, granaries, prisons, and arsenals. Stand- 
ing midway between the cotton and grain belts the Federal commander, 
viewing the successful issue of his wonderful campaign, with its superb 
succession of battles and strategy, and the sorely wounded army of his 
foe, driven, shattered and bleeding from its cherished and vital strong- 
hold, sent back to the North such a note of encouragement and triumph 
as gave lasting inspiration to the Union cause. 

But if the taking of Atlanta so enthused and strengthened the North, 
it fell upon the South with a proportionately depressing effect. Men 
began to talk of peace. Some gentlemen wrote to Alec Stephens an(i 
Herschell V. Johnson, the two strong Union men at the beginning of 
the war, for their views of the propriety of attempting a peace move- 
ment. Both replied advising against it then. In the lull in operations 
following the fall of Atlanta, Gov. Brown furloughed the state militia 
for thirty days to go home and look after domestic matters and prepare 
for the next campaign. This militia force embraced men not included 
in the conscription law, the state officers and boys down to 16 years, 
and old men up to 55. Many of them had seen service and been 
discharged for disability. They were dubbed " Joe Brown's Pets." 
They were unable to stand much hardship, but as has been seen they 
had fought heroically, and performed service that was gratefully ac- 
knowledged by both Generals Johnston and Hood, in the following 
letters: 

" Near Chattahoochee, 7th July, 1864. 
" To His Excellency, J. E. Broion, Governor: 

" I have the pleasure to inform you that the State Troops promise well, and have al- 
ready done good service. While the army was near Marietta they were employed to 
support the cavalry on the extreme left, and occupied a position quite distinct from any 
other infantry of ours. According to all accounts, tlieir conduct in the presence of the 
enemy was firm and creditable. Such Federal parties as approached the crossing places 
of the Chattahoochee guarded by them, have been driven back. These proofs of their 
value make me anxious that their number shall be increased. Is it possible ? You 
know that the distinguished officer at their head is competent to high command. 
" Most Respectfully, Your obedient servant, 

J. E. JOHNSTON." 

" Head-qdarters, July 23d, 1864. 
" To His Excellency, Governor Brown : 

" The State Troops under Major Gen. Smith fought with great gallantry in the 

action of yesterday. J. B. HOOD, General." 



CORRESPONDENCE BETAVEEN GOV. BROWN AND MR. SEDDON. 287 

The following is an extract from a letter from Major General G. W. 
Smith to Gov. Brown, relative to the fig-ht of the 22d July, at Atlanta: 

" The Militia did themselves great credit outside of the trenches on Friday. They 
marched over tlie breastworks — advanced upon the entrenchments of tlie enemy in fine 
order, took position within three hundred yards, and silenced the artillery by musketry 
fire through the embrasures. We had uo support on our right within a mile, none on 
our left within six hundred yards, and our troops on the left were driven back. 

" We held our position for several hours, and only withdrew after receiving an order to 
that effect from General Hood, which order was given because the troops upon our left 
had been repulsed. There was not a single straggler." 

These troops were the occasion of the last memorable controversy 
between Gov. Brown and the Confederate administration. Mr. Davis, 
through Mr. Seddon, made requisition upon Gov. Brown for these 10,000 
militia and such other force as he might be able to raise; those in Gen. 
Hood's department to report to him, and those outside to the command- 
ant of South Carolina and Georgia. This requisition was dated August 
30, 1864, and alleged the condition of the State subjected to formidable 
invasion as the basis for it. 

In the desperate stress of the Confederacy and the stern spirit that 
pervaded all classes in the consciousness of impending disaster, the 
forms of politeness were ignored. The antagonism between these high 
officials had widened and become more embittered. The correspondence 
is as fiery, incisive and biting as it was possible to be. It was war to 
the knife. The requisition of Mr. Seddon was received on the 12th of 
September, and Gov. Brown made immediate reply. He regretted that 
Mr. Davis was so late in discovering that Georgia was in such danger. 
The " formidable invasion " began in May and was still going on. He 
scathed the military policy that had scattered forces instead of concen- 
trating at the point of danger, that had withheld reinforcements until 
the damage was accomplished, and that had left in our rear a camp of 
30,000 Federal prisoners. He scored the administration for not discov- 
ering that these troops were already in the trenches fighting under Gen. 
Hood. As the call for them was unnecessary, he argued that Mr. Davis 
desired to get control of the whole of the reserve militia, disband its 
organization and put his own officers over the troops. These commands 
had been gallantly fighting and many of them filled soldiers' graves. 
No other state had organized such a force not subject to conscription, 
and placed it in command of the Confederate general, and no such 
requisition was made upon the Governor of any state but Georgia. 
The requisition, too, was made in such a manner as to take the troops 
out of the trenches rather than putting them in, dividing the troops and 



288 THE SECRETARY OF WAR AND GOVERNOR BROWN. 

sending a part of them to Charleston. Gov. Brown refused to honor 
the requisition, but said that he should keep these troops at the front 
under command of the Confederate General as long as he staid in 
Georgia. Gov. Brown went on to suggest that Georgia had fifty regi- 
ments in Virginia besides soldiers in every State. If her brave sons 
could return to fight for their own State, if they could not drive back 
the invader, they would perish in a last effort. 

October 8, 1864, Mr. Seddon replied. He began: "It requires for^ 
bearance in reply to maintain the respect I would pay your station and 
observe the official propriety you have so transcended." The reason of 
the call was to get the full organization of militia, impart unity and 
efficiency to the troops, and subsist and pay them at Confederate expense. 
The President had the right to call such militia. This is the first case 
where the right had been questioned." In the war with Great Britain, 
Massachusetts and Connecticut had made some such point, but it was 
overruled, and the impression was created that these states were in 
collusion with the enemy, Mr, Seddon directly charged that.Gov. 
Brown's prominent and influencing reasons sprung from " a spirit of 
opposition to the government of the Confederate States and animosity 
to the chief magistrate whom the people of the Confederacy have 
honored by their choice and confidence." He said that Gov. Brown's 
resistance to conscription had impaired the help given to Georgia; that 
his suspicions of Mr. Davis wanting to disband the militia to reorganize 
it with his own officers ^was chimerical; that he had formed nondescript 
organizations, scant in men and full of officers, affording scarcely a 
decent division of 4,000 men out of an alleged 16,000, and that Gov. 
Brown had, by the spirit of his past action and public expressions, 
caused our enemies to feel encouraged, and the patriotic citizens of the 
Confederacy to feel mortified. He closed with these biting words: 

" To the department it Avbuld be far more grateful, instead of being engaged in 
reminding of constitutional obligations and repelling unjust imputations, to be co-operat- 
ing with your Excellency in a spirit of unity and confidence in the defense of your State 
and the overthrow of the invader." 

Gov. Brown, on November 14, 1864, replied that he intended no 
personal disrespect in his letter. He was dealing with principles and 
proposed to do so frankly. He dissected the nature of the call made on 
him for boys and old men not subject to conscription or to serve in 
armies, and showed there was no analogy to the case of Massachusetts 
and Connecticut, who were called on for men liable to service. In the 
case of Georgia the call was for militia not subject to duty, or to Con- 



SOME SHAEP SPAEEING. 289 

federate call, and not called for from any other State, but already in 
the field under the Confederate commander. Gov. Brown went on in 
this letter to answer the various points made against him; that his 
"nondescript" organizations were in exact conformity to the law; 
that his " scarcely decent division " of 4,000 men only embraced the 
territory between Atlanta and the Tennessee line, leaving the territory 
below with 13,000 men untouched; that any interruption with Con- 
federate plans was imaginary; that he could scarcely have given more 
encouragement to the enemy than Mr. Davis did 'in his Macon speech 
when he informed the world that two-thirds of the Confederate soldiers 
were away from their posts, and that his animosity to Mr. Davis 
was really his unwillingness to indorse the errors of the administration. 
His concluding sentence thus reads: 

" No military authority, State or Confederate, can be lawfully used for any other 
purpose than to uphold the civil authorities, and so much of it as the Constitution of my 
country has confided to my hands shall be used for that purpose, Avhether civil society, 
its constitution and laws shall be invaded from without or within. Measured by your 
standard, this is doubtless disloyalty. Tested by mine, it is a high duty to my country." 

Mr. Seddon answered on the 13th of December, 1864. His letter 
continues the sharp discourtesy, stating that if there had been any 
" want of faith or breach of duty " Gov. Brown was the " guilty party," 
alluding to what he called Gov. Brown's " garbled extracts " from the 
correspondence with the department, and speaking of his " wanton and 
reckless assaults " upon the Confederate administration. In his con- 
cluding letter, dated January 6, 1865, Gov. Brown refers to the devasta- 
tion of Georgia, and says that the only slight barrier to the foe was this 
very militia of boys and old men that he refused to turn over to Mr. 
Davis and permit a portion of them to be sent to Charleston as required 
by Mr. Davis while they were in the trenches defending Atlanta. 

This correspondence reflected the temper of those stern days, and 
closed a series of constitutional conflicts that will gain interest with the 
passage of time. And they will become unceasingly famous in illustrat- 
ing, to use the expressive language of Mr. Grady, that vivid user of 
words: " Brown, the pallid, forceful mountaineer, who held the helm 
through Georgia's bloodiest days, and went through a revolution as the 
foil of its President, standing for the sovereignty of the States against a 
centralized confederacy." 

It will not be inappropriate in this connection to quote from the 

journalistic correspondence of that day a portion of a letter written 

from Georgia to the Charleston South Carolinian by Mr. F. G. De Fon- 
19 



290 F. G. DE Fontaine's sketch of governor brown. 

taine. He wrote over the name of " Personne," which he made famous 
then, and he was a rival of our own Georgia war correspondent, Col. 
P. W. Alexander, who under the initials " P. W. A." achieved so much 
distinction for his war letters, De Fontaine was very brilliant and his 
letters were vivid and sparkling ^^ictures. Here is his letter alluded to, 
and it portrays Gov. Brown: 

" Take a delicately constructed human form, robe it in a summer suit of black Avith 
that careless grace which so well becomes a Southern gentleman ; give it a light quick 
step and an easy motion A^liich betokens at once the peacefulness of a lamb or the leap 
of a tiger ; let there rise from the recesses of a roughly turned shirt collar, a long mus- 
cular neck, on which there sets a handsomely shaped head — not too broad across the 
eyes, but long from front to rear, and high from ears to summit — a little too large for 
the body below, both as regards motive power and proportion ; surmount the whole with 
a not too quickly growing mass of iron gray hair, whicli is brushed well back from the 
temples, revealing a tall, expansive and expressive forehead, marked with lines of men- 
tal toil ; set under a brow indicative of the moral strength of the man, a pair of keen 
dark eyes, mild or piercing as his thoughts may chance to flow, whose variable color 
may be either graj'', black or brown ; fasten in its proper place one of those solid looking 
noses by which Napoleon used to choose his thinking men ; close the catalogue of feat- 
ures by the addition of a large Henry Clay style of mouth, with an under jaw that can 
work with the force and vehemence of a trip hammer, and lips so pliable, that like his 
eyes, they express every feeling, and you have the tout ensemble of the not ungraceful 
form and clean shaven face of a man whose name has gone the rounds of every house- 
hold in the confederacy — His Excellency, Josejjh E. Brown, Governor of Georgia. 

" An hour's conversation has revealed Iiim to me as one of the most remarkable men 
it has been my fortune to encounter during the war, not remarkable perliaps for high 
intellectual attainments — though probabl^^ he is not wanting in these — but remarkable 
in the possession of those strong personal qualities whicii eminently fit him for the posi- 
tion he now occupies, as a leader of the people of his state, and an obstinate opponent of 
the policy of the general government. 

" If his manner is polite to a fault, and winning in its silent eloquence, his conversa- 
tion is doubly attractive, as the outpouring of a nature evidently sincere, conscientious, 
and fully imbued with a sense of the grave responsibilities with which he has been in- 
vested. His utterances are rapid, though frequently overtaking speech, and his gestures 
few, but forcible and nervous. Fastening his eyes on one who converses witli him, fait 
after fact, and statement after statement roll from his lips in quick succession, until the 
whole argument clearly and completely shaped stands before you like a picture. Then 
he becomes a ready listener, with great frankness, he combines a determination that 
never baulks at difficulty, and would make him almost fierce in the achievement of an 
end, the way to which was environed with obstacles. Shrewd as a politician, genial in 
his social intercourse, accessible to any and all, plausible in his statements, with great 
success in the administration of state affairs as an unimpeachable fact to back him, and 
more than all, for his strength and fortress a principle always taking witli the mass of 
the people, I can readily understand the secret of the popularity which has been attained 
by Gov. Brown. 

"Remarking to him, in tlie course of our interview, that his policy was not generally 
understood beyond the limits of his own state, and was accordingly regarded as inimical 



" PERSONNE's " SKETCH OF GOVERNOR BROWX, CONTINUED. 291 

to the best interests of the Confederacy, he replied, and not without some force, that the 
platform ou which he stood now, was the same- as that occupied by every state of the 
Confederacy in 1861. Georgia, in common with her sisters, as a sovereign state, had 
delegated to the general government, as an agent, certain powers ; and only when these 
Avere trauseendei or usurped by Mr. Davis, or by Congress, had he (the Governor) 
stepped forward to enter his protest against the act. In so doing he had merely made 
an issue on principle, that it miglit not be retorted upon him in the future that he 
silently acquiesced in measures clearly inconsistent witli the spirit of the Constitution. 
The encroachments of centralized power had been the curse of tlie continent, and it be- 
hooved every statesman in the South to see to it that while yielding to our own general 
government all proper support, every attempt by it to interfere with the action of tlie 
state authorities should be promptly met and checked. To use the Governor's own 
illustration — we were all sailing in the same boat, and although the pilot at the helm 
might be steering upon a reef, the crew while discovering the danger should only pro- 
test, not mutiny. Thus he would be tlie last man in the Confederacy to throw obstacles 
in the way of tlie President, and had ever rendered all the support in his power, lie 
had always furnished more troops than were demanded, and he was in the present in- 
stance calling ou his militia without a hint to that end from the Executive. Peace he 
did not want and would not have, except on terms consistent with the honor of the 
South ; and hence he w^as utterly and every way opposed to the efforts on the part of 
a faction in North Carolina to get up a state convention, looking to the accomplishment 
of that object by any other means than those now employed. He had advised against 
it and should continue to do so. The idea of a further secession ou the part of any 
Southern state was preposterous, and those who imagined that the attitude of Georgia 
to-day, or of any of her officials, lent color or probability to such an event, were commit- 
ting one of the greatest of errors. 

"I confess myself surprised at the frank definition of his position which Gov. Brown 
gave me. Although the above is but tlie substance of his remarks, I repeat them to 
your readers, because they will serve to disabuse many, a mind of the idea, that he is 
the dangerous ' element of disi'ord ' which thousands now believe him to be." 

This letter is a valuable, and in many respects a remarkable one, and 
especially so in the intuition of Gov. Brown's character attained in so 
brief a scrutiny. It is a fine piece of word-painting, and an accurate 
comprehension and fair statement of Gov. Brown's important position. 
Mr. De Fontaine's picture is well worthy of preservation. 

Recurring to Gen. Sherman's occupation of Atlanta, he inaugurated 
a vigorous policy. His idea seemed to be to make it purely a military 
station. Upon his entrance he was met by the Mayor, Col. James M. 
Calhoun, and other citizens, who sought the protection of the city. Ho 
issued an order outlawing Col. G. W. Lee, Col. Alexander M. Wallace, 
Capt. G. W. Anderson and Mr. C. W. Hunnicutt, on account of certain 
alleged offenses against Union people. He ordered the departure of all 
the citizens from Atlanta, and he notified Gen. Hood, on the 7th of 
September, 1864, that he would remove them and their baggage to 
Rough and Ready, sending the letter by James M. Ball and James R. 



293 THE EXILE OF THE ATLANTA PEOPLE. 

Crew. A sharp correspondence ensued. Gen. Hood replied pronounc- 
ing the measure unprecedented in transcending tlie " studied and 
ingenious cruelty of all acts ever before brought before the attention of 
mankind, even in the darkest history of war." Gen. Sherman retorted 
back, tartly telling Gen. Hood to "talk to the marines;" that the act 
was a kindness to the people of Atlanta; and arraigning the Southern 
generals for savagery in warfare, and the South for causing the war. 
Gen. Hood replied, repelling the charge of harsh warfare by the South- 
ern generals, declining to discuss any political questions, and declining 
also to accept the statement, that the exile of a whole people of a city 
at the point of the bayonet from their homes in the interest of the 
United States government, was a kindness. The whole number thus 
exiled was reported to be between 1,600 and 1,700 persons. 

The policy of Gen. Sherman was a severe one, but it was based upon 
the philosophy that war is a cruelty, and he drove to results unspar- 
ingly. The exile of the whole people, and the destruction of the city 
afterwards, were evidently parts of his plan, which had the military 
merit; whatever may be said of its humanity, that it gashed the Confed- 
eracy to death and ended the war in favor of the North, 

Gen. Beauregard was assigned to the command of the Department 
including Georgia. He visited Gov. Brown at Milledgeville, and received 
an ovation from the people, to whom he made a brief speech expressing 
his belief that Sherman could be driven from Georgia in sixty days if 
the absentees would return to the army. Gen. A. R. Wright was 
ordered to Georgia and placed in command at Augusta. Gen. Hardee 
was ordered to Charleston and placed in charge of the coast. 

A convention of the Governors of Georgia, Virginia, North Carolina, 
South Carolina, Alabama and Mississippi, was held in Augusta on the 
25th day of October, 1864, when resolutions of Gov. William Smith 
were passed, expressing confidence in the success of the cause, and 
j)ledging to the soldiers in the field every effort to increase our armies; 
and also recommending the passage of certain measures to aid the 
present prosecution of the war. 

Early in October President Davis, accompanied by Hon. Benjamin H. 
Hill, visited Georgia. During all of these trying days Mr. Hill was in 
close counsel with Mr. Davis, affording him a hearty co-operation and 
sympathy. It was a coincidence at once interesting and suggestive, 
that the main props and opponents of the administration's policy were 
Georgians. Before the removal of Gen. Johnston, Mr. Hill had made a 
visit to him as a quasi-representative of Mr. Davis. On the visit in 



JEFFERSON DAVIS. 293 

October, 1864, Mr. Hill was with him, and they spoke together. At 
Macon, Mr. Davis made a speech, to which Gov. Brown makes reference 
in his last letter to Mr. Seddon in the correspondence about the State 
militia heretofore given. Mr. Davis gave a gloomy view of matters in 
this noted speech. He stated that two-thirds of the Southern armies 
were absent from duty. He also called the retreat from Dalton a " deep 
disgrace." He declared the man who charged that he had abandoned 
Georgia a " miserable man " and " a scoundrel." In that unconquerable 
spirit which belonged to this most heroic man, — the very type and 
incarnation of dauntless courage — he urged the people not to despond. 
But in spite of this resolute spirit that breathed from him unquailingly, 
his speech did infinite harm. It encouraged the foe and chilled our own 
people. The revelation was impotent for good. The tone of Mr. Davis 
was damaging to our cause. It was a sour, spiteful utterance, that 
showed deep concern and unpoised irritability. It was the anguish of a 
conscientious soul over calamity to cherished hopes. 

Mr. Davis had noble qualities and was a great man. He had many of 
the requirements of his terrific position — his overwhelming trust. . But 
yet he was not the man as a whole for it. He was brave, able, honest, 
loyal, firm. The heroic element in Davis was great. His intellect was 
of uncommon power and culture. Mr, Davis was an orator, a statesman, 
a general, a patriot. He was intelligent and conscientious. But he 
lacked mobility. He was a man of stubborn prejudices and a jagged 
temper. The diplomacy of statesmanship he knew not at all. He had 
a large faculty of making enemies. He was not a wise man. He lacked 
great common sense. He obstinately clung to useless and unavailable 
instruments. His resentments potently and yet unknowingly governed 
his action. He was a singular blending of the true and the unwise. 
Mr. Davis did not seem to learn anything from his mistakes. All men 
make blunders, and most men profit by them. He profited nothing. 
He clung intrepidly to his errors. He showed a sublime tenacity in 
adhering to unpopular and unsuccessful recipients of his confidence. 
But it is undeniably true that the Confederacy had than he no higher 
symbol of unvanquishable courage, constitutional principle and exalted 
patriotism, 

Mr. Davis and Mr. Hill went to Hood's head-quarters, and the result 
of the conference of the President with the General of this priceless 
army was that in a few days Hood started on that ill-fated expedition 
into Tennessee which ended in the annihilation of the army. And Sher- 
man was free to go on his " March to the Sea," which gave the death- 



394 ge:^. a. k. lawton, confederate quae.-master general. 

blow to the Southern Confederacy. Georgia stuck grimly to her fate- 
ful potency in the revolution. It seemed out of the range of possibility 
to thwart this remarkable destiny. 

Another conspicuous instance of Georgia's extraordinary and controll- 
ing agency in this war, was the appointment of that distinguished 
Georgian, Gen. A. R. Lawton, to the head of the most important practi- 
cal branch of the war department, the .Quartermaster's. Gen. Lawton 
took charge as Quartermaster-General in August, 1863, and continued 
to perform the stupendous duties of that responsible office until the sur- 
render. He was a South Carolinian by birth, a graduate of West Point, 
and served in the 1st Regiment of U. S. Artillery for eighteen months on 
the frontier of the British Provinces. Resigning he became a lawyer, 
graduating at Harvard Law School, and settled in Savannah. He has 
been one of the acknowledged leaders of the Georgia bar, conducting 
many of the most important cases in the Supreme Court of Georgia, some 
of them having been carried to and argued in the Supreme Court of the 
United States. 

As has been stated, he was Colonel of the only Volunteer Regiment 
in Georgia when the war begun, and seized Fort Pulaski under Gov. 
Brown's orders. He retained command in Savannah under state com- 
mission until in April, 1861, he was commissioned Brigadier General in 
the Confederate army and assigned to the command of the Georgia 
coast until June, 1862, when at his own request he went to Virginia with 
5,000 men of his command that Gen. Lee called on him to send. Gen. 
Henry R. Jackson had turned over to him his superb division of State 
troops, and he had over 12,000 men under him at one time. 

In Virginia his service was brilliant and honorable. He joined Stone- 
wall Jackson in the Valley, and returned with him to make the Hank 
movement against McClellan and take part in the seven days' light 
around Richmond. His Brigade was the largest in Gen. Lee's army 
and bore a conspicuous part, losing heavily in the battles of Cold Har- 
bor and Malvern Hill. When Ewell was wounded at 2nd Manassas he 
took charge of that officer's division, which he commanded at Chantilly, 
Harper's Ferry and Sharpsburg. He was seriously wounded at Sharps- 
burg and his horse killed. He was disabled until May, 1873, when, 
though still lame, he reported in person for duty to the Adjutant Gen- 
eral in Richmond. Under Gen. Lawton's command the Ewell division 
made a glowing record. The Richmond press declared it had " covered 
itself with glory." 

Before Gen. Lawton reported for duty in May, 1863, the Confederate 




A. R. LAWTON, 
Quartermaster-General, C. S. A. 



GEIfEKAL A. R. LAWTON's GEEAT RESPONSIBILITIES. 295 

congress had conferred additional rank on the office of Quartermaster- 
General, and thus gave the President the opportunity to confer that 
rank on the officer then at the head of that Bureau, or to assign some 
General officer to the discharge of its duties. The President and Secre- 
tary of War decided to assign General Lawton to that position. He ob- 
jected streniiously to th 3 assignment, declaring that he had entered the 
service for duty in the field, that he had no experience whatever in 
bureau service, and that the resources at the command of the Quarter- 
master-General were so reduced that no hand new at the business could 
reorganize it with success. His objections were such as to cause a delay 
of two or three months in ordering him to that duty. When it was 
pressed upon him a second time. President Davis said that he considered 
the position one of such importance to our success that there was no 
man, of any rank whatever in the Confederate service, save only the com- 
manders of the two great armies, whom he would not withdraw from the 
field, and assign to that duty, if he could find the person who was best 
fitted for it. Under these circumstances Gen. Lawton was ordered to 
the head of that Bureau, and took charge of it in August, 1863, and con- 
tinued to perform its great and invaluable duties until the close of the war. 

This assignment was a strong tribute to this distinguished officer, and 
it curiously continued the masterful instrumentality of Georgia in the 
revolution. The -responsibilities thus assumed by Gen. Lawton were 
appalling. The Quartermaster's department had charge of all field and 
railroad transportation over the whole immense theater of war, includ- 
ing the furnishing and foraging of horses for all branches of the service ; 
it furnished all buildings, tents, and camp and garrison equipage, even 
to cooking utensils; all the clothing of the army; and was charged with 
tlie payment of the troops. Its supervision extended from the Potomac 
to the Rio Grande. Railways, destroyed by the ravages of war, had to be 
kept in condition for transportation in a country practically without 
iron, without locomotive works or rolling mills. Horses had to be fur- 
nished for all the exigencies of war, within a territory which had never 
supplied one half the demand, even for farming purposes and pleasure rid- 
ing. Clothing had to be created where there were not wool and leather 
enough within the territory at our command for a complete outfit for 
twelve months. These were some of the vast difficulties to be overcome. 

A prominent Englishman, near the close of the war, remarked that it 
was easier for his people to understand how one man, suffering under 
wrongs and injuries inflicted, could meet and vanquish two or even three, 
than it was for them to understand how we made one horse s*ve the 



296 SOME OF GENERAL LAWTOn's ACHIEVEMENTS. 

purpose of three, and one pound of iron, or leather, or wool, perform the 
service of three. These great difficulties were met by Gen. I^awton, 
our capable and resolute Georgian, with an unsurpassable tact and 
energy. His enterprise and resources were boundless. While the 
papers of Richmond especially, and of other places, were constantly 
declaring against and finding fault with the other supply departments 
of the government, not one word of censure was ever written against 
the administration of the Quartermaster-General's office while Gen. 
Lawton was at the head of it. This constitutes remarkable testimony 
to the efficiency of his administration of this stupendous duty, for he 
had in the very, nature of things to refuse five applications where he 
could' grant one, so limited were our resources and so great the wants. 
It was a colossal responsibility nobly borne. 

Nor were his difficulties lessened by the fact, that nearly every one of 
the appointments to office were made under the administration of his 
predecessor, and therefore he had to deal with the personelle of a 
department which he had no hand in selecting. He availed himself of 
every opportunity to diminish the number of Quartermasters, and 
steadily refused to increase them. He had to transport nearly all of the 
food and horses of Gen. Lee's army a distance of six to eight hundred 
miles by land, a thing never before accomplished in the history of war. 
Perhaps the most striking case of prompt transportation on worn-out 
railroads that ever occurred, was the transfer of Longstreet's Corps 
from the Rapidan in Virginia to the Chickamauga in Georgia, in time 
to change the results of that bloody battle of the " River of Death." 
Gen. Lee had a long and serious interview with Gen. Lawton about 
sending that corps away, it being a most critical moment, and he feared 
that the absence of these troops might expose his army to great danger, 
while they might be too late to help Bragg. Gen. Lawton had all the 
calculations made, based upon our resources, and promised to land this 
corps at its destination by a certain day and hour. The corps reached 
it twelve hours before the promised moment. Gen. Longstreet's corps 
had quite a sprinkling of Georgia troops. It was a striking coincidence 
that the administrative genius of this Georgia Quartermaster-General 
in the extraordinary movement of this body of troops, composed to a 
considerable extent of Georgians, should have given to the Confederate 
arms on Georgia soil one of the greatest victories of the Avar. Gen. 
Sorrell, Adjutant-General to Gen. Longstreet, expressed the opinion 
that this feat of traijsportation was one of the most successful of the 
revolulaon. 



COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, AS A DEPOT OF SUPPLY. 297 

There were many brilliant features of Gen. Lawton's administration 
of this great department — features marked by that fine, discriminating 
judgment that constitutes one of the most essential qualities of execu- 
tive capacity. He found that most of the factories had been stranded 
by the irregular and arbitrary manner in which the government had 
taken control of their wares. He first appointed inspectors to visit 
them all and ascertain their resources, capacity and probable results. 
They were then required to sell only a certain portion to the govern- 
ment, leaving them free to sell the rest to the people, so that they could 
procure the money, or other things by barter, necessary to keep them 
running. Thus was avoided the danger of killing the goose that laid 
the golden egg. The same course was pursued as to leather and other 
articles required for the army. 

In this connection every Georgian will take pride in the fact, which 
also runs in the line of our State supremacy to which so many allusions 
have been made, that the city of Columbus, Georgia, furnished more 
manufactured articles of every kind to the Confederate Quartermaster's 
department than any place in the Confederacy except Richmond, which 
had all the protection and fostering care of the government. This 
superiority was not relative, according to population; but absolute, 
producing more clothing, shoes, hats, cooking utensils, axes, spades, 
harness, etc., etc. Gen. Lawton found that clothing and other articles 
coming to us through the blockade were at once distributed and con- 
sumed under the orders of commanders controlling the ports where they 
arrived; and of course those in "safe places " got- the lion's share. This 
was all stopped, and every bale of cloth, box of shoes and other supplies 
were put under the exclusive control, on arrival, of the Quartermaster- 
General, and thus they reached the men in the field. 

Every branch of this vast and varied department was thus systema- 
tized, improved and more economically administered by this clear-headed, 
capable, positive Georgian, and from the civil and military heads as well 
as the armies and people, there was a continuous and universal approva,l 
of his masterly regime. 

The Quartermaster-General did not hold money or property; not be- 
ing a bonded officer, no funds were placed in his hands by the Treasury 
department, and he never receipted for any property. The confusion of 
the surrender found him with nothing left in his charge, but the records 
and papers of the Bureau, which were all destroyed in the great fire at 
Richmond on the day of the evacuation. 

Perhaps nothing can demonstrate more vividly the stress of the 



298 COLORED ENLISTMENTS URGED. 

Southern cause in the last days of the conflict, and the desperate pur- 
pose of its defenders to succeed than the following- extraordinary docu- 
ment, which not only urged the enlistment of negro soldiers, but pro- 
posed to take colored recruits into white regiments. Gen. Lee and Gen. 
Cleburne favored the policy of negro soldiers, but the people, the armies 
and the leaders, were against. Public sentiment was so much opposed to 
this method of recruiting our armies, that it was never done. The objec- 
tions offered to it were two-fold — that it would take away the laborers 
from the field who Were raising provision to feed the soldiers, and it was 
equivalent to practical emancipation. But as large numbers of the 
colored men were enlisted in the Federal army and fought against us, 
it is a grave question whether it would not have been wise to have thus 
utilized the blacks, offering them freedom for their service. Whether 
it would have had any appreciable effect upon the result is a matter of 
speculation. The experiment was not tried on the Southern side of the 
struggle, and the failure to make it was a conspicuous example of the 
strength of sentiment in directing an immense practical matter. 

" Camp 49th Ga. Heg. [ 

Near Petersburg, Marcli 15, 1865. ) 
"Col. W. R. Taylor, A. A. G. : 

"Sir: The undersigned commissioned officers of this regiment, having maturely 
considered the following plan for recruitiug this regiment, and having freely consulted 
with the enlisted men, who almost unanimously agree, to it, respectfully submit it, 
through you, to the Commanding Geueral for his consideration. 

"First, That our companies be permitted to fill up their rauks with negroes to the 
maximum number under the recent act of Congress. 

" Second, That the negroes in these counties of Georgia, from which our companies 
hail from, be conscribed, in such numbers and under such regulations as the War De- 
partment may deem proper. 

" Third, That after the negroes have been so conscribed, an officer or enlisted man 
from each company be sent home to select from the negro conscripts such Avho may 
have owners, or may belong to families of whom representatives are in the company, or 
who from former acquaintance with the men, may be deemed suitable to be incorpo- 
rated in those companies. 

"For the purpose of carrying out more effectually and promptly the plan, as indi- 
cated under the third liead, it is respectfully suggested that each man in the regiment 
be required to furnish a list of relatives, friends or acquaintances in his county, of whom 
it is likely, that liegroes may be conscribed, so as to facilitate the labors of tlie officer or 
man who may be detailed to bring the negroes to the regiment. 

" When in former years, for pecuniary purposes, we did not consider it disgraceful to 
labor with negroes in the field, or at the same workbench, we certainly will not look 
at it in any other light at this time, when an end so glorious as our independence 
is to be achieved. We sincerely believe that the adoption throughout our army of the 
course indicated in the above plan or something similar to it, will ensure a speedy 



GEISTEEAL LEE APPEOVES COLORED ENLISTMENTS. 299 

availability of the negro element, in our midst for military purposes, and create or 
rather cement a reciprocal attachment between the men now in service, and the negroes 
highly beneficial to the service, and which could probably not be otherwise obtained. 
We have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servants, 

" J. T. Jordan, Colonel, 
J. B. DuGGAN, Major, 
M. Newman, Adjutant, 
L. E. Veal, Eirst Lieutenant Co. A, 
L. L. Williams, Captain Co's B and G, 
J. r. DuGGAN, Captain Co. C, 
L. M. Andrews, Captain Co. D, 
C. R. Walden, Lieutenant Co. E, 
A. G. Brooks, Lieutenant Co. F, 
S. J. Jordan, Lieutenant Co. H, 
Wm. T. MullalV, Captain Co. I, 
R. S. Anderson, Captain Co. G." 

" Head-quarters Thomas Brigade, ) 
March 18, 1865. J 

" Respectfully Forwarded : Approved. 

"EDWARD L. THOMAS, Brig. Gen." 

" Head-quarters Wilcox's Light Division, ) 
March 21, 1865. ) 

" Respectfully Forwarded : Believing that the method proposed within is the best that 

can be adopted. 

«C. M. WILCOX, Maj.Gen." 

" Head-quarters, Third Corps, A. N, Va. ) 
• March 22, 1865. J 

" Respectfully Forwarded : The plan proposed is conmiended as worthy of attention 

and consideration. 

" H. HETH, Maj. Gen. Comd'g." 

" Respectfully Returned : The Commanding General commends the spirit displayed 
by this regiment. The plan of organization which has been regarded most favorably, 
proposed a consolidation of the regiments of ten companies as they now exist, into 
six companies, and that the regimental organization be maintained by attaching to the six 
thus formed four companies of colored troops. ' Each regiment would then preserve its 
identity. 

" Perhaps this plan would be ecpally as acceptable to the 49th Georgia Regiment. 

" By command of Gen. Lee. 

" W. H. TAYLOR, A. A. G. 

"March 27, 1855." 

This novel and earnest document is an historic curiosity, a brave, prac- 
tical, patriotic paper, that will have a vital interest in all annals of this 
great war. Gen. W. S. Walker, now living in Atlanta, urged the 
policy in 1863 and 1864, and made the prediction, that the measure 
would be proposed when it would be too late. 



CHAPTER XXX. 

SHERMAN'S PEACE EFFORT AND FAMOUS MARCH TO 

THE SEA. 

The First Attempt at Peace. — Gen. Sherman its Author. — Georgia Keeps up her 
Momentous Play in the War. — Gov. Brown and Alex. Stephens. — Mr. Lincoln 
Looks with Interest. — Joshua Hill. — Judge A. K. Wright — Hood's Fatal Tennessee 
Programme. — Sherman's Peril Ended by Confederate Folly. — Georgia Gashed. — 
" Smashing Things." — Atlanta Destroyed. — Milledgeville Captured. — Gov. Brown 
and Gen. Ira Foster. — The Convict Soldiers — The Cabbage Calumny upon Gov. 
Brown Corrected. — The Cadets — Battle of Griswoldville by Joe Brown's Militia. — 
A Dreary Narrative of Euin. — Union Sentiment Stamped Out. — Fort McAllister 
Taken. — Hardee Leaves Savannah. — The March \o the Sea Ended. — The Death 
Blow of the Southern Cause. — Georgians out of the State. — Olustee and Alfred H. 
Colquitt. — Gen. J. B. Gordon. — The Georgia Militia at Honey Hill. — Gen. Rause 
Wright. — Two Governors. — The Legislature. — Gov. Brown's Message. — State 
Property. — Our Indigents. — Our War Millionaires. — Fabulous Prices. — Bewilder- 
ing Aspects of the Pending Downfall. 

Immediately after the capture and occupation of Atlanta, Sherman 
conceived and attempted the execution of an idea, that if he could have 
carried into operation, v^ould have ended the vrar much earlier. When 
the history of our great civil war comes to be written, one of the 
most interesting chapters will be the account of the episode here 
referred to, the first effort that was made at peace. Gen. Sherman, as 
has been stated, was the author of this attempt, and Georgia was both 
the theater and object of his endeavors. The event was a continuation 
of Georgia's momentous play in the war. She appeared fated to figure 
in every possible role. 

The facts of this important peace movement show it to have been 
subtly conceived, important in its results of possibility to the conflict 
and eagerly watched by Mr, Lincoln, the President of the United 
States. Gen. Sherman, in his Memoirs of the War, makes brief allusion 
to this peace matter, but he gives such meager details that the interest 
and curiosity of the reader are only whetted for fuller information. By 
an accident the writer's attention was called to it, and by direct 
application to all the parties connected with it, including Gen. Sherman, 
Hon. A. H. Stephens, Vice-President of the Confederacy, Gov. Joseph 



PRESIDENT UNCOLN's INTEREST IN SHERJMAn's PEACE EFFORT. 301 

E. Brown, Hon. Joshua Hill, Judge Augustus R. Wright and Mr. William 
King, the full particulars of this striking and valuable ei^isode of the 
great war were obtained. 

Gen. Sherman knew that Mr. Stephens, the Vice-President of the 
Confederacy, had so differed from Mr. Davis and his advisers as to lead- 
ing measures of his administration, that he took no share in the direc- 
tion of affairs, and seemed to be in no sort of active connection with 
the ruling powers. He opposed conscription and favored the govern- 
ment buying up the cotton crop and sending it to Europe to be used as 
a basis of supply of munitions and recruits. Gen. Sherman also knew 
of Gov. Brown's controversies with the Confederate authorities, that 
had culminated in what seemed an embittered antagonism. These pow- 
erful public men were known to represents large and popular sentiment 
in Georgia. 

In this state of things, the main cause discouraged, the Confederacy 
riven into fragments, Georgia half overrun, and her leaders — many of 
them — believed to be disaffected, and with the prospect of a complete 
devastation of the Commonwealth imminent. Gen. Sherman, with that 
jjrolific fertility of resource and ready discernment of opportunity that 
belonged to the man, seized the occasion to strike what, if it had been 
successful, would have proved a powerful blow for the Union. It was 
practically the attempt to eliminate the powerful state of Georgia with 
her large forces from the opposition, and at one stroke to have blood- 
lessly disintegrated the Confederate cause. If Georgia, through her 
Governor and his coadjutor in the work, the second officer of the Con- 
federacy, had withdrawn Georgia from the v/ar, or even induced her to 
take the resolute initiative in peace, the great struggle would have been 
practically ended. 

Gen. Sherman, in his dispatch to President Lincoln, states his high 
hope in the matter, and the tremendous importance that he attached to 
the movement when he says: "I am fully conscious of the delicate 
nature of such assertions, but it would be a magnificent stroJce of 
2)olici/ if we could, without surrendering principle or a foot of ground, 
arouse the latent enmity of Georgia against Davis." And Mr. Lincoln, 
in his response, said: " I feel great interest in the subjects of your dis- 
patch." And when later Mr. Davis made his visit to Macon and Hood's 
army, Mr. Lincoln believed, as he telegraphed to Gen. .Sherman, that 
the object of Mr, Davis' visit was to see Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown, 
to stop the peace mischief that Gen. Sherman had inaugurated with 
those two dangerous gentlemen. Gen, Sherman's idea was to appeal 



302 THE DKFKCT OF SIIERMAn's PKACE EFFORT. 

to Georgia's safety from further war ravage and work it through 
officials supposed to be liostile to the Confederate administration. No 
less than three messengers were sent by Gen. Sherman. Mr. William 
King was his ambassador to both Gov. Brown and Mr. Stephens. 
Judge A. R. Wright, of Rome, was sent to Washington, to talk with 
President Lincoln, and by him entrusted with messages for Mr. Davis. 
Hon. Joshua Hill, of Madison, Ga., was sent as messenger to Gov. 
Brown. Mr. King was a citizen in private life, an elderly gentleman of 
high character, old family, fine intelligence and unquestionable patriot- 
ism. The other gentlemen have been spoken of in this volume. 

The fundamental idea of Gen. Sheniian was separate State action of 
Georgia; and herein was its intrinsic weakness. As much as Mr. 
Stephens condemned the policy of the administration of his Executive — 
Mr. Davis — and as antagonistic as Gov. Brown felt to certain leading 
measures of the Confederate authorities, neither of them was capable, in 
any stress of disaster, and under any possession of State influence, of 
deserting the fortunes of the Confederacy and leaving the other mem- 
bers of the compact to bear the calamities of failure. While it was 
simply an impossibility that the soldiers or jDeople of Georgia would 
have been willing to purchase exemption from the common peril and 
universal ruin by abandonment of the cause, thus securing safety by 
dishonor. And both Gov, Brown and Mr. Stephens, from their very 
supposed attitude of disaffection and hostility to Mr. Davis, were 
necessarily the more careful in their conduct that no possible sus- 
picion of bad faith should attach to them. 

Both Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown declined to accept Gen. Sher-' 
man's invitation to visit him on this ^^eace mission. Mr. Stephens con- 
sidered that neither he nor Gen. Sherman had the proper authority to 
represent and bind their respective governments, though if Gen. Sher- 
man should think that there was any prospect that he and Mr. Stephens 
could agree upon terms of adjustment to be submitted to the govern- 
ments, he would, with the consent of the Confederate authorities, meet him 
and enter u^ion the task of restoring peace. This reply of Mr. Stephens 
dissipated the idea that he would act in the slightest degree independ- 
ently of Mr. Davis and take part in a separate negotiation by the State. 

Gen Sherman, in his dispatch to President Lincoln, discloses the 
agency he hop«d Mr. Stephens would play in this shrewdly conceived 
peace- project, in these significant words: "The people do not hesitate 
to say, that Mr. Stephens was and is a Union man at heart; and they 
say that Davis will not trust him, or let liim liave share in his govern- 



GOV. brown's action in the SHERMAN PEACE MOVEMENT. 303 

ment." Mr. StejDhens, by his reply, completely dropped himself out of 
the project. Gov. Brown was unwilling to enter into any negotiations 
involving separate State action. His dismissing the State militia for a 
time to go home and harvest the crops, and his calling the Legislature 
together to consider the critical state of affairs, impressed Gen. Sherman 
with the belief that Gov. Brown was leaning to the peace idea; that the 
temporary disbandment of the State troops was an initiatory movement 
in the matter, while he wanted the Legislature to share the responsibility. 
Mr. Davis made his visit to Georgia at that time, and so strongly had 
the peace plan of Gen. Sherman, by securing Georgia's disaffection 
through Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown, seized and impressed Mr. Lincoln, 
that the President conceived and telegraphed Gen. Sherman: "I judge 
that Brown and StejDhens are the objects of his (Davis') visit." 

But Gen. Sherman and Mr. Lincoln were both mistaken. They mis- 
conceived Gov. Brown, who never for a moment entertained the idea of 
withdrawing Georgia from her Confederate alliance. It is due to him 
to say this, and it is also due to say that the people of Georg-ia would 
not have entertained such a proposition. They were comipitted to the 
. Confederacy, and meant to rise or fall with it. There is no ground for 
believing, as Mr. Lincoln imagined, that Mr. Davis visited Georgia at 
that time to look after Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown, and stop their 
supposed peace mischief. His mission was to confer as to the proper 
direction to be given to Hood's army in this critical juncture. 

The peace mission was so important a one that Gov. Brown, at the 
time, made a note of the whole matter so far as he was concerned, which 
was published for the information of the people. His action involved 
an exceedingly able presentation of the question, showing that he gave 
the matter profound and consqjentious reflection. That Georgia, in her 
sovereign capacity, had the right to withdraw from the Southern Con- 
federate compact, not through her Executive, but through a convention 
of her people, he had no doubt. But while she possessed this power, 
she would never violate her faith pledged to her Confederate allies, 
never shrink from the suffering that fell to her lot, never make separate 
terms to save herself, and " whatever may be the opinion of her peoj^le 
as to the injustice done her by the Confederate administration, she will 
triumph with her Confederate sisters, or she will sink with them in one 
common ruin." Gov. Brown arfrued, that Gen. Sherman and he had no 
power or right to represent the government of the United States and 
the government of the Confederate States, or in any way bind them. 

Hon. Joshua Hill, in his interesting and graphic account, gives 



304 JUDGE A, R. weight's VISIT TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 

some valuable information, showing- Gen. Sherman's desires, and also 
contributes convincing testimony as to the stubborri fidelity of the 
people to the cause. He made a strenuous effort to influence the Legis- 
lature to take some peace action, but could get no encouragement, and 
finally desisted. Gen. Sherman, however, began to doubt the possibility 
of success on his original idea of detaching Georgia from the Confed- 
eracy, and he widened his project to include broader negotiations and 
larger agencies. Here comes in Judge Wright, who was sent by Gen. 
Sherman to see President Lincoln, and, learning his pacific temper and 
views, convey them to Mr. Davis. 

The version furnished by Judge Wright is a most important contribu- 
tion to this peace narrative. He spent two weeks in Washington, 
conferring daily with President Lincoln and his Cabinet, and finally 
brought back to Mr. Davis messages of his willingness to enter upon 
peace negotiations. The report of Mr. Lincoln's views is wholly new, 
and is of incalculable value historically. Some of his statements will 
be a revelation, and must do great honor to his memory. Among the 
remarkable statements were, that " the South was a part of his country, 
and as dear to him as the North. He had never had an idea of inter- 
fering with her rights." Also, that " he then had his proclamation of 
amnesty written for the whole South, from Mr. Davis down to the 
Tiumblest citizen, and though a part of his Cabinet was opposed to it, 
the day we laid down our arms it would be published, and the South 
restored to her rights in the Union as far as was in his power." Also, 
that he was favorable to a gradual emancijDation of the blacks in twenty- 
one years. Mr. Lincoln's message to Mr. Davis was a very earnest one. 
Judge Wright says that Mr. Lincoln " extracted from him a solemn 
promise that his friendly sentiments and |iis earnest desires for peace on 
the basis of the rights of the States should be truly, fully and earnestly 
impressed upon Mr. Davis." 

Judge Wright never had the chance of seeing Mr. Davis until after 
the close of the war, and the message was, therefore, not delivered. 
Judge Wright, however, told Mr. Lincoln that the peace mission would 
be hopeless. There is little doubt, in the light fti subsequent events, 
that Mr. Davis would have refused to act on these messages. His 
unquenchable faith in the ultimate success of the Confederate cause, 
and his unbending resolution to make no compromise, would have been 
an insuperable barrier to any peace based upon the only idea upon 
which Mr. Lincoln was willing to close the war, viz. : the submission of 
the South to the Union. 



PUBLIC OPINION IN GEORGIA ON SIIERMAN's PEACE EFFOKT. 305 

Remembering that his peace effort was made in September, 1864, and 
that the celebrated Hampton Roads conference between Mr. Lincohi and 
Mr. Seward, of the North, and Mr. Stephens, Mr. Hunter and Judge 
Campbell, of the South, took place in February, 1865, five months after, 
it will be seen that Gen. Sherman's attempt at peace was the first that 
was made. The South, in 1864, was in a much better condition to nego- 
tiate peace than in 1865, and could have gained better terms. Mr. 
Stephens was engaged in both attempts. In his book, "The War 
between the States," he gives a full account of the Hampton Roads 
conference, and it is a matter of interesting significance that it is shown 
very clearly that Mr. Lincoln was governed by the same ideas of policy 
in both. The two peace efforts constitute a valuable and striking 
episode of the great struggle, and will form an important and suggestive 
chapter in the history of our civil war. 

The matter at the time created a good deal of excitement in the 
public mind in Georgia. There was a varied comment upon it. Some 
claimed that it was the duty of Gov. Brown and Mr. Stephens to accept 
General Sherman's invitation, and make an effort to settle our troubles 
by negotiation. Others, though not many, in their flaming zeal, con- 
tended that it was the duty of the Governor to seize General Sherman's 
messenger and order him hung as a traitor. The prevailing opinion 
was that nothing would come of it. But the incident was another 
link in the chain of Georgia's governing influence in the great struggle, 
an influence that covered both the war-like and peaceful features of the 
revolution. 

The final strategy of this ghastly Georgia campaign, must look, far 
off in the cool, impartial future, like a terrible drama of tragic harle- 
cjuinade. Hood did the very folly that Sherman would have prayed 
for him to do, had he been a pious man. As it was, the wily Federal 
said, " If Hood will go to Tennessee, I will give him rations to go 
with." Mr. Davis had most unwisely blazoned in his speeches to the 
dejeCi^ed public this Tennessee programme. And as it reached Sherman 
he had thus spoken. With Forrest banging and gashing at his long 
line of communication, hundreds of miles, and a stout, solid, fierce 
army before him, he would have had a tough time. His fiat of exile 
for the city of Atlanta evidenced his sense of danger. To have stayed 
in Atlanta was unspeakably perilous. To have gone back would have 
yielded the good of his victory. . To go forward was to cut loose from 
his base into the atmosphere like an anchorless ship. Sherman was 
deeply anxious. As he took Atlanta he made with a part of his force 
20 



306 SHERMAN STARTS TO THE SEA. 

a little tentative dash at Hood's entrenched line at Lovejoys, and 
recoiled, shivering. In this perplexing hour, Hood gayly bid adieu to 
Atlanta, and coquetting up the state road, capturing squads at Big 
Shanty, Acworth and Dalton, and destroying a respectable amount of 
railway track, skipped into Alabama, and thence into Tennessee. 
Sherman sent off Thomas to care for Hood, took a little scout himself 
in that direction, satisfied himself that Hood had really gone blunder- 
ing, and stripping himself to about 60,000 men, he started for the 
x\tlantic Ocean. 

He began his easy but destructive march on the 15th day of Novem- 
ber, 1864. Spreading out his columns to a width of about forty miles, 
foraging his army as he went along, tearing up every mile of railroad 
track, gutting villages, cleaning up provisions, pillaging houses, destroy- 
ing furniture, gathering hordes of negroes to be dropped, the jaunty, 
massive column left a blistering devastation for three hundred miles 
upon the fair bosom of our noble state. In the writer's temporary 
home in Sandersville a piano was butchered to fragments, books and 
pictures destroyed, and for days the female inmates of the household 
lived upon corn gathered from where the horses of the Federal troop- 
ers had been fed. In his dispatches to Gan. Grant about this move- 
ment Sherman foreshadowed the desolation in such expressions as 
" utter destruction of roads, houses and people," " make Georgia 
howl," " make a wreck of the road and of the country," " smashing 
things to the sea," " make the interior of Georgia feel the weight of 
war," and " ruin Georgia." 

There was iio opposition to speak of. The strange spectacle had 
been seen of two great armies in deadly tug, deliberately leaving each 
other, and marching in opposite directions to conquer the fight. A 
division of Wheeler's cavalry pegged away on the advancing column. 
At Macon, Gen. Cobb went out and rattled with a division of the 
Georgia militia at the huge serpent. At Griswoldville, ten miles below 
Macon, there was a bloody little fight between Sherman and our Georgia 
militia, in which these troops fought with the gallantry and skill of 
veterans, inflicting heavy loss and suffering severe punishment with 
steady nerve. In Burke county there was some sprightly but ineffect- 
ual brushing. But Sherman went on flipping off these attacks with 
unconcern. Our little force kept the thing lively in proportion to num- 
bers. Sherman reports 764 men lost on the march, and 1,338 captures 
of Confederates. 

The incidents of this march were dramatic in their destructiveness. 



WHAT WAS DONE IX MILLEDGEVILLE. • 307 

Atlanta was fired, and Sherman marched out amid the crmison flames of 
the city and a volley of exploding ammunition that sounded like a des- 
perate battle, his men singing, " John Brown's soul goes marching on." 
Of about 5,000 houses all were destroyed except about 400. Eleven- 
twelfths of the place, shops, depots, mills, dwellings, stores, were burned. 
A few stores on Alabama street were left. The residences between 
Lloyd and "Washington streets were left, and most of the churches, 
thanks to Father O'Riley of the Catholic church. Three thousand car- 
casses of animals lay in the streets. The very dead were taken from 
their vaults and the coffins stripped of silver tippings. Gen. Sherman 
had his headquarters one night on Howell Cobb's plantation, and on 
learning the fact ordered the soldiers to spare nothing. 

On the 23d day of November, 1864, the legislature of Georgia, being 
in session. Gov. Brown received a telegram during the dinner hour that 
General Sherman had left Atlanta the day before and was on the march 
through the country for Savannah. As soon as this information was 
spread through the town, the people became greatly excited, and the 
members of the legislature, who had adjourned for dinner at the time, 
participated in the excitement, and began making preparation for a 
rapid transit from the Capital, as it was not known how soon the cav- 
alry, who were supposed to be a good way in advance of the army, 
might reach Milledgeville. The bills and other matters before the Gen- 
eral Assembly at the time it adjourned for dinner, were left lying on the 
desks and no one returned to look after them. Fabulous prices were 
paid for conveyances of different sorts ; and the members during that 
afternoon had nearly all left the Capital on their way home with the 
best means of conveyance at their command, taking such routes as in 
their opinion could not be interfered with by the invading army. Some 
took the railroad trains; others got carriages, buggies, wagons or what- 
ever else came in their way. This left the city almost destitute of 
vehicles for transportation. 

Soon after Gen. Sherman's movements were known. Gov. Brown gave 
orders to Gen. Ira R. Foster, the prompt and efficient Quartermaster- 
General of Georgia, to secure the removal of all the most valuable per- 
ishable property of the State then at the Capital, consisting of books 
of record in the State House, the more valuable furniture there, the 
furniture from the executive mansion and the property of the most value 
in the penitentiary, arsenal, armory, and in the Quartermaster and Com- 
missary departments. Herculean efforts were made by the Quarter- 
master-General to procure transportation and convey the public property 



308 THE CONVICTS ORGANIZED. 

to places of safety as rapidly as possible ; and no one was better quali- 
fied for the task than General Foster, as he had ability, promptness, de- 
cision and dispatch in such matters, that were very remarkable. 
Upon consultation with the Governor it was concluded that the more val- 
uable books of the library and other such property should be carried to 
the lunatic asylum and there stored. But as the asylum was located 
some three miles from the city, with the limited transportation at com- 
mand, it was impossible to carry there within the short time 
allowed all the other public property. It was known of course that 
General Sherman would not burn the lunatic asylum, and it was sup- 
posed that State property stored in it which could in no way be used 
for forwarding the purposes of the war would be safe. On further con- 
sultation it was concluded that it would be best to haul the bulk of the 
public property of the character above-mentioned, and all the more val- 
uable property of the State in the city to the railroad depot and try to get 
it to Macon, before the railroad should be cut, and shipped to south-west 
Georgia, as it was believed that neither the cavalry of the enemy nor 
the infantry would likely traverse that country. Part of a train of cars 
was detained at Milledgeville for that purpose, and other cars in reach 
were ordered to be sent there promptly. The property was then hauled 
rapidly to the railroad and loaded on the cars. But as very few wagons 
could be obtained, and there was great consternation in the city, it soon 
became next to impossible to procure labor. 

Here the Quartermaster-General again consulted with the Governor, 
who was doing all in his power to aid in the removal, and the Governor 
informed him that he had determined to pardon the convicts in the 
penitentiary, and put them under command of the Quartermaster-Gen- 
eral for the time, to aid in removing the property of the State to a place 
of safety, and that he would pardon each who would enlist in the State 
service, and thus try to turn them to the advantage of our cause instead 
of leaving them for Sherman to use against us. As we were making 
guns in the penitentiary, it was expected that it would be burned; and 
if the convicts were in the walls when Gen, Sherman reached there they 
would either be turned loose for indiscriminate plunder or enlisted in 
the Federal army. To avoid this Gov. Brown determined promptly on 
the policy of enlisting them in the State service for the benefit of the 
Confederacy. He went immediately to the penitentiary, had the convicts 
drawn up in a line, delivered a short address to them, appealing to their 
patriotic pride, and offered pardon to each one who would aid in the re- 
moval of the State property, and then enlist for the defense of the Con- 



THE DISPOSITION OF STATE PAPEES. 309 

federacy. They responded almost unanimously. There were a few life- 
time men in for murder, who were not included in the oifer, and they 
were sent through the country under guard to a point where they could 
be shipped on the railroad to South-west Georgia, where they were kept 
till after Sherman passed through and were then brought back and con- 
fined in Milledgeville. But the great body of the convicts were formed 
into a military company under the notorious Dr. Roberts, who was a 
very intelligent man, and who promptly volunteered, and in that capac- 
ity they did valuable service in aiding to remove the State property, and 
loading it upon the train. As soon as this service was done, a suit of 
soldier's clothing and a gun were furnished to each, and Captain Roberts 
was ordered to report to Gen. Wayne, who had command of the 
Georgia cadets, from the Military Institute, at Marietta, then in Mill- 
edgeville, and a small battalion of other militia. The company was ac- 
cepted by Gen. Wayne, and carried by him to Savannah, on his retreat in 
advance of the Federal army, and they were used in annoying it wherever 
Gen. Wayne saw an opportunity to strike a blow. A portion of the 
convicts deserted and left, but a large majority of them, including Capt. 
Roberts, remained at their post doing duty faithfully during the cam- 
paign; so that the discharge became honorable. 

As already stated, the members of the legislature generally left the 
city on the afternoon of the 23rd day of November, 1864. Gov. Brown 
and family, and Gen. Foster, and Gen. Wayne, and some of the other 
heads of the departments remained in the city until the next afternoon. 
All the more valuable property of the State had been secured either in 
the asylum or sent to safe places or loaded upon the cars ready to be re- 
moved to South-west Georgia. In the State House the old files of doc- 
uments and letters for the last half a century or more, which were not 
regarded very valuable and could not be assorted and taken care of in 
the limited time, were left in their respective places of deposit. After 
Gen. Sherman had passed through Milledgeville, and the officers of the 
State were permitted to return, they found these papers scattered all 
over the floor of the State House; and as reported by the citizens, large 
quantities had been used by the soldiers in kindling their fires. In this 
way many of the old documents, and many of the papers that were filed 
were destroyed or lost, though they were generally of a character not 
deemed to be very valuable; and the time, and means of transporta- 
tion were not sufficient to enable the authorities to care better for them. 

The furniture in the Executive Mansion was the last thing attended 
to. During the afternoon the more valuable and portable portion of it 



310 GENERAL IK A E. FOSTER'S ACCOUNT. 

was removed as rapidly as possible to the railroad depot and placed on 
the trains. The scene was a busy and an exciting one. During the 
twenty-four hours the Governor and the Quartermaster-General re- 
mained in the discharge of their duty, in taking care of the public prop- 
erty ; their efforts were untiring. A letter addressed by Gen. Foster to 
a friend in this city at a recent date draws the following picture of the 



" I have oftentimes thought of the scenes through which we passed in getting ready 
to leave Milledgeville on Sherman's descent on that ancient but memorable city of hills. 
In this drama, I see a man serving his fourth term as Governor of the Great Empire 
State of the South, after giving orders to his Quartermaster-General on the near ap- 
proach of the euemj', and putting him in charge of the public property with direction to 
see that it was taken care of and removed, reversing the order of things by laying hold 
with his own hands and working both day and night under the direction of his subordi- 
nate to secure a fulfillment of his general orders. And I see by his side a delicate but 
anxious wife, unceasingly laboring to accomplish the same end. Notwithstanding this, 
it has been printed in a book and published in newspapers, and reiterated by many mis- 
guided tongues, that Gov. Brown, while Sherman's army was descending on Milledge- 
ville, carried off his own property, including cows and cabbage, and left the State pro- 
perty behind unprotected. I was in command of the transportation of the property at 
the time, and I know whereof I speak and I know these statements are unfounded. 
I know they are untrue. I ought to know more about the taking care and the protection 
and the removal of the State property at Milledgeville than any one else, as I was there 
in person and had immediate supervision, with the entire control of the whole thing un- 
der my own command. 

" It is true that some of the old papers were left in the State House, which, if I had had 
further time, would have all been removed. But the fates of war denied me the desired 
privilege. The removijl of the furniture from the Executive Mansion was the last work. 
In looking around the mansion to see what ought to be taken along, I discovered in the 
garden a fine lot of coleworts, and I directed old Aunt Celia, the good old colored cook, 
without the knowledge or presence of her master or mistress, to cut down the coleworts and 
bring them near where the wagons were being loaded. I intended to take away the last' 
one of them, as they would be lost where they were, and I had sufficient room in the car to 
carry them. And I knew the Governor's family would need some, and my own family, 
then at Dawson, in South-west Georgia, as Refugees driven from their home in Atlanta 
before the fierce march of Sherman, M'ould like to have part of them, as they were in a 
strange country and had no time to raise vegetables, and were much pressed for food of 
that character. 

" I had also, at the Exile camp, near Dawson, seven hundred persons, composed of the 
Avidows, wives and children of Confederate soldiers, aged men and maimed and dis- 
charged soldiers, who had been expelled from Atlanta by Gen. Sherman, homeless and 
without food. Under Gov. Brown's orders they had been picked up from the line of 
railroad from Atlanta to Macon, and shipped to Dawson, where I had erected nearly one 
hundred houses in which they were sheltered and fed at the expense of the State, under 
the immediate supervision of Capt. Milton A. Candler,, wlio did his whole duty in their 
behalf. To tlieso homeless sufferers I intended to give most of the coleworts ; but iu 



GENERAL IRA R. FOSTER'S ACCOUNT. 311 

this I was disappointed. As I was having the last load of furniture at the Executive 
Mansion placed on the wagons, a few moments after I had given the order to Aunt 
Celia to cut tlie cabbage, Gov. Brown received information by telegraph, that Sherman's 
cavalry were making rapid advances towards the Central railroad, between Milledgeville 
and Macon. This message admonished us that we should be up and off, else we might 
fiud ourselves prisoners of war. So I had only a few cabbage which were cut and car- 
ried to the gate by Aunt Celia, thrown on top of the load. Teams were hurried to the 
train, wagons quickly unloaded on cars, leaving, for waut of time to save them, almost 
the entire lot of fine cabbage standing in the garden. Steam being up, orders were 
given the engineer to sound his whistle and press for Macon with all possible speed. It 
is presumable we probably made the trip quicker than it was ever done before bj^ any 
engine on that particular road. At Gordon we stopped a moment to bid farewell to 
Gen. Wayne and his staff, who had transportation to carry them down the Central rail- 
road, with orders to do all in their power to protect the railroad bridge. The State 
Cadets, a noble baud of boys, was uuder Wayne's command. 

'"A very short time only was spent at Gordon, when the train conveying the Governor 
and family, the Quartermaster-General and his assistants, and a large amount of 
state property and furniture was on its way under a full head of steam for Macon, where 
we arrived just before dark. And on reaching Macon a telegram was handed Gov. 
Brown, stating that the Federal cavalry had just cut the road at Griswoldville, the next 
station below. The advanced cavalry must have been almost in sight of Griswoldville 
when the train passed. 

" We remained in the cars that night at Macon. Next morning I went down to 
South-west Georgia with the train ; and as Sherman's infantry had not reached Macon, 
and it was understood they would not before that evening. Gov. Brown ran down with 
us as far as Montezuma, where his family were set off by the side of the road, and left 
to make their way to his plantation, thirty miles from that point in Dooly county. He 
took an engine and returned upon it rapidly, that evening, to Macon, and reached 
there, as I am informed, just as Sherman's column, passing by, fired upon the militia. 
The engagement amounted to very little. The militia were entrenched, and it was not 
Sherman's policy to attack localities on the lines of his march. His desire was to get 
through to the sea with as little delay and as little difficulty as possible. 

" While we were switched off on a siding at Montezuma, a hurried dinner was pre- 
pared, and while eating dinner aboard the cars I said to Mrs. Brown, she ought to have 
had for dinner some of our Milledgeville greens. This was the first time I had 
named to Gov. Brown or to his wife that I had cut and put on the train any of the cole- 
worts from the garden in Milledgeville. I doubt that any member of the family knew 
up to that time that a small number of the coleworts which I had secured were on the 
train, as the family had left the mansion for the train before the last wagon left that 
carried the coleworts out and put them upon the cars. Aunt Celia knew that she had 
cut and loaded a small lot in the yard ; but as she had gone with the family into the 
train, she did not know that they had been transported to the train. 

" I have been thus particular in giving the whole facts, as there was much merriment 
made over the cabbage story at the time, and much injustice done Gov. Brown, who was 
in no way responsible for the removal of the few that we carried, and knew nothing 
whatever about it until after it was done." 

At Gordon the following incident occurred. Gov. Brown's eldest 



312 THE DESTRUCTION OF THE MARCH TO THE SEA. 

son, Julius, a lad sixteen years of age, was a member of the cadets, 
and got aboard to tell the family good-by. The Governor said to him 
that he must remain at Macon with the troops; that there was no one 
to go with his mother and little brothers and sisters to South-west 
Georgia, and he had better go with them. The youth said he "would 
obey, but he would rather die than to do it, as he was unwilling, under 
any circumstances, to leave the cadets, or fail to share with them the 
common danger. The governor told him to go and do his whole duty; 
some provision would be made for his mother and tlie children. He 
went forward with the cadets, and they were placed by Gen. Wayne 
to guard the Oconee bridge a day or two after, on the advance of the 
army, where they had a sharp engagement with the enemy; and one of 
the cadets was shot down by young Brown's side. They drifted down 
before Sherman to Savannah, and there reported to Gen. Hardee, and 
were carried across into Carolina. And this gallant little band of 
youths did good service as soldiers during the campaign. They were 
finally returned to Augusta, where they arrived almost naked and half 
starved. Major G. C. Connor, in charge of some state stores there, 
furnished them with a suit of clothes apiece; and after their arrival at 
Augusta they had the necessary rations. Among them were many of 
the best youths of the state, belonging to some of the most respecta- 
ble families. They were a gallant and faithful little band. 

Gen. Beauregard, from Corinth, Ben Hill and our Confederate Con- 
gressmen in Richmond, sent dispatches to the people to destroy the 
enemy, to be firm, to fly to arms, to burn everything they could not re- 
move, which the Federal officers read in papers, captured at Milledge- 
ville and ridiculed unmercifully. In the old State house the Federals held 
a mock legislature, and in a grim spirit of fun repealed the ordinance 
of secession. Several well authenticated cases of rape occurred. The 
negroes gave a cordial greeting to the Federals, and many accompanied 
them to Savannah. Many colored women ti-amped after the soldiers. 

It is a dreary narrative to chronicle the ruin wrought by this " March 
to the Sea" in the proud old state. It would take volumes to record 
the details. There had been in Georgia a growing- drift in public opin- 
ion to the idea of reconstruction of the Union. But the march of 
Sherman killed it. Men standing axuid the ruins of their dear homes, 
with starvation for their loved ones staring upon them, and bitter mem- 
ories of insult and injury rankling in their bosoms, had no gentle feeling 
towards the foe that had done the ruin. The work of devastation had 
but one redeeming feature, — it was, while complete, very brief. 



THE FALL OF SAVANNAH. . 313 

On the 10th of December, 1864, Sherman reached and invested 
Savannah. On the 13th, Gen. Hazen with his division, carried Fort 
McAlister after a gallant resistance by Major Geo. W. Anderson and 
his heroic garrison of 250 men. Gen. Wm. J. Hardee had about 
10,000 troops in Savannah manning the fortifications. On the night of 
the 20th of December, Gen. Hardee, finding that he could not hold the 
city, quietly withdrew into Carolina, having on the 17th refused to sur- 
render. Gen. Sherman took possession of the beautiful Georgia City 
by the Sea, and Sherman's March was an accomplished historical fact. 
The Northern exultation over this achievement was delirious, and Con- 
gress, voicing the public delight, passed warm resolutions of thanks to 
Gen. Sherman and his army. Concurrently with this substantial victory 
came the news of Hood's hopeless and irretrievable defeats at Franklin 
and Nashville, and the practical annihilation of his army that could not 
be replaced. Surely there never was a swifter dissolution of a noble 
and indispensable force under a purposeless lead of incapacity. 

These tremendous movements really ended the war. The surrenders 
of Lee and Johnston did not come until April, 1865, several months 
later, but it was a hopeless struggle from this time. But the end 
was approaching. The Georgia campaign gave the death-blow to the 
cause for which so much blood had been shed, so much treasure expended 
and so much splendid heroism wasted. It is remarkable, however, and 
evinces the stern purpose of the Southern people that during these last, 
hopeless, bloody months of the struggle they were more determined 
than ever to succeed, and with the cause palpably crumbling before their 
eyes, they persisted and fought to the last. The various State Legisla- 
tures passed resolutions against reconstruction, and the State Execu- 
tives made messages full of ring and defiance. 

During this year, 1864, the Georgia troops out of Georgia had main- 
tained their wonted renown. Gen. Alfred H. Colquitt had earned the 
splendid title of the " Hero of Olustee " in the famous little battle in 
Florida, which at one stroke had ended Federal operations there. Upon 
every battle field in Virginia our Georgians had illustrated the State. 
Gen. John B. Gordon, according to a correspondent of the London 
Times, had become the rising military genius of our armies. In South 
Carolina, at Honey Hill, Gen. Gustavus W. Smith, at the close of the 
year, with his division of Georgia militia, had defeated the Federals in 
a heavy engagement. Gov. Brown having instructed him to carry the 
Georgia militia into Carolina if the good of the cause required it. Gen. 
Dick Taylor, in his book called "Destruction," makes statements in ref- 



314 TWO GOVEENOES OF GEOEGIA. 

erence to the militia, on this point, that are wholly unauthorized by the 
facts. We had lost many fine officers, Gen, George Doles, Col. Ed. 
Willis, Col. John M. Millen, Col. J. H. Lamar, Lieut. Col. Van 
Valkenburg' and others. 

The occupation of Atlanta was immediately resumed. The Atlanta 
loitelligencer issued a little sheet amid the ruins, on the 10th of Decem- 
ber, 1864. It was printed on one side only, and was about twelve by 
eighteen inches in size. Gen. Howell Cobb, accompanied by Col. L W. 
Avery, rode up there from Macon, picking a way carefully through the 
debris. Col. L*. J. Glenn was made commandant of the post as early as 
November 26th. The Atlanta exiles had been carried and quartered 
near Dawson in Terrell county, at " Exile Camp." Some 300 were cared 
for there at public expense. 

A novel collision of civil authority occurred, that constitutes a very 
interesting incident of that chaotic time. On the 21st of November 
Gen. Ranse Wright, who had been assigned to command in Augusta, 
and who was president of the Georgia Senate, issued an order at 
Augusta, that as Gov; Brown was cut off from communication with the 
portion of the State east of the Oconee river by the interposition of an 
hostile army, it became his duty, as president of the Senate and ex- 
officio Governor, during the disability of the Governor, to assume com- 
mand of all Georgia out of the jurisdiction of the Governor. He 
revoked all orders of Gov. Brown, and directed all militia east of the 
Oconee to report to him. Gen. Wright wrote to Gov. Brown explaining 
his action, and asking if he approved of it. Gov. Brown replied stat- 
ing that Gen. Wright's course was unnecessary. The press made some 
exceedingly piquant commentary upon the matter at the time, though 
Gen. Wright's coiiduct was highly patriotic, but it was speedily forgot- 
ten in the rush of events and the tragic drift of the revolution. 

The General Assembly met on the 3rd of November, 1864. Gov. 
Brown's message was a frank criticism of the campaign, and a candid 
statement of the situation, but it was also a bold, stirring exhortation 
to a continuance of the struggle. While the fight lasted, Gov. Brown 
aided and pressed its unyielding prosecution. In the darkest hour he 
urged the conflict, and flung the resources of the state, both men and 
money, into the affray without stint. The Northern Democratic party 
had advised a convention of the sovereign states, to negotiate an adjust- 
ment of the contest. Gov. Brown favored such a movement, the action 
of such a convention having to be submitted to the states for ratifica- 
tion or rejection. He argued the idea masterfully, but at the same time 



THE DREAEY FIGURES OF GEORGIA'S CONDITION. 315 

he urged that every arms-bearing man in the South should go to the 
front to sustain our armies. The war had reached the point where 
statesmanship might aid arms in the settlement of the great issue. 
Looking at the situation then, Gov. Brown's strong advocacy of this 
plan was a timely piece of judgment, and could it have been carried 
out, would have saved a failing cause. 

The State's finances exhibited strikingly the effect of the war. The 
property of the State had been inflated from 1840,041,127 to $1,612,- 
592,806, the inflation evidencing the ruinous depreciation of Confeder- 
ate currency. ■ Polls had fallen from 52,764 to 39,863, demonstrating 
the ravages of the war upon our men. The State's expenditures for 
1864 had run to $13,288,435. The public debt had grown to the enor- 
mous sum of $23,980,692. But a most ominous fact was that bank 
capital had fallen from $70,713,048 to $44,816,979, or nearly one-half. 
The number of indigent people, families of soldiers, had swelled to the 
appalling size of 117,889, or the full proportion of the entire voting 
population of the State at the beginning of the war. Could the rav- 
ages of this terrific contest be more strikingly shown than by this awful 
statistic of wholesale impoverishment ? Chatham county had 3,058 
indigents, Cherokee county 2,598, Gordon county 2,390, Gilmer 2,106, 
Paulding 1,875, Gwinnett 2,390. These are frightful figures, and must 
be appreciated to understand the crushing tale of misfortune and misery 
that they reveal. The shocking aggregate of want and distress cannot 
be conveyed in its full practical meaning. 

There is another side of this economic question, equally as interesting 
and suggestive as these dreary numbers of personal indigence and 
family bereavement. There had been such speculation by the non-com- 
batants that there was a wonderful aristocracy of sudden wealth. Of 
91,505 tax-payers fifteen were worth over half a million; thirty-six over 
$300,000; 131 over $200,000; 829 over $100,000; 2,628 over $50,000; 
4,047 over $30,000; 4,780 over $20,000; 10,648 over $10,000; 13,215 
over $5,000; 10,438 over $3,000; 8,742 over $2,000; 13,681 over 
$1,000; and 22,311 were worth $1,000 and under. This was estimated 
according to Confederate values. 

There is a strange and dramatic teaching in these figures — a lesson of 
pathetic and momentous import. While the brave soldiers were' strik- 
ing at the enemy in the field, and their families were practical paupers 
at home living upon the bounty of the State, there was behind the pro- 
tecting fegis of a craven non-combatancy thousands of enterprising citi- 
zens filling their coffers, and gorging their purses with the profits of 



316 THE FABULOUS PRICES OF 1864. 

some sort of greedy trading. Think of fifteen millionaires in our war-smit- 
ten commonwealth in that destructive day, and a thousand men worth 
over $100,000 each. Georgia, in her palmiest prosperity of peace, never 
made such a prodigal showing of rich citizens. There was something 
dreadfully wrong. It was a cruel incongruity, and it sapped the cause 
with an unseen but immeasurable potency. 

Not less interesting is the range of prices for all articles of trade. It 
took, on the 31st day of December, 18G4, forty-nine dollars in Confed- 
erate money to buy one dollar in gold. And the private soldier was 
receiving his $11 a month for his bloody service. A month's pay would 
buy him a pound of meat that he could eat in two days. Hats were 
worth several hundred dollars; a horse several thousand; a bushel of 
wheat from $40 to $50; a drink of poor whiskey, $5, and good, $10. 
The government churned out its money prodigally, but the soldiers had 
little chance at it. There was little to buy, and what there was brought 
fabulous sums. The commercial aspects and features of that Confed- 
erate period were among its most romantic characteristics. 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

THE CLOSING THROES OF THE REVOLUTION AND THE 

TRAGIC END. 

The Destruction at Milledgeville. — The Legislature in Macon. — The Last Session un- 
der the Confederacy. — Enlisting the Slaves for Soldiers. — Gov. Brown Against it. 
— Gov. Brown urges a Southern Convention. — An Eloquent Message. — War Pluck. 
— Toombs, Cobb, Hill aud Stiles make war speeches. — Attacks upon Brown. — L. J. 
Aired arrested for Treason. — Judge Lochrane releases Him. — Gen. W. T. Wofford. 
— North Georgia a Ruin. — Federal Rule in Savannah. — Submission Meeting there. 
— Salt for Carolina. — The Hampton Roads Conference. — Mr. Stephens. — Georgia 
Figures Foremost to the Last. — Gordon, the Companion Figure with Lee, in the 
Last Throes. — Surrender. — Davis and His Cabinet Fly to Georgia, where The Con- 
federate Administration Dissolves. — Last Act of the Confederacy — Romantic Inci- 
dents. — The Gold Bullion — Gen. Toombs. — Major R. J. Moses. — Davis Captured 
in Georgia. — The Stupendous Losses of Georgia. — Gov. Brown. 

The legislature of Georgia had adjourned upon the 18th day of Novem- 
ber, 1864, upon the approach of Sherman's army. The occupation of 
Milledgeville by the Federal force, while it did not v^^itness the destruc- 
tion of the state buildings, yet it was marked as has been stated by 
great and irreparable injury to our public records, the floors of the cap- 
itol and the grounds around being strewed with the debris of valuable 
papers, and many of them were burned. The penitentiary was burned. 
Gov. Brown reconvened the legislature on the 15th of February, 1865, 
in Macon. The Senate met three days in succession before there was a 
quorum. In the absence of the presiding officer, Hon. T. L. Guerry 
was elected temporary President. Gov. Brown's message to the General 
Assembly was alike a symbol of the man and of the desperate crisis. 
He put the dreadful situation plainly. He discussed unmincingly the 
causes th'at had led to the stress. He criticised Mr., Davis freely. He 
placed blame where it lay. He concisely argued the great, grave ques- 
tion, which was then in everybody's mind as an extreme expedient to 
.get out of our peril, whether we should arm our slaves and put them to 
fighting. Gen. Lee favored the policy, and he was a strong authority 
for any measure. Gov. Brown took a square stand against it, and his 
argument was practical and very strong. He condensed the objec- 
tion to it in the idea that negroes would not fight heroically to continue 



318 GOVERNOR brown's MESSAGE. 

the enslavement of their wives and children. Lincoln could disband 
them by brigades, by a proclamation of freedom and protection. If we 
offered them freedom to fight, it was an abandonment of slavery. 

Gov. Brown capped his message by urging the call of a convention of 
the Southern states to consider the crisis and provide a remedy. He 
pressed the abandonment of the fatal conscription policy and the return 
to the constitutional method of raising troops by the states; the reor- 
ganization of the troops under officers of state selection, which would 
put into the army the hordes of enrolling officers and other exempts; 
the repeal of impressment laws; and the appointment of a commander- 
in-chief with full contrcfl, except subject to removal by the President 
and Senate. The concluding sentences of this message are well worthy 
of quotation, and convey vividly the stern spirit of the Executive and 
the tottering condition of the cause. 

" The further pursuit of our present policy not only endangers our rights and our lib- 
erties, but our independence also, by destroying the institutions and breaking the spirits 
of our people. Let us beware how we trifle with the rights, tlie liberties, and the happi- 
ness of millions. 

" I am aware that the freedom and plainness, which a sense of duty to my country 
has compelled me to exercise, in discussing the measures of the administration, and the 
policy of the government, may subject my motives to misconstruction. I feel the proud 
consciousness, however, that I have been actuated only by a desire to promote the cause 
so dear to every patriot's heart, and thereby secure the independence of the Confederacy, 
with, the civil and religious liberties and constitutional rights of the people, without 
which independence is an empty name, and the glory and grandeur of our republican 
system is departed forever. No one can be more vitally interested than myself in the 
success of our cause. I have staked life, liberty and property, and the liberties of my 
posterity, upon the result. The enemy have burned my dwelling and other houses, de- 
stroyed my property, and shed in rich profusion the blood of nearest relatives. My des- 
tiny is linked with my country. If we succeed, I am a freeman. But if, by the obsti- 
nacy, weakness or misguided judgment of our rulers we fail, the same common ruin 
awaits me which awaits my countrymen. It is no time to conceal ideas in courtly phrase. 
The night is dark, the tempest howls, the ship is lashed with turbulent waves, the helms- 
man is steering to the whirlpool, our remonstrances are unheeded, and we must restrain 
him, or the crew must sink together submerged in irretrievable ruin." 

The legislature remained in session until the 11th day of March, 1865. 
The body refused to call a convention. Resolutions were passed to 
continue the war. Addresses of war encouragement were made by 
Gen, Toombs, Gen, Cobb, Ben Hill and Wm, H, Stiles, to the members, 
and citizens. Gov, Brown's message excited a varied contrariety of 
comment. Like everything else this positive man uttered and did, it 
evoked warm commendation and hot censure and a spirited antagonism. 
The friends of Mr. Davis abused Gov. Brown, and the latter's friends 



L. J. ALRED AND JUDGE O. A. LOCHRz\.NE. 319 

defended him. One or two papers, the Macon Telegraph especially, in 
editorial charge of a bright, little black-eyed poet, Harry Flash, who has 
written some of the finest war lyrics in the English language, struck at 
the Governor savagely, and he came near having a duel in consequence 
thereof with J, Henly Smith, editor of the Atlanta Confederacy. The 
soldiers and the people were with the Governor, however, in spite of the 
bitterest kind of denunciation from a fierce minority, that hit him from 
first to last with merciless malignity. Every conceivable charge had 
been brought against him. He had been accused of speculating and 
making money out of corn and salt and cotton and everything else. 
He struck down these slanders, one by one, with vigorous blows. It 
has been one unfailing peculiarity of Gov. Brown, that he has met 
attack, whether in the shape of slander or argument, promptly and 
aggressively. His opposition to the conscription act brought against 
him constantly a torrent of crimination that he was untrue to the Con- 
federate cause. But against all of these calumnious accusations stood 
his sleepless practical devotion to the cause and sacrifices and labors in 
its behalf, 

A very interesting episode of this General Assembly was the action 
it took against Hon. Lemuel J. Aired, the member of the legislature 
from Pickens county, so long connected with public matters in Georgia, 
and who to this day preserves his potential agency in the local affairs of 
his county, and represents it in some capacity in all of the conventions 
and legislatures of the State. He was charged with treason and dis- 
loyalty, and resolutions of expulsion were introduced. It was . alleged 
that he had raised a tory company, and stood to the United States flag. 
He was imprisoned in jail and released upon a writ of habeas corpus by 
Judge O. A. Lochrane of the superior court, who thus pronounced 
against the truth of the charge after an investigation of the matter. 
This release by Judge Lochrane was a peculiarly courageous and credit- 
able exercise of judicial duty. Judge Lochrane had been appointed by 
Gov. Brown, and his confirmation was pending in the Senate. Yet he ^ 
antagonized the body by his prompt reversal of their action and the 
release of Aired. 

This session of the General Assembly was a notable one in that it 
was the last held in Georgia under the Confederate government; and, 
notwithstanding the disheartening condition of matters and the gloomy 
war outlook, it sustained the manhood and honor of the State with an 
unshaken courage, and kept its shining faith to the Confederacy in the 
darkest calamities of its own ruin. 



320 GENERAL WILLIAM T. WOFFORD. 

During this woful period one of the distinguished soldiers of the 
State did a service that entitles him to the State's gratitude. This 
officer was Gen. Wm. T. Wofford. He was a firm anti-secessionist, and 
carried his county against secession. On the 23rd of January, 18G5, by 
the request of Gov. Brown and the people of Georgia, and by his own 
desire, he entered upon duty as a department commander in North 
Georgia. This favored section of the State, rich, healthy, beautiful, 
was a continuous ruin. It exemplified the horrors of war. The white 
section of the State, it furnished the bulk of the Union element. The 
arena for contending armies for a long period, it was desolated in its 
entirety. Left for months outside of the protecting gegis of both gov- 
ernments, the hiding-place of guerillas of both armies, the theater of 
that worst of all strifes that exist between inimical local factions, it 
realized in all its dread malignancy the miserable suffering conveyed in 
the realization of anarchy. The melancholy condition of this section is 
the saddest picture of all of the sad ones of the late war. Those able 
to flee, fled. Those unable to get away staid in armed despair, ever 
present peril, and subject to daily rapine and death. Courts were silent, 
schools empty, churches deserted. Dwellings were burned and fences 
destroyed, until the civilizing demarkations of home and farm were lost 
in indistinguishable ruin. Strolling bands of deserters and robbers 
herded in the mountain caves, made predatory excursions from their 
fastnesses, and in their inhuman collisions and murderous orgies kept up 
a reign of terror. It was once a smiling country, peaceful, prosperous 
and happy, converted by the fell Moloch of war into a bloody scene of 
utter desolation. And to these awful horrors, universal and unmitigable, 
the possibility of starvation was superadded. No crops could be raised 
in this hideous time, and charity could not penetrate this wilderness of 
devastation. 

~ To redeem this cursed land, certainly a blessed mission. Gen. "VVofford 
was sent by Mr. Davis at the request of Gov. Brown, who knew his fit- 
ness for the duty. It was a labor of love for Gen. Wofford, and he en- 
tered upon his difficult duty with zeal. He called in and organized over 
7,000 men, large numbers of them deserters and stragglers. He exhib- 
ited decided executive ability in his work. The railroad track was torn 
up and twisted, so that railway transportation could not be used. He 
overcame with masterly will and ability the intrinsic difficulties of his 
position. He obtained corn and distributed it among the starving peo- 
ple. His cool, resolved tact was the very quality to handle the turbu- 
lent lawlessness of the section. He sent a flag of truce to Gen. Judah, 



THE DISTRESS OP CAPTURED SAVANKAH. 321 

the Federal commander in North Georgia, and obtained a personal con- 
ference, in which he induced Gen. Judah to do the noble act of distrib- 
uting corn to the starving people furnished by Gen. Wofford. 

The capture of Savannah was a very valuable one to the Federals. 
Gen. Sherman sent the following agreeable dispatch to President 
Lincoln : 

" Savannah, Ga., Dec. 22, 1864. 
" To His Excellency President Lincoln, Washiugton, D. C. 

" I beg to present you as a Christmas gift the city of Savannah, with one hundred 
and fifty heavy guns and plenty of ammunition, also about twenty-five thousand bales of 
cotton. W. T. SHERMAN, Major General." 

It turned out that there were 250 coast guns and 31,000 bales of cot- 
ton. The city was placed under military government. An order was 
issued, that among other things, restricted the publication of newspa- 
pers to two, and threatened the editors and proprietors with severe 
punishment in person and property for " any libelous publication, mis- 
chievous matter, premature news, exaggerated statements, or any C07ii- 
ments lohatever upon the Acts of the constituted authorities." This 
was freedom of the press with a vengeance. The wives of Generals 
G. W. Smith and A. P. Stewart of the Confederate army were in the 
city, and were accorded special protection. The capture was a sore 
crisis for many elegant people. Savannah is a city of unusual culture, 
and was inhabited by a citizenry of wealth and high-bred refinement 
and luxury. Ladies of the best families were compelled to vend cakes 
and pastry at their basement windows to raise means to subsist. Gen. 
Sherman issued provisions to many families. A meeting of citizens 
was held upon call of the Mayor, Dr. R. D. Arnold. Dr. Arnold was 
made chairman, and A. S. Hartridge and Robert Irwin secretaries. A 
committee consisting of Col. Rockwell, Alderman Lippman, Dr. Willis, 
Alderman Villalonga, Martin Duggan, J. G. Wills, W. D. Weed, Alder- 
man Lachlison and Alderman O'Byrne, reported resolutions which were 
unanimously adopted, seeking peace by laying down arms and submit- 
ting to the national authority, claiming the immunities and protection 
of the Federal government, and asking the Governor to call a conven- 
tion of the people of Georgia to give them an opportunity of saying 
whether the war should continue. 

This action of Savannah was the initial note of submission. On the 
19th of January, 1865, Gen. Sherman made the first general orders for 
his move into Carolina, the continuation of his march. In speaking in 
his memoirs of this movement, he uses this language : 
21 



332 THE GEORGIA AND CAROLINA MILITIA. 

" We were all anxious to get into the piue woods again, free from the importunities 
of rebel women asking for protection, and of the civilians from the North who were 
coming to Savannah for cotton, and all sorts of profit." 

No words could better convey the condition of the people of this cap- 
tured city than these few simple words of the General of the Federal 
army. Between the conquering soldiery and the rapacious speculators 
the citizens had a hard time. The correspondence between Gen. Sher- 
man and the Federal authorities throws full light not only upon the 
march throuo-h Georgia, but its continuation through Carolina. Says 
Gen. H. W. Halleck: 

" Should you capture Charleston I hope that by some accident the place may be de- 
stroyed, and if a little salt should be sown upon its site, it may prevent the growth of 
future crops of nullification and secession." 

To this gentle suggestion Gen, Sherman replied: 

" "We are not only figlating hostile armies but a hostile people, and must make old and 
young, rich and poor, feel the hard baud of war, as well as their organized armies. . . 
Before we have done with her. South Carolina will not be quite so tempestuous. . . I 
will bear in mind your hint as to Charleston, and do not think ' salt ' will be necessary. 
When I move, the fifteenth Corps will be on the right of the right wing, and their posi- 
tion will naturally bring them into Charleston first ; and, if you have watched the his- 
tory of the corps, you will have remarked that they generally do tlieir work pretty well. 
The truth is, the whole army is burning with an insatiable desire to wreak vengeance 
upon South Carolina. I almost tremble at her fate, but feel that she deserves all that 
seems in store for her. . . I look upon Columbia as quite as bad as Charleston, and I 
doubt if we shall spare the public buildings there as we did at Milledgeville." 

From these expressions of the Federal Generals it can well be under- 
stood that the frightful severities of this campaign in Georgia and Car- 
olina were intended. It is not our purpose to follow the fighting far- 
ther. On the 23rd of February, 1865, Gen. Joseph E. Johnston was 
re-instated in command of the inconsequential fragment of a Southern 
army. In this little force was 1,100 South Carolina militia and reserves. 
It is not irrelevant to contrast this small body of Carolina militia, de- 
fending Carolina soil, to the 10,000 of Georgia militia raised and armed 
and put in the field by Gov. Brown for months in defense of Georgia 
soil. The fact illustrates not the superior patriotism of the Georgia 
citizens, but the superior vigor and zeal of Georgia's war Governor. 

On the 3rd of February, 1865, took place the celebrated Hampton 
Roads Peace Conference, between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward of the 
North, and Mr. Stephens, Mr. Hunter and Judge Campbell of the 
South, which, resulted in nothing. This Conference is given in full in 
Mr. Stephens' great work, " The War Between the States," and consti- 
tutes one of the most valuable chapters of that important work. It is 



GENERAL JOHN B. GORDON. 323 

a singular coincidence that an illustrious Georgian should have been the 
main actor in both of the two efforts at peace between the sections, and 
it keeps up the remarkable destiny of Georgia as the crowning factor of 
the revolution. 

But the end was at hand. The colossal contest was drawing to its 
desperate and tragical conclusion, and it was a strange and unerring 
exemplification of the influential fatality of the State of Georgia in the 
struggle, that in the person of her gallant Gordon she figured so con- 
sj)icuously in these fateful final scenes. He was the second figure to 
Lee in the dismal glory that marked the gory failure of the revolution. 
In the terrible last days, it was the ringing name of John Gordon that 
most frequently thrilled the public ear. In the mighty throes of this 
expiring and gigantic war, it was the knightly figure of Gordon that 
led the forlorn hopes of the falling eause. It was Gordon with his 
unconquered bayonets, that last left the futile fortifications of Peters- 
burg; it was Gordon, undaunted and undismayed, that in the calamitous 
retreat led and fought in front of the enemy with his shattered band of 
heroes; and it was this same Gordon that was chosen to cut his way 
through the encompassing legions with his fragment of 2,000 intrepid 
men, in the most forlorn hope that was ever contemplated by soldierly 
desperation. And when the historic scene of Appomattox Court 
House came, with its memorable surrender of the army of Virginia, and 
its consequent collapse of the Southern cause, it was Georgia's Gordon 
that divided with his great chieftain, Lee, the sad celebrity of that 
heroic but irreparable conclusion of the grand drama. 

On the 2nd of April, 1865, Lee's line at Petersburg was broken, and 
Davis and his cabinet left Richmond and went to Danville. On the 9th 
of April, Lee surrendered. On the 26th of April, Johnston surrendered, 
and in swift succession followed other surrenders up to the 25th of May, 
when the great war was ended — forever. Georgia witnessed and felt the 
horrors of a cavalry invasion by Gen. Wilson of the Federal army from 
Alabama, that officer reaching Macon at the time of being stopped from 
farther devastation by the truce following upon Johnston's surrender. 

The President and his cabinet, the small nucleus of the dead Confed- 
erate government, the helpless reiDresentatives of its defunct authority, 
were fugitives and uncaptured. The State of Georgia vas not to be 
balked of its curious fate of a foremost agency in the revolution, even 
in the final matter of being the arena of the last order of Confederate 
power, and the theater of the dissolution of its administration and 
capture of its President. 



324 DAVIS AND CABINET AT WASHINGTON, GA. 

As soon as Richmond fell Mr. Davis and his cabinet went to Danville. 
Remaining there a few days, he proceeded to North Carolina. When 
the armistice was arranged between Sherman and Johnston, Mr. Davis 
determined to go to Texas. A company of Dibrell's brigade of cavalry 
was assigned as escort. This was company B of the Ninth Kentucky 
cavalry, Captam Given Campbell. Mr. Davis had vpith him Gen. Breck- 
enridge, secretary of war; John H. Reagan, postmaster general; 
ex-Governor Lubbock, of Texas, aid-de-camp; Burton N. Harrison, 
private secretary; Col. William Preston Johnson, Lieut. Hathaway, Mrs. 
Davis and four children. Miss Howell, his wife's sister, and Midshipman 
Howell, her brother. At Abbeville, S. C, his escort left him, except 
the captain and ten men, including privates H.- C. Anders, James H. 
Smith, J. T. Walbert, W. N." Ingrain, Heath and Hartness. The party 
had five wagons and three ambulances. Mrs. Davis and the family were 
sent on ahead. Mr. Davis arrived at Washington, Wilkes county, Ga., 
the home of Gen. Robert Toombs, on the 4th day of May, 1865. Gen. 
Bragg, Gen. J, M. St. Johns, commissary general, Gen. A. R. Lawton, 
quartermaster-general, and a large number of Confederate officers 
arrived there. The various heads of departments all had left Richmond 
together, and they remained with Mr. Davis in Washington, Ga,, until 
they separated by his order. It was here that the Confederate admin- 
istration dissolved and the last official order of the Confederate govern- 
ment was issued, which is giv6n in this chapter; and it was a singular 
and suggestive coincidence, strikingly exemplifying the strange' caprices 
of 'human events, that a little country village, in a section of Georgia 
out of the range of military operations, and the home of the man Avho 
did more than all other men in the South to spring the revolution, and 
who had been the organizing premier of the Confederate government, 
should, by a fantastic fatality, be the spot where the heroic but ill-fated 
venture went to pieces and its last note of official authority was given. 

President Davis and most of his staff stayed at the Heath House in 
Washington. The building was occupied also as a bank. Mr. Davis was 
very much worn, and saw but little company while in Washington. He 
remained there about thirty -six hours, reaching the town at noon of the 
4th, and leaving it the 5th of May. St, Johns and Reagan spent the 
night with Gm. Toombs, as did Major Raphael J. Moses, of the commis- 
sary department, from whom we have obtained the most interesting 
particulars of this matter, and to whom we are indebted for a copy of 
the official order referred to. Major Moses was commissary for the State 
of Georgia, having been appointed to fill the place of Major Locke, who 



THE FAMOUS CONFEDERATE SPECIE TRAIN". 325 

had died. He had been sent to South-western Georgia by Gen. Lee, to 
try what effect direct appeals from one fresh from the field would have 
in inducing the people at home to send forward more liberal supplies of 
food to the suffering troops in Virginia, who, almost without rations, 
had been opposing the well-fed troops of Grant at the Wilderness and 
other points. On Major Locke's death. Major Moses was put in his place, 
and his duties as state commissary located him at Augusta in April, 1865, 
and his presence was required along the line of the Georgia railroad, 
and at the time written of his duties called him to Washington, where 
he received from Gen. Toombs an invitation to stay with him. Such 
hospitality was acceptable beyond expression, at a time when the pay of 
a Confederate major was 1162.50 per month, in a currency that com- 
manded at the same time a day's board for the moderate amount of $50. 

While Major Moses was in Washington, the President and his party 
arrived. Among the other attractions, that which filled the public eje 
of the watchful Washingtonians almost as much as the distinguished 
visitors, was the far-famed specie train, containing really between 
1100,000 and S200,000, which amount Dame Rumor exaggerated to 
untold millions, and which was an object of keen stimulus for the popular 
cupidity. The bulk of this money was in uncoined bullion — mostly bars 
of the precious metal, unmolded into dollars. 

Gen. Dibrell gives this interesting account of what he knew of this 
famous and exaggerated money: 

" I was directed to furnish four additional wagons to transport the specie, and Gen. 
Breckenridge in person directed Gen, Duke, with his brigade, to guard the specie train. 
We crossed the Savannah river and halted near Washington, Ga., about sunrise on the 
morning of the 2d of May. The specie train was parked in a lot near a house occupied 
by Gen. Breckenridge for head-quarters. The specie was taken into his room. I was 
present part of the time. The first box opened contained bullion, and was nailed up 
again. By direction of Gen. Breckenridge, muster rolls of all troops present were made 
out. This money for the troops, upward of $108,000, was turned over to Maj. E. C. 
White, my division quartermaster, (he being the senior quartermaster present,) and the 
amount due each soldier, $26.25, was paid through the regimental quartermaster on 
each muster roll. Each officer and soldier, including infantry and cavalry, as well as 
Gen. John C. Breckenridge, received just the same amount, $26.25. 

" Maj. White, after the payments were all made, handed me a report in writing of the 
amount received by him and the payments made to each command, showing how he had 
disbursed the $108,000. This report I brought home with me, but have lost or mislaid 
it. Maj. White was a citizen of Anne Arundel cpunty, Md., but of late I have been un- 
able to learn his address. G. G. Dibkell." 

Just before the President (Mr. Davis) left. Gen. Joseph E. Johnston 
sent Major Moses an order to furnish 250,000 rations to troops return- 



326 INCIDENTS AT WASHINGTON, GA. 

• 

ing to their homes. The Confederate States had at the time of John- 
ston's capitulation with Sherman a very large supply, comparatively 
speaking, of rations at different points on the Georgia railroad, which 
connects Atlanta and Augusta, some one hundred and seventy miles 
apart, but as soon as it was known that the last hope of the Confederacy 
had passed away, the half-starved people along the line of railroad soon 
transferred the Confederate commissary stores to more convenient 
places, and there was not a week's^ rations for one hundred men from 
one end of the road to the other. 

We not only had no rations to feed the returning ■ troops, but if we 
had had enough to fill every storehouse on the route, there was no way 
of protecting them. It was in this contingency that Maj. Moses wrote 
and induced the Commissary General, St. Johns, to sign the last official 
order ever drawn by the Secretary of War of the Confederate govern- 
ment. It was signed by Gen. J. M. St. Johns, by direction of the Con- 
federate Secretary of War, in Washington, Ga., while in transitu and 
bound for parts unknown. It ordered Maj. Moses to arrange with 
some Federal general at Augusta or Macon to supply the returning 
troops and provide the hospitals with rations and necessary medicines, 
and for that purpose apply to the Confederate government for the 
necessary funds. The order being signed, Maj, Moses did apply, but it 
was like calling spirits from the vasty deep. They did not come. In 
this emergency Maj. Moses applied to Gen. Toombs, and he obtained 
an order from Gen. Breckenridge, the Confederate Secretary of War, 
upon the officer in charge of the specie train, to pay Maj. Moses $40,000 
in bullion, of which $10,000 was to be turned over to the Quartermaster 
Department, in charge of Felix R. Alexander, Assistant Quartermaster 
under Gen. Alexander R. Lawton, the Confederate Quartermaster-Gen- 
eral. Armed with this order, Maj. Moses overtook the train of wagons 
a mile or so from Washington, the night of its departure, and received 
and receipted for what was estimated or guessed to be 140,000 of gold 
bullion. 

This bullion was carried back to Washington, and being guarded over 
night, 110,000 was paid over to the Quartermaster-General, Lawton, 
and with the other $30,000 Maj. Moses started for Augusta, guarded by 
four members of the Washington artillery. Maj. Moses had a stirring- 
time with his perilous treasure. It was, of course, known immediately 
that he had it in possession. The war had unhinged men's ideas 
and principles. But still more demoralizing of the public conscience 
was the desperate stress of the people, coupled with the knowledge 



ATTEMPTED RAPE OP THE BULLION. 32?' 

that the Confederate cause was dead, and that this specie was ownerless 
and a probable treasure trove and booty for the Federal soldiery. Maj. 
Moses, with punctilious honor, was resolved to part with it only with 
his life and to deliver it according to orders in fulfillment of its kindly 
mission. 

On the train from Washington to Barnett, where the branch road 
joins the Georgia railroad, he was watched and menaced with constant 
danger. At Barnett he had his car switched off before the train arrived 
at the depot and left in a cut, but the eager crowd swarmed around it. 
The car was taken up to the depot, and for several hours, until the 
Augusta train arrived, Maj. Moses was in the most perturbing perplexity 
and strain of his life. There were some two or three hundred return- 
ing soldiers, besides the no less determined citizens. These desperate 
men, a reckless mob, coolly demanded the money, as being as much 
theirs as any one's, and they were armed to enforce their demand. A 
number of soldiers and officers stood by Maj. Moses, giving him friendly 
aid, among whom were Private Shepherd, formerly of Columbus, Ga., 
then of Texas, and Gen. Sanford, who is now practicing law in Mont- 
gomery, Ala. Maj. Moses remonstrated quietly and argumentatively 
with the menacing men surrounding him, and appealed to their honor 
and patriotism and stated his orders. At length it seemed nothing could 
avert the attempted ravishment of this specie. 

A wounded officer seemed to be the ringleader. Finally, as if by an 
inspiration, Maj. Moses stepped up to this officer and addressed him in 
•these words: 

" Sir, your rank indicates that you are a gentleman, and your wound 
testifies that you have been a gallant soldier. I appeal to you in the 
spirit of that honor that belongs to all brave men, to assist me in the 
discharge of this trust." 

The officer promptly responded that he would willingly aid in the 
matter, and he went around among the threatening soldiers, quieting 
them. Maj. Moses was enabled to safely continue his trip, and delivered 
the bullion to Gen. Molineux, stationed at Augusta, and did so upon his 
promise to feed the returning soldiers and see that the sick in the hos- 
pitals were cared for. The bullion was weighed and turned out in 
excess fully 15,000. It was delivered by order of Gen. Molineux to 
one Adams, of Massachusetts, then acting as provost marshal of 
Augusta. Maj. Moses has since attempted to learn whether this money 
ever reached the Federal treasury, and went in company with Maj. J. 
D. Waddell to "Washington city, and delivered it to the Hon. Jerry 



328 GOLD FOE GENERAL TOOMBS. 

Black, with the request that he would trace the fund, but he has never 
heard the result of the investigation. 

Just after the departure of Gen. Breckenridge from Washington 
with a body, of cavalry, a cavalry man rode back in a gallop and threw 
a bag of gold coin over the fence around Gen. Toombs' residence, and 
then rapidly rode away. No explanation was given of this liberal act, 
no instructions accompanied the money, and there was no clew ever 
obtained as to the motive or purpose of the soldier. The bag contained 
$5,000 in gold currency. Gen. Toombs at the time was in great stress 
for money, and was borrowing gold for his contemplated flight out of 
the country, but he swore with a round oath he would not touch a dol- 
lar of this money, so strangely and unexpectedly showered upon him. 
The bag was turned over to Capt. Abrahams, a Federal commissary, for 
the purchase of flour and other provisions for the returning Confed- 
erate soldiers, and Maj. Moses states that his son aided in this disposition 
of the fund. Gen. Toombs was a princely financier and has always had 
a lordly scorn of unclean or illegitimate money. His escape and adven- 
tures abroad were right romantic. After Mr. Davis and his party had 
all scattered out from Washington, and Gen. Toombs was about to get 
away, a Federal soldier rang at the door. Gen. Toombs himself went 
to the door, and the soldier told him he was after Gen. Toombs and 
asked if he was at home. The General replied " Yes," and asked the 
soldier to wait while he informed the General. Going in and tellinsr 
Mrs. Toombs to delay the soldier as long as possible. Gen. Toombs went 
out the back door, mounted a horse that he had ready back of his 
premises, in anticipation of just such a contingency as this, and took to 
the woods, making for the coast. Mrs. Toombs held the soldier on 
one pretext and another for nearly half an hour, carrying him from room 
to room, all locked and the keys lost. These moments enabled Gen. 
Toombs to get away. 

In England he was without a dollar in money; but a banking firm, 
for which he had done legal business before the war, learned of his 
being in that country and tendered him 1100,000 for his use, which he 
declined, except several thousand dollars that he used for a friend. He 
was traveling on the train and met accidentally a nobleman whose 
acquaintance he had made in Washington, and this gentleman imme- 
diately consulted him professionally on a matter connected with some 
American securities, and for this legal opinion Gen. Toombs received a 
fee of $5,000, which relieved his necessities. No man in the Union has 
been a more successful maker of money than Gen. Toombs. 



GEORGIA THE HEAVIEST LOSER OP THE SOUTH. 331 

ing fugitive, and it almost seemed as if he either did not apprehend or 
did not care for capture. 

At Irwin's Cross Roads, in Washington county, a band of despera- 
does made a demonstration upon Mr. Davis and his party, ignorant of 
who they were. At Dublin another attack was threatened by some 
thirty deserters, but in both cases the bands were frightened or per- 
suaded off. A federal force of about two hundred cavalry, under Lieu- 
tenant Colonel B. D. Pritchard, of the Fourth and Second Michigan 
regiments, finally captured Mr. Davis and his party near Irwinville, at 
daylight on the morning of the 10th day of May, 1865. The federal 
cavalry was divided and ran upon one another unexpectedly, firing and 
killing several soldiers. 

For a long time the Northern press circulated the statement that 
Mr. Davis was captured in woman's clothes, but the statement was 
false, and was undoubtedly fabricated to throw ridicule upon him and 
the cause he represented. The report was an ungracious piece of 
malignancy, as ungenerous as it was malicious. 

With the capture of President Davis on Georgia soil, the final blow was 
given to the Confederate government and the Southern cause that it rep- 
resented. The first act of war had been committed on Georgia territory, 
and the ultimate ending, by a providential fortune, came here too. The 
brilliant beginning and the calamitous conclusion both belong to Georgia, 
and with her other masterful instrumentality in the mighty episode, weave 
together a story of heroism, power and disaster, that will live in all ages. 

The simple record of the sacrifices of the state of Georgia will show 
resplendently her war record. She sent to the field over 120,000 sol- 
diers, or 20,000 more than her voting popidation at the beginning of 
the war. No statistics were gathered until 1867, after she had enjoyed 
two years of recuperation, and there is no means therefore of accurately 
estimating the damage she suffered. Her aggregate wealth in 1867 
was 1191,235,520, or 1481,497,381 less than in 1861, and her gain from 
1865 must have been fully fifteen or twenty millions, making her war 
loss amount to the prodigious proportion of three-fourths of her wealth. 
We can best illustrate Georgia's heroism and suffering by comparing 
her losses with those of the other Southern states: Georgia, 481 
millions, or over three-fourths of her wealth; South Carolina, 326, or 
two-thirds; Mississippi, 355, or two-thirds; Virginia, 186, or two- 
sevenths; North Carolina, 160, or one half; Kentucky, 104, or one-fifth; 
Louisiana, 185, or two-fifths; Tennessee, 69, or one-fifth; Florida 36, or 
one-half; Missouri gained 286 millions. 



332 THE EXTEXT OF GEORGIA'S EUIN AND THE WAE ENDED, 

Her loss in slaves alone was $272,015,490, or thirty -four millions more 
than her present wealth. Her lands fell off in value one-half. One- 
quarter of her railroad track was totally destroyed. Over 2,000 square 
miles of her territory had been strijDped and ravaged and made a wil- 
derness of wreck. The public debt was run to over twenty-five millions 
of dollars, of which over six millions were expended on the families of 
soldiers, four millions in sending clothing to the Georgia troops, 
and six millions more upon our state forces outside of Confederate 
operations. No state in the Confederacy approximated Georgia in her 
voluntary expenditures in aid of the war. And truth requires the 
candid admission that Gov. Brown led in this unequaled policy of gen- 
erous and unstinted military zeal. Concurrently with all of his stub- 
born and unyielding conflicts for constitutional principle, he to the 
fullest extent of his official power, gave practical cooperation to the 
cause, and contributed his private fortune. The substantial significance 
of such a force ca.nnot be overlooked. 

But the end had come. Our efforts, our sufferings, our sacrifices had 
been unavailing. The war had gone against us, hopelessly, finally. 
And from the unredeemed wreck of unsuccessful revolution the people 
of Georgia turned their crushed energies bravely to rehabilitation and 
the future. 



PART III. 



The Reconstruction Travesty and 
a Superb Rehabilitation. 



CHAPTER XXXII. 
THE TRANSITION PERIOD OF PURE BAYONET RULE. 

The Whimsical Tyranny of Reconstruction. — Venomous Times. — Gov. Brown's Dra- 
matic Experience. — Outliving a Merciless Ostracism. — Gen. AVilsou. — Stephens, 
Cobb, Hill and Brown arrested. — Gov. Brown's Release. — Gen. Wilson Squelches 
the " Rebel State Authorities." — Federal Cleverness. — Gen. Wofford. — Mules and 
Corn Distributed. — Gov. Brown's Resignation. — His Philosophy to " Do the Best 
we Can." — The Enfranchisement of the Black and Taking the Oath. — The Georgia 
Union Club in Savannah. — James Johnson Provisional Governor. — His Pronnncia- 

> mento. — His Macon Speech. — Civil and Moral Chaos. — Johnson's Mistake. — Cling- 
ing to Slavery. — The Dazing Effect of Freedom on the Black. — The Freedman's 
Bureau. — The African Problem. — Grim Satire of the Chicago Times. — A Black 
Deluge and White Bondage. 

We come now to that anomalous, indefinable period in Georgia his- 
tory, that must stand as the indescribable incongruity of her existence 
as a commonwealth. It is an epoch that baffles description. Neither 
war nor peace; marked by the anarchy of war without its dignity and a 
pretense of peace without its reality; ruled under a scorching travesty 
of law, alternating with bayonet despotism governed by mob caprice; 
this era of whimsical yet savage tyranny, known by the abhorrent name 
of Reconstruction,' must ever remain the ridicule of patriotism and 
the contempt of statesmanship. It was the spawn of unbridled might. 
It violated every principle of good government. It sported wantonly 
with every sacred axiom of civil libert3^ Inspired by hate, and oper- 
ated with malice, it abortively retarded for a decade of years, the very ob- 
ject it claimed to seek, viz : — a solid and fraternal rehabilitation of a sun- 
dered Union, and a warring people. It was the cruelest bit of political 
harlequinade ever practiced by an enlightened civilization. 

The mother that bore the monster Caliban, must have had the same 
feeling as she gazed upon the foul, ill-shapen, hideous creature, as the 
authors of reconstruction at this day, have in looking back upon the ap- 
palling abortion, they called into existence to re-unite in holy wedlock, 
the resentful sections of a riven nationality. The annals of the world 
show no more wicked and inexcusable botch of governmental polity. 
In using this strong language there is a meed of justice due to honest 
Southern men, who favored the principle of a martyr's submission to 



336 GOVERNOR brown's ALTERNATION OF POPULARITY. 

hard terms, as the patriotic requirement of oixr conquered condition. 
And there is still another meed of justice due to honest Northern 
men, who condemned the drift of what they deemed a necesary policy. 
The acrimony of reconstruction was really no less intense and ruthless 
than the savagery of battle. Men were as mad and brutal, and reveled 
in fully as fiery passion. It is not altogether certain that men were not 
more hostile and implacable than when fighting, for the spilling of 
blood, and the clash of arms was a vent for the turbulence of hostility 
that toned down the inner heat, and satisfied the vengeance. But the 
repression of active deed during reconstruction made the inspiration 
of rancor over wrong flame the hotter inwardly. 

Those reconstruction days were venomous times, spiteful, acrid, 
ferocious, absolutely unreasoning. Their fever was different from the 
war-heat, more stinging and unsparingly proscriptive. There was 
more execration about it, and utter disregard of magnanimity. It was 
an epoch of state history, that no Georgian can ever wish to see re- 
enacted. War has its glories, its stirring delirium, its triumphs, its 
renown. But that horrible ei-a of reconstruction has nothing but bitter 
memories unredeemed by a single element of alloy. This era was to 
witness the most dramatic experience and tragical test of Gov. Brown. 
For years he had enjoyed such power and popularity as are vouchsafed 
to few men in this world. He had strongly swam, not floated, for he 
bravely breasted his own firm course, upon a flood current of public 
favor in as stormy a crisis, and as long as any leader ever did in human 
chronicles. He had made himself the foremost civilian of the Con- 
federacy, engendering a reputation to be envied, with just enough of 
implacable enmity to give the proper seasoning to his celebrity, and 
point to his victories. He was destined to suffer an alternation of pub- 
lic favor, so sudden, so complete, so overwhelming and savage as to 
constitute the most extraordinary personal vicissitude of the extraordi- 
nary period. He was to be the victim of this remorseless odium too, 
without a shade of morah obliquity or a transgression that the most 
punctilious, social, moral or legal scruple could fasten to him. 

He, himself, in his uncommon sagacity foresaw much of it and pre- 
dicted it, but he had no conception of its reach and intensif}^ He had 
displayed exceptional daring and firmness in many trying emergencies. 
But he never had so ferocious a strain upon his adamantine nerve as in 
this reconstruction time, when he battled with the sentimental but her- 
culean prejudices of the people. It Avas a friglitful struggle, and must 
give him the horrors to this day. It battered and ostracized him, it made 



ARREST OF DISTINGUISHED GEORGIANS. 337 

him for a long time an exile and a practical outcast. It was enough 
to have crushed and crazed any man of ordinary or even extraordinary 
mold. Yet he not only resisted but he whipped it, and his political 
recuperation is as remarkable a case of sublime and indomitable political 
vitality as was ever seen. It was a grand test of the man's gigantic 
endurance and power. The writer was warmly on the other side in 
these fierce-hearted days, and in doing justice to Gov. Brown has noth- 
ing to recant of his own convictions. The day of passion, even in 
memory, has passed, and the time has come for rational fair-minded, 
good-tempered justice. Gov. Brown has been more fortunate than 
most men in outliving misconception, so terrific that the pangs of death 
were preferable. And he has won such a victory over aspersion as will 
make the remaining years of his eventful life happy and influential for 
good beyond estimate, and all the brighter for the antithesis of the long 
dark epoch. 

' "The surrender left the state in military hands. Gen. Sherman, the 
most relentless practicer of war's severities, had, with a splendid states- 
manship, endeavored to give effect to the true consistent theory of the 
Union movement, and considered the states restored to their autonomy 
when arms were laid down. Gov. Brown acted on this idea. He called 
the legislature together to meet in Milledgeville on the 22d day of May, 
1865. Gen.Wilson, the Federal commander at Macon, had notified him to 
surrender the State troops, and he had done so, taking a parole as the 
commander-in-chief with Gen. Gustavus Smith and his division. Gen. 
Upton was in command at Augusta, Gen. Croxton in Macon, C0I.B. B. 
Eggleston in Atlanta, and Maj. M. H. Williams in Milledgeville. 

Just at this time the surprise was shot upon the state of the arrest 
of Alex, H. Stephens, Gen. Howell Cobb, Hon. B. H. Hill- and Gov. 
Brown, The latter had returned to Milledgeville the day after he was 
paroled. The next night the Executive mansion was surrounded by 
an armed Federal force under the command of a captain who notified 
the Governor that he was instructed to arrest him. Gov. Brown 
denied indignantly the right to molest him, producing his parole. But 
the officer replied, " I am instructed by Gen, Wilson to take that from 
you." The Governor protested against the outrage, claiming that, as 
he had not violated his parole, the faith of the United States was 
pledged to protect him. The officer would take no denial, and there 
was no chance to resist the armed force, so the parole was delivered up. 
He was permitted just thirty minutes to make his arrangements for 
departure, and was not allowed a moment of privacy with his family, 

22 



338 THE DEEADFtJL COXDITIOX OF NORTH GEORGIA. 

from whom lie was thus so unceremoniously torn. He was carried on 
to Washington and incarcerated in Carroll prison. He addressed, a 
letter to President Andrew Johnson, recounting the circumstances of 
his parole and arrest, and urging the injustice and bad faith of the 
treatment. After the lapse of a week he was accorded an interview 
by President Johnson, who promised to investigate the matter. At 
the end of several days Gov. Brown's release was ordered on his jDarole, 
and he returned to Georgia. 

Gen. Wilson issued an order forbidding the Legislature to meet, as 
called by Gov. Brown. His order stated that " Neither the Legisla- 
ture nor any other political body will be permitted to assemble under 
the call of the rebel state authorities." The order further said: 

" The people of the state are earnestlj^ counseled to resume their peaceful pursuits, 
and are assured that the President of the United States will, without delay, exert all 
the lawful powers of liis office to relieve them from the bondage of rebel tyranny and 
to restore them to the enjoyment of peace and order, with security of life, liberty and 
property under the constitution and laws of the United States and of their pwn state." 

There must have been a grim vein of satire in Gen. Wilson's compo- 
sition. The idea of protecting the people of Georgia from " rebel tyr- 
:anny " must have been the suggestion of a satirical humor inspired 
by an intuitive prevision of the coming cruelties of reconstruction. 

In many particulars the Federal soldiers acted very cleverly. Gen. 
Wilson turned over to Gen, Ira Foster the Confederate myiles, horses, 
wagons and harness, for distribution among the poor, and Col. J, H. R. 
Washington of Macon, was associated with Gen. Foster to aid in the 
distribution. In North Georgia, Gen. Wofford induced Gen. Thomas 
to loan the people 30,000 bushels of corn to feed them while making a 
crop, and to let the citizens have the straggling government stock scat- 
tered over the country, to help them to farm. These incidents do 
imperishable honor to the gallant Thomas. Gen. Wofford, by his tact 
and manly, liberal dealing, established a good understanding with the 
Federal Generals, that enabled him to serve the people effectually. The 
day after his surrender, which took place on the 12th of May, Gen. 
Judah paid him the compliment of asking him to prepare orders for 
the government of the country, and Gen. Thomas invited him to a 
conference for consultation. This northern section was in a dreadful 
condition, and its distress continued a long time, it had been so fear- 
fully ravaged. Gen. Wofford was elected to Congress this year, but 
was not allowed to take his seat. He went to Washington to get an 
issue of provisions for the thousands of destitute citizens. The Demo- 



GOVERNOR BROWN RESIGNS AS GOVERNOR. 339 

cratic members of Congress could do nothing, and discouraged him. 
Nothing daunted, the resolute M-^offord interested Judge Kelley of 
Pennsylvania, in the matter, who introduced and obtained the passage 
of a resolution authorizing Gen. Howard, of the Freedmen's Bureau, to 
furnish all of the supplies needed, and remedy the famine of this 
large section. Even in the middle of the war these upper counties had 
to be supplied by the state. It was a suggestive coincidence that this 
section of Georgia, the most reluctant in going into secession, was the 
most sorely punished by the resulting war. 

Gov. Brown returned to Georgia to find that he was not allowed to 
exercise the functions of the Execiitive. The language of Gen. Wil- 
son, speaking for Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of War, was : 

" The restoration of peace and order cannot be entrusted to rebels and traitors who 
destroyed the peace and trampled down the order that had existed more than half a 
century in Georgia." 

On the 29th of June, 1865, Gov. Brown, in order to facilitate the re- 
organization of the state government and remove any impediment that 
he might personally interpose to the solution of the great reconstruc- 
tion problem, resigned his place in a creditable spirit of patriotism. His 
address was a dignified, manly paper, and a curiously characteristic enun- 
ciation of the man. It was the utterance of one who has been noted 
all of his thrilling life for facing unpleasant facts fearlessly, and meet- 
ing an emergency plumply, without dallying with improbable possi- 
bilities, or wasting time upon useless expedients. We have never in 
the South had a more practical man than Gov. Brown. He drives 
straight to substantial results, having the end in sight at the start, and 
it is his nature to work with a view to that end. He had given everv 
energy of an unusually powerful nature to winning success in the war, 
and if all of the men of the South had shown his spirit we would have 
whipped the fight. When the cause was irretrievably lost, it was the irre- 
sistible nature of the man, and the movement of a profound common 
sense to seek the quickest exit from our dreadful abasement and utter 
ruin. Being conquered summed all the horrors of the situation. And 
the defeat following such an effort as we had made was the worst of all 
failures — that in which resistance had continued until we had desperately 
spent every resource, and were absolutely exhausted and helpless. 

Gov. Brown recognized our condition, and faced it in entire frank- 
ness. The fighting day was gone. He had put out his best efforts 
while the war was on. When the thing was over, and the day had gone 
against us, and hope was at an end, the unconquerable practicality of 



340 GEORGIA DISFRANCHISED. 

the man formulated, in that early hour, the policy which he consistently 
followed to the last, under such hideous pressure as was simply a mir- 
acle to have withstood. Here was his declaration of purpose, in his let- 
ter of resignation: 

" The statesman, like the business man, should take a practical view of questions as 
the_y arise, and do for those dependent upon him the best that can be done, under all 
the circumstances, by which they are at the time surrounded." 

Carrying out this idea Gov. Brown advised instant and entire acqui- 
escence in the abolition of slavery, a cordial support of President John- 
son's administration, and the prompt and general taking of amnesty for 
participation in the government by all not excepted. President John- 
son had offered amnesty to all who took the oath of allegiance, except 
civil officers of the Confederate government, military officers above the 
rank of Colonel, naval officers above the rank of Lieutenant, Govern- 
ors, Congressmen, Judges, West Point officers, and citizens worth over 
120,000. Of the last class there were 12,470 in the state at the close of the 
war according to the tax books. Adding the civil and military officers 
excluded, we had in Georgia somewhere between fifteen and twenty 
thousand men excepted from voluntary amnesty, this number including 
the wealth and civil and political leadership of the State. 

The two main subjects of consideration and action were submission 
to the enfranchisement of the black and taking the oath, both of them 
hard, bitter pills then ; one involving the unconditional renunciation of 
slavery, the cherished " corner stone " of our fabric for which we had 
gone to war, and the other, absolute allegiance to the power we had so 
long fought. Yet where was the power to resist these demands ? 
Governor Brown took the initiative in urging an instantaneous com- 
pliance with them, and his letter breathes a strong spirit of patriotism. 

In Savannah, on the 31st day of May, 1865, a meeting had been held 
of what was called the " Georgia Union Club." The President was 
Col. Wm. H. Stark, and the Secretaries L. A. Dodge and J. R. Sealy. 
A -committee on business was appointed consisting of L. S. Bennet, M. 
Duggan, E. S. Riddell, E. Padelford, H. Brigham, Mr. Wadleigh and J. 
G. Mills, who reported resolutions which were adopted declaring that 
sympathizers with secession should not be supported for office, and ask- 
ing for the appointment of a military Governor. And the following 
committee was appointed to visit Washington to secure the enforce- 
ment of the resolutions : W. Woodbridge, Wm. H. Stark, Henry Brig- 
ham, W. A. Stone, L. S. Bennett, E. S. Riddell, J. G. Mills, C. K. Os- 
good, Dr. P. Y. Clark, Ed. Padelford and H. B. Weed. 



HON. JAMES JOHNSON PEOVISIONAL GOVEENOE. 341 

On the 17th day of Jime, Hon, James Johnson of Columbus was ap- 
pointed by President Andrew Johnson, Provisional Governor of Georgia 
to reorganize the State. He had been a member of Congress, defeating 
Gen, Henry L. Benning in 1851. Gov. Johnson repaired to Milledge- 
ville, and on the 13th day of July, 18G5, he issued his Proclamation an- 
nouncing his appointment, and calling a convention of the people to be 
elected the first Wednesday in October, 1865, and to assemble on the 
4th Wednesday in October in Milledgeville. The oath of amnesty had 
to be taken to qualify citizens to vote. All redress for wrong was re- 
mitted to the military authority, and slavery was declared extinct. The 
most remarkable announcement in this military civil pronunciamento, 
was the following, which will give the reader an idea of the unhinged 
condition of the times. 

" That the idea, if any such is eutertaiued, that private property will be distributed or 
parceled out, is not only delusive, but dangerous and mischievous ; and if any attempt 
should be made by any person or persons to effect such an object by violence or unlaw- 
ful means, it will only secure to him or them speedy and merited punishment." 

On the 15th of July, 1865, two days after his proclamation. Gov. 
Johnson made an address in Macon, in the City Hall, Gen. Wilson 
and Hon. Thomas Hardeman being with him on the stage, in which he 
made a frank statement of his powers and purposes. He declared that 
he was appointed for the single object of enabling the people of 
Georgia to form a government — that slavery existed no more, and the 
fact would have to be constitutionally recognized. Gov. Johnson pro- 
ceeded to say some very unwelcome things, and it must be confessed 
that his manner of saying them was not calculated to woo adhesion to 
his counsel. He declared the war a " stupendous folly " of our own 
seeking. He concluded with the expression of the belief that Georgia, 
under the new regime, would increase in prosperity and civilization. 

The condition of feeling among our people was very peculiar at that 
time. It is difficult to give a conception of it now. It was a civil and 
moral chaos. The South was crushed and bleeding. The only sur- 
viving faculty was the united capacity for grief and resentment. Prop- 
erty was gone. From the ashes of a universal ruin, men looked out 
upon a future apparently without hope. The old order of things was 
destroyed. All previous experiences had been set at naught. There 
was nothing to forecast the future. Men were called upon to do hercu- 
lean things, to bury cherished prejudices, to clean away the saddening 
ruins of dear hopes, to sepulcher fierce animosities, to conform to 
loathsome necessities, to remodel everything precious, social, political 



34:3 THE CLINGING TO SLAVERY. 

and moral. It was a cruel thing in Gov. Johnson to go to abusing the 
people, and the ungracious reproach he put on the helpless citizens in 
their misery handicapped him for guiding and serving them. When . 
he closed his speech in Macon, his hearers retired in a sullen dissatisfac- 
tion. There was an unpleasant conflict . of feeling in the state over 
slavery. Men clung to the dead body, and hoped by some miracle to 
either revive it, or utilize its remains. The black problem was a grim 
puzzle in that day. There was all sorts of eager, fanciful hoping about 
it. It was hard to realize its utter death, and to submit to it. There 
was hot and curious contention among our folks over the carcass. 
Strange as it may seem now, in this day of ripe acquiescence in Afri- 
can freedom, in the chaotic months following the surrender, and up to 
the October convention in 1865, the vital issue was whether slavery 
was dead or alive, and it was acrimoniously discussed. The Govern- 
ment had proclaimed slavery dead, the " Freedman's Bureau " was 
universally established, and the negroes, as " Freedmen," were making 
voluntary labor contracts, yet, strange to say, a large part of our people 
stuck to the hope of at least some modified form of slavery. The 
decisive opinion of Gov. Brown and other sensible men carried its 
weight, but was not conclusive, and the chimerical and mercenary 
fought this barren issue. 

We, who are living under organized government, can form no idea of 
what it is to be as we were then without civil law, and threatened with 
an unknown and perilous future. It was an appalling situation that 
we were in, under the arbitrary control of armed men who had been our 
foes, who were ignorant of our laws and institutions, and only had the 
caprice of their own will to govern them and us. Add to this the anxiety 
about the ignorant, dangerous element of free black labor demor- 
alized with the novelty of license, and there was room for thoughtful 
men to be troubled. The negroes were as unsettled and disturbed as 
the whites. The phase of the colored mind in the bewildering ex- 
perience of freedom was a psychological study. During the war the 
negroes had generally manifested a noble fidelity to their masters. 
Their quiescence was remarkable in the light of the fact that they were 
the ostensible cause of the struggle, and their destiny was involved. 
This was due largely to their want of education and the hereditary 
spirit of subordination born of centuries of slavery. 

When freedom came there was no proper conception of it in their 
ignorant intelligences. The sudden transformation from slavery un- 
leashed a legion of wild aspirations, blending in their scope unbi'idled 



THE GREAT BLACK PEOBLEM. 343 

appetites and luxurious indolence. The essence of their new liberty 
was relief from labor. Idleness and vagrancy were the delicious reali- 
zation of freedom. It seemed impossible to make them believe that 
they must work and support their families. The country negroes flocked 
to the towns and cities to live upon the bounty of the g'overnment or 
steal.^ They had the most impracticable conception of their rights. 
The military masters found an elephant upon their hands. It was a 
quaint but grave burden to manage the obstreperous and fantastical 
freedman of that day. The orders published then are a vivid illustration 
of the times. And they were curiously inconsistent in their arbitrary 
disregard of individual right. It was a comical commentary upon this 
new era of Utopian abolitionism, that its beneficiaries, in the first flush 
of their sacred emancipation, rushed incontinently to theft and vaga- 
bondism. And the bewildered commanders issued pronunciamentos as 
despotic as any ukase of the Russian Czar. Capt. Nunan of the 3rd 
Ohio cavalry, commanding the post at Milledgeville, promulgated an 
order that reads like a travesty of law. Said this extraordinary fulmi- 
nation of authority, "Freedmen that will use any disrespectful lan- 
guage to their former masters will be severely punished." They were 
not allowed to go from one plantation to another without passes. A 
daily inspection of negro cabins was made, to stop stealing and killing 
of stock. Trading with negroes from the country was prohibited to 
check the plundering of plantations, and all blacks had to have a writ- 
ten permit to sell things given by their employers, and specifying the 
articles to be sold. Those under contract, who run away from their 
employers, and those who harbored run-aways, were arrested. And yet, 
with all of this interference with personal liberty, there was a religious 
adherence to the name of " Freedmen," the outward symbol of freedom. 

It is due, however, to truth, to say that during this transition period 
of pure bayonet rule, the Federal officers generally sought to admin- 
ister justice and conserve the public interest. They had a hard time 
between the rapacity of the black and the unrest of the whites. They 
were obliged to repress the delusion of the negroes that they were to 
own the property of their old masters, or indeed any property they did 
not buy, and it was a difficult task. 

In looking at this stupendous black problem, out of the blinding in- 
terest of those rancorous days, it presented an overwhelming difficulty 
for solution. The emancipation of four millions of slaves, worth two 
thousand billions of dollars, was a vast economic question. The regula- 
tion of this huge body of unlettered labor and hereditary ignorance. 



344: THE BLACK DELUGE, 

and the establishment of proper relations for it to the body politic un- 
der an order of things antipodal to its entire previous existence and 
government, was the largest question of our vital century. It is not to 
be wondered that the matter was frightfully blundered and botched. 
For forty years the republic had been throbbing convulsively over the 
slave issue. The Union had split upon it. The greatest war of history 
had ended in its overthrow. And as before the crash, so this dominant 
black question, in the dubious day of national rehabilitation, clutched 
the country to the exclusion of everything else. In the hazy chaotic 
air just following the revolution, the abolition sentiment was wild over 
the stupendous achievement of African emancipation, and it kept up 
such a clatter as drowned for the time all other themes. Said one of 
the Western papers, the Chicago Times, of July 7, 1865, vividly de- 
scribing this black craze : 

" The African inundates us. luky floods pour over the nation and threaten us with 
another and a worse than Noachic cataclysm. The black deluge ploughs through our 
streets, pours along the national avenues, and encircles the altars of religion." 

This same paper concluded with this eloquent wail of grim satire : 

" There is a chance in this country for philanthropy. There is a good opening for 
abolitions. It is to relieve twenty-eight millions of whites held in a cruel bondage by 
four millions blacks. It is a bondage worse than that of Helotism. It is one which re- 
tards our growth, directs our thoughts and absorbs our efforts. It drives us to ^\ar, it 
ruptures our government, it disturbs our tranquillity and threatens direfuUy our future. 
There never was another such a race of slaves as we ; there never was another people 
ground so complete in the dust as this nation. Our negro masters crack their whips 
over our legislators and our religion. They have established a tyranny over us worse 
than that of the Pisistradids. 

" It is time there was something done for these twenty-eight millions of white slaves 
held in fetters by four millions of greasy, flat-footed Africans. Having labored and 
argued and legislated and fought for these our masters, for many years, it is time that 
we should be emancipated and enjoy the fruits of our labor. We see no hope, and the 
future of the country is as black as the subject of this article." 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 

THE ORGANIZATION OF THE STATE GOVERNMENT UNDER 
PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S PLAN. 

Some Ludicrous Incidents of Bayonet Despotism. — The Macon Journal Suppressed 
because its Editor " Smiled " on taking the Oath. — Judge Erskine. — Mrs. Toombs. 
— Pardon of Gov. Brown. — Springing his Name for Governor. — The Convention of 
1865, Typifying the Resurrection of Dead Sovereignty. — Its Persouelle. — Judge C. 
J. Jenkins its Leader. — Gov. James Johnson's Biting Message.^ Abolition of Slavery. 
— Repudiation of War Debt. — Thaddeus G. Holt: — Fine Appeal for Disfranchised 
Citizens. — Gov. Brown and the State's Cotton. — Investigation and Strong Tribute to 
Gov. Brown and his Subordinates. — Gov. Brown to Judge Jenkins. — Judge Jenkins 
Elected Governor. — Congressmen. — The Legislature. — Its Personelle. — Gov. Jen- 
kins not allowed to be Inaugurated Immediately. — His Eiual Installation. — His 
Superb Inaugural. — State House Officers. — Frightful Condition of the State. — Gov. 
James Johnson's Retirement. — The Black Code. — Gov. Brown's Advice Against it. 
— Gov. Jenkins' Message. — Inconsistency of Reconstruction. — Both in and out of 
the Union. — Judges Elected. — Important Legislation. 

This epoch of genuine sword rule in Georgia was marked by some 
characteristic incidents of an arbitrary despotism. One in particular, 
while unspeakably ludicrous, and at this distance silly, illustrates alike 
the seriousness of that day and the fatuous drift of a capricious bayonet 
tyranny. The editor of the Macon Journal and Messenger, Mr, 
Augustus P. Burr, took the amnesty oath, and published in his issue of 
July 20, 1865, the oath with the editorial statement, that he had to 
" fortify himself for the occasion with an extra amount of ' Dutch 
courage,"' and that after "the performance we 'smiled' and we were 
fortified in rear and front." 

Such badinage should have only elicited laughter or derision. Brig. 
Gen. C. H. Grosvenor, commanding the post at Macon, took it seriously, 
and in an order, unparalleled for its travesty of sense and its ridiculous 
folly, declared Burr's article " a high crime against the United States 
government," and an " open violation of the oath taken by the editor." 
This extraordinary order proceeded to declare solemnly " the editor is 
necessarily a bad man — incendiary in his character. His word is worth- 
less, and his oath not to be trusted." Mr, Burr for his harmless pleas- 
antry was arrested, his office seized and his paper suppressed. A similar 
incident occurred in Columbus. A man by the name of Betts, a sports- 



346 JUDGE JOHN ERSKINE. 

man, jocularly insisted, when taking the oath, that his dog should do 
the same thing. For this he was arrested and imprisoned in jail some 
time. 

Arrests were made upon the statement of a commissioned officer over 
his official signature. Judges were appointed by the Generals com- 
manding districts, by Gen. Steadman at Augusta, and Gen. Washburn 
at Savannah. It was at this time that Judge John Erskine was 
appointed, by President Johnson, Judge of the United States district 
court, an appointment that he has held up to the present time, filling 
the bench with ability, kindness and dignity. With a large power to 
oppress the people, having questions to handle full of grave responsi- 
bility and bearing directly upon our prejudices, oftentimes burdened 
with duties odious to the people and disagreeable to our citizens, Judge 
Erskine has so deported himself as to win the respect and the confi- 
dence of men opposed to his political views in a long period of unprece- 
dented political rancor and personal proscription. 

An incident that attracted much attention at the time was an order 
from Brig. Gen. Wilde, assistant commissioner of the Freedmen's 
Bureau, to Mrs. Gen. Robert Toombs to vacate her home with only two 
weeks' provisions, as the premises were " abandoned property," to be 
taken and applied to the uses of the Freedmen's Bureau. Gen. Stead- 
man, a humane and gentlemanly officer, revoked the cruel order and 
reinstated Mrs. Toombs. Thus were the liberties and property of the 
people made the shuttlecocks of men's caprices, and law and right 
quivered upon the shifting will of petty, irresponsible military despots 
in every county. It is little to be wondered, that a man so sagacious 
and practical as Gov. Brown, should have seen in the prompt acceptance 
of disagreeable stipulations, that could not be resisted, the escape from 
a condition of things abhorrent to every lover of law and liberty. 

On the 7th day of August, 1865, Gov. James Johnson issued his 
proclamation that Ordinaries could administer the oath of amnesty, and 
that civil officers who had taken the amnesty, and were not excepted, 
could resume their official functions. Gov, Brown received his pardon 
in the middle of September, 1865. The ^'•Federal Union,'''' commenting 
upon the matter, used this prophetic language: 

" Gov. Brown is now at liberty to devote his great mind and unsurpassed energies to 
the restoration of his beloved State to the rights and dignity of a sovereign State of the 
Union, and we feel well assured he will do all in his power to make her pathway smooth 
and lier passage expeditious. Gov. Brown accepts the terms of reconstruction, and will 
talvO liuld of the situation in downright earnest. He is not the man to stand idly by 



THE CONSTITUTIONAL COXVENTIOX OF 1865. 347 

while there is such important work to do. We expect, therefore, to see him among the 
foremost in shaping oar new destiny as a commonwealth." 

It was a striking demonstration of Gov. Brown's popularity, that as 
soon as his pardon was announced, the papers began to teem with 
articles urging his candidacy for Governor again. He was resolved, 
however, not to permit the use of his name. His houses on his farm in 
Cherokee county had been burned down, so that he could not go there 
to live. In December, 1865, he moved to Atlanta, where he has resided 
since, and where he was to experience the most dramatic episodes of a 
life that had already been startling in its eventfulness. 

The convention ordered by Gov. James Johnson, assembled on the 
25th day of October, 1865. It was called to order by Gov. Johnson. 
Judge Iverson L. Harris administered the amnesty oath. A number of 
delegates were excepted from amnesty, but President Johnson had gen- 
erously pardoned them that they might serve. There was a peculiar 
solemnity and import in the convening of this body. By the rude hand 
of war the State had been remitted to chaos and disorganization. 
Ordinarily the momentous autonomy of governments grow from incon- 
siderable beginnings by steps of organized accretion, until they swell 
to the full-fledged dignity of august sovereign States. Here we had a 
great commonwealth of a million of people with a long and illustrious 
history, resolved by the crushing and brutal force of war into a tyran- 
nous anarchy, and seeking the rehabilitation of its bloody and shattered 
nationality. It was an impressive and grave spectacle, and a tragic 
experience for the proud State. It was the regeneration of a grand 
republic. It was more — it was the imiDerial resurrection of the dead 
spirit of august popular sovereignty. The reconstruction of no State 
of the Confederacy was looked to with the same interest that invested 
Georgia, More instrumental in the inception of the storm, more pow- 
erful in its conduct, more devastated by its ravages, Georgia, in the res- 
toration period, was regarded with a deeper interest, and filled a more 
influential and exalted role than any of her sister States. 

Ex-Gov. Herschell V. Johnson was elected president, and James D. 
Waddell secretary, of this important convention. Among the leading 
delegates was Augustus H. Kenan, J. R. Parrott, afterwards president 
of the convention of 1867-8; Judge C. B. Cole, T. G. Holt, now Judge 
of the City Court of Macon; Thomas E. Lloyd, E. C. Anderson, Solomon 
Cohen, W. F. Wright, John C. Nichols, a Congressman since; David 
Irwin, Gen. A. J. Hansell, John H. Christy, a noted editor; M. A. 
Candler, a Congressman since; Morgan Rawls, a Congressman since; N. 



348 GOVERNOR JAMES JOHSTSON'S SEVERE MESSAGE. 

J. Hammond, now a Congressman; J. I. Whittaker, G. W. Adair, Niles 
W. Lewis, Gen. Eli Warren, C. T. Goode, J. H. Blount, now a Congress- 
man; Wier Boyd, Phil Cook, now in Congress; E. G. Cabaniss, Joshua 
Hill, T. P. Saffold, William Luffman, Hines Holt, A, H. Chappell, J. J. 
Floyd, P. Reynolds, J. D. Matthews, J, A. Blance, J. L. Warren, Chas. 
J. Jenkins, John P. King, ex-president of the Georgia railroad; George 
R. Black, now in Congress; J. L. Wimberly, recently Judge of the Supe- 
rior Court; Gen. M. Bethune, James L. Seward, A. T. Mclntire, since 
in Congress; H. D. McDaniel, since a State Senator; Judge J. S. Hook, 
William M. Reese, since Judge; and William A. Harris. 

The body was an able one, and patriotic, and conservative. The un- 
questioned leader of the convention was Judge Charles J. Jenkins, upon 
whose clear judgment and crystal honesty, the members reposed with an 
unreserved trust. Gov. James Johnson sent in a message to the conven- 
tion, a cold, brief document, stating the condition of the commonwealth, 
and urging certain measures. He said that the cotton purchased by 
the state had been captured or burned, and the assets held abroad were 
drawn against, to their full value. The state road was rebuilt by the 
United States, and turned over to the state, on the 25th of September. 
The public debt was $20,813,535, of which $2,667,750 was ante-war se- 
curities, and $18,135,775 incurred during the war. He advocated the 
repudiation of the latter, in language harshly condemnatory of the war. 
He declared all who participated in the effort to sever the country, vio- 
lators of law, and the overthrow of the Confederate cause an extinction 
of the unconstitutional debt. His words were very acrimonious, and the 
temper of this curt message, so unsympathetic and biting, as to have 
placed him unpopularly with the people. 

The convention continued in session until the 8th day of November, 
1865. It repealed the ordinance of secession, repudiated the war debt, 
and abolished slavery. A new constitution was adopted. The state 
was divided into seven Congressional, and forty-four Senatorial Dis- 
tricts. Perhaps no action of the convention excited a deeper feeling 
than the repudiation of the war debt. The matter had been animatedly 
discussed long before the convention, and the people were against it. 
But when both Mr. Seward and President Johnson telegraphed that the 
extinction of the debt was necessary to the restoration to the Union, 
the repudiation was reluctantly done, and eighteen millions of liability 
was wiped out at one stroke, upon the behest of Federal power. It is 
a valuable historic fact, in connection with this unwilling and com- 
pulsory- repudiation, and an honorable tribute to the Convention, that 



TIIADDEUS G. HOLT, JK. 349 

Gov. James Johnson telegraphed to President Johnson these significant 
words, " We need some aid to reject the war debt." Two members of 
the convention. Col. A. T. Mclntire of Thomas, and one other, voted 
against the measure anyhow. 

Among the more notable acts of the convention was the passage of 
an address, asking amnesty for our disfranchised citizens. Hon. Thad- 
deus G. Holt, of Macon, was the author, he being the chairman of the 
committee ajDpointed for the purpose, consisting of T. G. Holt, Jr., M. 
A. Candler, C. T. Goods, J. I. Whitaker and G. R Black. This ex- 
quis-ite memorial deserves reproduction, alike for the beauty of its sen- 
timent and diction as for the tribute it paid to our people. 

" His Excellency, Andrew Johnson, President United States : 

" The people of Georgia, through her delegates in Convention assembled, respectfully 
and earnestly invoke the exercise of the Executive clemency in behalf of those of our 
fellow-citizeus embraced within the exceptions to the late Amnesty Proclamation, who 
may as yet remain unpardoned. 

" Including, as the vast roll of her disfranchised citizens does, many of her finest 
intellects and purest patriots, and involving much of her available wealth, the Conven- 
tion of our State respectfully recommend these men to your magnanimous clemency, as 
our needed coadjutors in the mighty task of reorganization, and as worthy subjects of 
your most generous kindness. 

" The Convention pledges their future fidelity to the government of the United 
States. The very tenacity of their devotion to the South in the late struggle, the 
very heroism and magnitude of their efforts in an unsuccessful cause, and the very chiv- 
alry of their characters, as evinced in the trying vicissitudes of a gigantic war, will be 
your best guarantee of the virtue of their resignation to the result, and of the sincerity 
of their allegiance to a government which disarms them by its magnanimity, enchains 
their gratitude by its kindness, and punishes them only with its clement pardon. 

" Believe us, sir, there is no looking back. The State of Georgia is prepared to do 
her whole duty in and to the government, and she now asks for the restitution to her 
control and use of her entire citizens, for whose integrity and loyalty she gives you 
her most solemn pledge, in order that they may assist her to work out from her travail 
and desolation the high destiny she still trusts is in store for her and them, under a 
government that has just emerged unharmed from the most desperate convulsion of the 
world's history, and whose tremendous power will be infinitely strengthened by its 
immeasurable benignity." 

Captain, now Judge Holt, the author of this fine paper, had been 
one of our most, gallant cavalry officers, and was the scion of that large 
family of Holts whose name is an honored and powerful one in Georgia 
annals. 

The convention provided for an election of state officers and congress- 
men on the 15th of November, 1865. It changed the appointment of 
judicial officers by the Governor, with the consent of the Senate, to the 
election of Supreme Court Judges by the Legislature, and of Superior 



350 WHAT BECAME OF GEORGIA'S WAR COTTON. 

Court Judges by the people of their respective districts. An important 
matter investigated was the disposition of the cotton bought by Gov. 
Brown for the state during the war. There has at various times been 
some attempt to reflect upon Gov. Brown in connection with this 
cotton by those unacquainted with the facts. The records of this con- 
vention and of the Legislature of 1865-6 show every bale of cotton and 
every dollar of- money realized from the sale of cotton properly 
accounted for. A committee consisting of Thomas P. Saffold, Chas. 
S. Jordan, Sr., and O. A. Lochrane, investigated the subject of the 
state's financial transactions during the war, for three months, advertis- 
ing for and exhausting every source of information. This committee 
fully exonerated every one of the state officials from any suspicion of 
wrong doing. 

Gov. Brown bought 6,432 bales of cotton for the state under act of 
1864, for .$1,500,000. Of this 382 bales were Sea Island cotton. The 
disposition of this cotton was as follows: 

Exported safely Upland, 1,556-J- 

Lost at sea, 58 

Sold to Confederate Government, 282^ 

Used to pay freight on imports, 361 

Sold to Mr. Brigham, 926 

Burnt, 2,642 

Captured, 223 

Sea Island, burnt, 202 

Sea Island, captured, 82 

Exchanged and lost by owner, 96 

6,432 
There was also bought 275 boxes of tobacco, which was shipped to 
"Wilmington, and taken possession of by Gen. Johnston's army at Tim- 
monsville. Vouchers, receipts and drafts covering every dollar of the 
money in Europe and Nassau were shown by Gov. Brown, and the com- 
mittee make this sweeping and unanimous statement: 

" Our conclusion is, after the most rigid scrutiny into the public and private affairs of 
these officers, from Gov. Brown down, that not one of these rumors has been sustained 
by the slightest proof. Instead of fortunes having been made by them,we have found 
them generally poorer than when they went into office." 

This is the solemn official record upon this matter, that has stood from 
that day to this unrefuted and irrefutable, demonstrating a matchless 
integrity in vast transactions where the control was almost unlimited. 
The enormous sum of eighteen millions of dollars was disbursed during 
the four years by the same set of officers, under the distractions and 




HON. THOMAS HARDEMAN, 
Speaker of the Georgia House of Representatives. 



CHAKLES J. JENKINS ELECTED GOVERNOR. 351 

temptations of the changeful drama of war and subjugation, yet so per- 
fectly had the accounts been kept, and so methodically had the huge 
business been managed, that after three months searching examination, 
a committee of able and unimpeachable gentlemen were able to say, after 
tracing every dollar, that these great duties had been discharged " in 
times of great public trouble with singular ability and official integrity." 
This is a grand tribute to Gov. Brown's administration, and a fitting 
climax of Georgia's resplendent war record. 

Gov. Brown, having unconditionally declined to allow the use of his 
name for Governor, the universal thought turned to Judge Jenkins. 
Gov. Brown, on the 30th of October, 1865, voicing the public desire, ad- 
dressed Judge Jenkins requesting him to permit the presentation of his 
name to the people for Executive responsibility. Messrs J. P. King, 
A. H. Kenan, R. A, T. Ridley, Wilson Lumpkin, Asbury Hull, E. A. 
Nisbet, Washington Poe, Wm. C. Redding and others urged the can- 
didacy. Judge Jenkins replied on the 2d of November, 18G5, in a let- 
ter that is a model of good taste, elegant rhetoric and high sentiment. 
The following expressions deserve preservation: 

"An honest and intelligent review of our past half century convicts us of two 
egregious errors ; too great proneness to agitation, and too much division among our- 
selves. If my fellow-citizens detect in me aught of vindictiveness for past divisions, or 
of proscription for honest opinion's sake, let them all proscribe me." 

There was no opposition, and Judge Jenkins was elected Governor by 
the unanimous vote of the people, receiving 37,200 votes, a proud and 
crowning tribute to this distinguished Georgian, The following gen- 
tlemen were elected to Congress, but were never seated. 1st District, 
Solomon Cohen; 2d District, Phil Cook; 3d District, Hugh Buchanan; 
4th District, E. G. Cabaniss; 5th District, James D. Mathews; 6th Dis- 
trict, J. H. Christy; 7th District, W. T. Wofford. 

The legislature assembled on the 4th day of December, 1865. Wil- 
liam Gibson was elected President of the Senate, and Thomas Harde- 
man, Jr., Speaker of the House. Among the leading Senators were 
George S. Owens of Savannah, David E. Butler, Dr. H. R. Casey, and 
J. A. W. Johnson, of Dalton, an eloquent criminal lawyer of North 
Georgia. Mr. Butler and Col. Johnson are both living, and are among 
the most effective public speakers we have in Georgia. Among the 
leading representatives were Jenks Jones, ex-Congressman, Gen. G. P. 
Harrison, Philip M. Russell, R. L. McWhorter, c' W. DuBose, T. B. 
Cabaniss, J. M. Russell, Thos. G. Lawson, now Judge, George Barnes, 
now Georgia member of the National Democratic Executive Committee, 



352 GOVERNOR CHARLES J. JENKINS INAUGURATED. 

C. Sneacl, now Judge of the Augusta Circuit, J. D. Stewart, now Judge 
Flint Circuit, E, H. Pottle, Judge Northern Circuit, Hon. Thomas O. 
Wicker, and Col. R. J. Moses. 

Gov. Johnson's message was a plain, brief document, mainly urging 
the ratification of the 14th amendment to the United States Constitu- 
tion abolishing slavery. On the 6th of December, 1865, a legislative 
committee notified Gov. Jenkins of his election, and asked him to ap- 
point a time to be inaugurated. Gov. Jenkins replied, stating that he 
had received the following communication: 

" Executive Office, Milledgeville, Dec. 4, 1865. 
" Hon. C. J. Jenkins : 

" Dear Sir : In the discharge of an official duty I beg leave to inform you that I have 
been directed by the President of the United States to continue to act as Provisional 
Governor of the State of Georgia, until relieved, and my successor recognized by the 
Government. Your obedient servant, J. JORNSON, 

Prov. Gov. of Geortria." 

Gov. Jenkins designated the 16th of January, 1866, for his inaugura- 
tion, provided by that time he should be recognized by the United 
States government. The legislature immediately ratified the thirteenth 
amendment abolishing slavery. A law was also passed allowing Freed- 
men to testify in the courts. This was advanced action of Georgia on 
the negro question, and was an indication of the liberal spirit that gov- 
erned our people. On the 11th of December, 1865, President Johnson 
telegraphed to Gov. Johnson: 

" The Governor elect will be inaugurated, which will not interfere with you as Pro- 
visional Governor. You will receive instructions in a few days in regard to being re- 
lieved as Provisional Governor. Why can't you be elected as Senator ?" 

On the 14th of December, 1865, the variegated drama of reconstruc- 
tion furnished the gladdening act of the inauguration of our noble 
Jenkins as Governor. It was a grateful spectacle for the State, and yet- 
it was marked by most unpropitious surroundings. The day was cold, 
raw and rainy, and there was lacking the usual display of beauty. It 
seemed as if nature was giving token that the episode was a temporary 
and ineffectual part of the tragic comedy of reconstruction. Gov. 
Jenkins' inaugural was a very fine paper, eloquent, ornate, stately, earn- 
est, statesmanlike. There was a singular felicity of language and idea 
in its strong and polished sentences. It breathed a spirit that every 
patriot could endorse. It contains some striking paragraphs. Said this 
masterly address: 

" Five years since reason abandoned and the sword assumed the arbitrament. We 
open not that record of violence ; would that we could stamp it with the seal of oblivion. 




w. y. ^-^^^^1^/Lt.^t^t^ 



GOVEEXOE JENKINS' ELOQUENT INAUGURAL, 353 

Now the wager of battle is over, and the award is against us, as parties to* the issue. 
Our whole people have risen up and accepted it as by the will of one man. What valor 
failed to achieve, wisdom has promptly renounced ; and truth herself has set her signet 
to the attestation of the deed." 

With exquisite beauty and wisdom he added: 

"A tempest of unsurpassed fury has swept over the land. The elements do not sub- 
side into their normal quiet instantaneously with the lull of the wind, the sleep of the 
lightning, and the hush of the thunder." 

This extraordinary and unsurpassable inaugural was most remarkable 
in its discussion of the negro question. Its kindness to the black race 
was unstinted yet discriminating. It abounded in happy utterances. 
Emancipation had come upon us like the " destructive engulfing of 
the earthquake in volcanic localities." The realization that it was 
unalterably fixed was the first step toward the adjustment of the new 
system. The blacks had exhibited a fidelity in the past and a decorum 
under the distracting influences of the present " without a parallel in 
history." They should be protected against the " crafty machinations 
of the designing" as well as the "fatal delusions of social equality." 
This part of the address thus fervently concluded: 

" God is merciful ! God is mighty ! God in his abounding mercy and in the plenitude 
of his might so dispose our fortunes and theirs, that each class shall be to the other a 
blessing, not a curse." 

The extracts from this superb enunciation will be well ended with 
this spendid and prophetic paragraph: 

" Peace restored — ^^^e machinery of government once more put in operation — public 
and private enterpri&c aroused from their long slumber — educational institutions re- 
opened — our sacred temples and our altars Avith their holy ministrations frequented as of 
yore, and the blessing of Almighty God overspreading and vivifying all earnest effort, 
Georgia will illustrate the teachings of adversity by speedily achieving an enlarged 
prosperity." 

The General Assembly only remained in session until the 15th of 
December, when it adjourned until January 15, 1866. The following 
State House officers were elected: N. C. Barnett, Secretary of State; J. 
T. Burns, Comptroller General ; John Jones, Treasurer, and J. W. Burke, 
public printer. Col. Barnett is still the Secretary of State, enjoying a 
ripe old age, and honored with a degree of popular confidence founded 
upon a life of spotless integrity and a character full of manly and social 
excellencies. 

The condition of Georgia at this time was full of anxiety for patriots. 

There were organized bands of thieves all over the State under the lead 

of bad white men. Every newspaper teemed with accounts of robbery. 
23 



354 THE STATE 0:N' ITS FEET. 

Stock was stolen every night, and punishment was rare. In localities 
were shocking exhibitions of lawlessness and crime. Large numbers of 
the Federal soldiers had been withdrawn from the State, leaving the 
people without the protection of their authority and arms. The bad 
element of the blacks had become violent, and reveled in a carnival of 
vicious insubordination, and the courts Avere not in sufficient punitive 
operation. Colored incendiaries from abroad were stirring about among 
the neg-roes and stimulatinar them to lawlessness. The cities and towns 
especially were scenes of murder, plunder, assassination and riot. In 
this bad condition of order Gov. Johnson contemplated the remedy of 
organizing and arming companies of discreet volunteers. 

On the 19th day of December, 1865, Gov. Jenkins received the fol- 
lowing telegram from Washington, which terminated the temporary 
administration of Provisional Governor James Johnson, and put upon 
its legs what seemed the permanent state government of the people. 
The cherished end seemed at last in sight, and the travail of a painful 
reconstruction gloriously ended. 

"Washington, D. C, 19th December, 1865. 
"To His Excellency the Governor of the State of Georgia: 

" Sir, — By direction of the President I have the honor herewith to transmit to you a 
copy of a communication which has been addressed to his Excellency, James Johnson, 
late Provisional Governor, whereby he has been relieved of the trust heretofore reposed 
in him, and directed to deliver into your possession the papers and property relating to 
tlie trust. 

" I have the honor to tender you the cooperation of the Government of the United 
States, whenever it may be found necessary, in effecting the early restoration and the 
permanent prosperity of the state over which you have been called to preside. 

" I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant, 

" W. H. SEWAED." 

The thrill of joy that pulsed through the smitten state at the publi- 
cation of this joyful document can be better understood than described. 
It was the practical realization of that familiar holy history of the 
promised land after a toilsome pilgrimage of unspeakable woe. But 
the drama of reconstruction was the kaleidoscope of a harlequin. The 
seemingly glad recovery of our political hope was the beginning of the 
dreariest and most fantastic political tragedy of the world's annals. 
And the consistency of the unparalleled picture can only be preserved 
in the mind by connecting with this graceful and dignified installation 
of a splendid representative state government, its brutal and ignomini- 
ous overthrow and expulsion, and the erecting in its place of a dynasty 
of force, plunder and execration. 



THE FREEDMAN^S CODE. 355 

The Legislature re-assembled on the 5th day of January, 1866. The 
most serious subject for action was the government of the emancipated 
blacks. The Convention had authorized Gov, Johnson to appoint a 
committee to prepare a negro code of laws. That committee consisted 
of Judge Ebenezer Starnes, W. Hope Hull, L. E. Bleckley and Samuel 
Barnett, and was a rare selection of able, brave and jDure-minded men. 
These commissioners, after long and conscientious preparation, pre- 
sented to the Legislature the result of their labors — a code of laws 
just and liberal to the freedmen, and safe to the whites. It gave ample 
security to rights of person and property, but withheld political privi- 
leges. This code was a matter of solicitous thought and patriotic 
concern among the members, and the opinion upon it varied and trem- 
ulous. Several of the General Assembly, R. A. T. Ridley, F. A. Frost, 
D. E. Butler, John D. Stewart and Jesse A, Glenn addressed a letter 
to ex-Gov. Brown, asking his opinion. On the 14th of February, 1866, 
he replied in a letter of masterly wisdom. It was a singularly clear-cut, 
sententious, practical enunciation of view, and in the light of results 
wonderfully correct. It took positive square ground against a special 
Freedrnan'' s Code, or any laws discriminating in court rights and rem- 
edies. He said the United States Government would not permit the 
enforcement of a separate penal and civil code. He used this expres- 
sion, which was a vague and intuitive premonition of the coming 
spread of the colored revolution: "Unless madness rules the hour, 
they will never be placed upon a basis of political equality with us." 

But even this far-sighted gentleman did not realize the inexorable 
drift of events under the changed order of things, and at that time, 
as always, he manifested his thorough Southern sympathy ; and he did 
not advocate in advance the inauguration of measures whose accept- 
ance he afterwards advised as a matter of necessity. It is important 
to look at this in properly estimating his after course, which entailed 
upon him so much bitter odium. 

Gov. Jenkins in his message called attention to a curious inconsistency 
of the reconstruction going on. President Johnson had proclaimed the 
amendment to the United States Constitution, adopted by the vote of 
Georgia, which had been solicited and accepted in recognition of her 
rights as a state of the Union. Yet the incongruous sight was witnessed 
of the state being both out of and in the Union at the same time. If she 
was out, the amendment adopted by her vote was void. If she was in, 
her rights were perfect. This anomaly of her position was one of the 
farcicalities of that reconstruction that marked the end of our great war. 



356 ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS' SPEECH. 

The legislature elected as Judges of the Supreme Court, Dawson A. 
Walker and Iverson L. Harris. Walker beat Gen. Benning and Rich- 
ard F. Lyon. Harris beat Hiram Warner, Richard H. Clarke, Barnard 
Hill and John Schley. The defeat of Gen. Benning, a soldier, by Judge 
Walker, a non-combatant, was a strange victory, and keenly felt by 
Gen. Benning. It was largely due to William Dougherty, the great 
lawyer who fought Gen. Benifing about his decision in the Columbus 
Bank cases, as has been noticed before in this volume. The General 
Assembly elected Alexander H. Stephens and Herschell V, Johnson, 
United States Senators. Mr. Stephens beat Joshua Hill. Mr. Johnson 
beat Gen. L. J. Gartrell, C. Peeples and James Johnson. Gen. Gartrell 
received ninety-three votes on one ballot, the contest being a lively one. 
He finally withdrew on the sixth ballot when within one vote of an elec- 
tion. Neither of these senators were ever admitted to their seats. Dur- 
ing the session, Mr. Stephens was formally invited to address the legisla- 
ture, and his speech appears upon the journals of the General Assembly, 
— an unwonted and distinguished compliment. The speech was a pro- 
found and statesmanlike utterance, philosophical, dispassionate, concil- 
iatory. It took the distinct ground that " we must accept the issues 
of the war, and abide by them in good faith." 

The legislature adjourned on the 13th day of March, 1866. Among 
the important measures passed, were stay and homestead laws; appro- 
priations to repair and equip the state road, and buy artificial limbs for 
maimed soldiers, and resolutions complimenting President Johnson, and 
requesting the withdrawal of soldiers. Gov. Jenkins gave a marked ev- 
idence of his firmness and courage, by vetoing the stay and homestead 
laws in the teeth of a universal public clamor for these measures as a re- 
lief in the pecuniary stress of the state. Conceiving them unconstitu- 
tional, the brave and honest statesman refused them his sanction under 
the solemn obligation of his oath. But the stay law was passed over 
his veto. 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 

THE SECOND IRON HANDED AND WHIMSICAL PHASE OF 
RECON'STRUCTION. 

The Memorable Strife between Andrew Johnson and Thad. Stevens. — The Fourteenth 
Amendment. — Negro Citizenship and White Disfranchisement. — The Fierce Ee- 
construction Committee of Congress. — National Union ("onvention. — Gov. Jenkins' 
Message against the Fourteenth Amendment. — The Legislature Rejects the Amend- 
ment. — Conservatism Baffled at the North, and the South Trembling in Eadical 
Clutches. — Two Reconstructions. — Practical State Matters. — The Federal Court. — 
Ex-Gov. Brown and his Triumphs on the Test Oath and the Stay Law. — Freed- 
men's Bureau. — Ladies' Memorial Association. — Emigration to Mexico and Brazil. 
— The Sherman Bill. — Negro Suffrage Added. — Andrew Johnson's Impeachment. 
— The South Inflamed. — Gov. Brown's visit North to Probe the Situation. — His 
Fateful Letter advising Acceptance of the Conqueror's Terms as the only means of 
State Regeneration. — A Letter that Scorched his Career for Years. — Ex-Gov. Brown 
Predicts its Unpopularity. — The Terrific Storm of Odium he Met. — His Frightful 
Associations. — The " Carpet Bagger." — T. M. Norwood. — Gov. Jenkins' Suit to 
Test the Sherman Bill. — An Instructive Antithesis. — Brown and Jenkins. 

The year 1866 marked the inauguration of one of the most exciting 
civil conflicts in the history of our great repubhc. This was the ever 
memorable struggle between the President and Congress of the United 
States, over the reconstruction of the seceded and conquered States, 
President Johnson had exacted the abolition of slavery and the repu- 
diation of our war debts. These demands had been complied with, and 
the Southern States reorganized. Congress refused the admission of 
our Senators and Representatives and remitted the matter of recon- 
struction to a special committee. The extreme Republicans of the 
North were not satisfied with the concessions made by the South, and 
the fight began over President Johnson's policy of national restoration. 
In April, 1866, President Johnson proclaimed peace restored, and the 
great insurrection at an end. The Southern insurrection was indeed 
over, but the war waged none the less furiously against the South, not 
a war of blood, but a war of malice and proscription. Thaddeus 
Stevens led the crusade, whose object was the further humiliation of 
the South, and the crusade ended in the passage of the Fourteenth 
Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. This amend- 
ment made negroes citizens, reduced representation in Congress in pro- 



358 NATIONAL UNION CON\ENTION AT PHILADELPHIA. 

portion to citizens refused the voting privilege, and disfranchised all of 
our citizens who had held office before the war and fought on the Sou.th- 
ern side. It was fiercely opposed all over the South. Our people stood 
solidly against it. The measure excited a heated discussion over the 
whole country. Another measure that was passed over President John- 
son's veto, and which excited a deep feeling and a hot argumentative 
conflict, was the Civil Rights bill. 

The implacable Reconstruction committee of Congress, headed by 
Thad.. Stevens, continued fulminating its harsh propositions in swift 
succession, which congress after stormy debate passed. A resolution 
was forced through that the rebellion deprived the South of civil 
government, and it was the duty of Congress to provide them with civil 
governments, to continue suspension of habeas corpus and keep soldiers 
in the South to protect the blacks and Union citizens. Then another 
was ground out that no Senator or Representative be admitted from 
any Southern state until Congress shall have declared such state en- 
titled to representation. Upon these came the Fourteenth Amendment, 
which the Southern States must ratify to gain admission. 

The National Union Convention was held in Philadelphia on the 14th 
of August, 1866, to stop, if possible, this radical mischief. Gov. Brown 
presided at a county meeting in Fulton county to arrange for delegates, 
and made an admirable Speech that was widely copied and compli- 
mented. He used this language: "While we cannot accord to the 
negro race social and political equality, I believe it is the fixed purpose 
of nineteen-twentieths of the people of Georgia to see that they have 
legal equality and that justice and equity be constantly administered." 
The delegates appointed from Georgia were: State, A. H. Stephens, H. 
V. Johnson, A. H. Chappell and D. A. Walker; District, W. B. Flem- 
ing, J. B. Gordon, Eli Warren, J. L. Wimberly, H. Warner, E. H. 
Worrell, T. Hardeman, P. W. Alexander, Linton Stephens, A, R. 
Wright, J. H. Christy, R. McMillan, R. F. Lyon, Jas. Milner. But all was 
unavailing. The extreme Republicans had the power and they pushed 
it ruthlessly. Their whole course was an unbroken carnival of inconsist- 
ency and despotism. They fought' the war for the Union, and after 
success themselves smashed it. They battled for the constitution, and 
having established, they then ignored and violated it. They were for 
party and not the country. Tliey acted against law, justice, humanity 
and the constitution, yet that mattered nothing. And opposition to 
their demands but increased the number and severity of their exactions. 
The Fourteenth Amendment disfrancliised the leadina: whites of the 



THE FOURTEENTH AMEJS"DME:N'T EEJECTED. 359 

South, but it did not confer suffrage on the negro. The rejection of 
the one brought both, and it was a perception of the futility of non- 
compliance, and the injury of opposition in evoking additional wrongs 
and accumulating" conditions of humiliation that impelled the practical 
wise-visioned Brown to advise ceasing unavailing contention, and stop 
oppression by the acceptance of irresistible terms. 

The legislature met in November. Gov. Jenkins in his message made 
a masterly argument against the Fourteenth Amendment, which 
echoed the public heart. The joint legislative committee, headed by 
B. A. Thornton of the Senate, and R. A. T. Ridley of the House, made 
a masterly and unanswerable report, written by Col. R. J. Moses against 
it, w^hich took these two simple and impregnable positions: 

"1. If Georgia is not a state composing a part of the Federal government, known as 
the Government of the United States, amendments to the Constitution of the United 
States are not properly -before this body. 

" 2. If Georgia is a state, composing a part of the Federal government, known as the 
government of the United States, then these amendments are not proposed according to 
the requirements of tlie Federal Constitution, and are proposed in such a manner as to 
forbid the legislature from discussing the merits of the amendments witliout an implied 
surrender of the rights of the state." 

This superb report concluded with this resolution: 

" Resolved, Tliat the legislature of Georgia declines to ratify the proposed amendment, 
adding a fourteenth article to the constitution of the United States." 

The Senate voted unanimously in favor of it, and the House passed 
it with only two dissenting voices, Ellington of Gilmer, and Umphrey 
of Fannin. Such unanimity has rarely been witnessed. The two irre- 
sistible considerations governing the rejection of this amendment were 
that it was without the authority of the constitution, and it made our 
people the ignominious authors of the disfranchisement of our own best 
citizens. The year 18G6 closed with conservatism baffled and beaten in 
national matters, and the South panoplied in argumeiit and robed in 
right, yet trembling in the cruel clutch of a pitiless Radicalism, angered 
by the contemptuous rejection of its bitter terms by its helpless vic- 
tim. We had enjoyed two reconstructions. Sherman accepted our 
surrender on terms of the immediate restoration of the States to the 
Union. Johnson repudiated this consistent result, and, compelling the 
abolition of slavery and our war debts, organized us on these ideas. 
Congress upset Johnson as he had overthrown Sherman, and demanded of 
the South the voting of citizenship to the negro and the disfranchise- 
ment of the Southern leaders. This was spurned, and the high-con- 
tracting parties stood lowering at each other in the throes of a battle 



360 STATE INCIDENTS. 

more bitter than the one of bullets so recently ended. But it was all 
one-sided. There could be but one result. We were powerless ; they 
implacable. Resistance did not convince, it only stimulated anger. 
Failing of effect, opposition invited increased exaction, and put ami- 
cable agreement out of the question in the savage temper of our adver- 
saries and the unbridled foi-ce of our victors. Looking back to that 
burning day, and reviewing the perplexities of that emergency, there 
was no choice but between the two extremes, the acquiescence of Brown 
or the deathful hostility of Toombs. The one gave peace, the other 
wooed extermination. The situation presented no middle ground seem- 
ingly. But the medium line was pursued, and the writer was its advo- 
cate, and there came in due and inexorable sequence an additional in- 
stallment of this hybrid reconstruction, more fantastic and harsh than 
ever. 

During the year 1866 a good deal was done in practical State matters. 
Maj. Campbell Wallace was put in charge of the State road, and Col. 
Wm. M. Wadley made president of the Central railroad. Mr. T. W. 
Chichester borrowed $400,000 in New York for Gov. Jenkins. Nearly 
$200,000 was spent to buy corn for the poor of the State. Some 
$3,630,000 of State bonds had been issued to repair the State road, pay 
past due coupons and bonds and buy corn, swelling our State debt from 
$2,676,500 to $5,840,000. Notwithstanding our desperate condition of 
poverty and ravage, our securities brought ninety cents on the dollar. 
x\nd in spite of the fact that we were not regarded as a State, the gen- 
eral government levied upon the State as a State her quota of a direct 
tax levied on the Union, her part being $584,067.33. There had been 
granted in the South by President Johnson 7,197 pardons up to the 
first of May, 1866, of which 1,228 were in Georgia. Judge Erskine 
had opened the Federal Court in Savannah on the 9th day of May, 
1866, with Henry S. Fitch, a brilliant Indianian, as United States 
District Attorney. Judge William Law, who had practiced forty-nine 
years in that court, applied for admission and was refused because 
he could not take the test oath. Ex-Gov. Brown represented him in 
attacking the constitutionality of the law creating the test oath, and 
made a speech of great length and magnificent power and legal learn- 
ing. Mr. Fitch made a reply of uncommon merit and eloquence. Judge 
Erskine ruled the oath unconstitutional and Judge Law was admitted. 
The Supreme Court of the United States afterwards declared the test 
oath unconstitutional. 

Ex-Gov. Brown also was employed in an Important case involving the 



THE BEGINNING OP THE COTTON CEAZE. 361 

constitutionality of the State stay law, • and made a speech of surpass- 
ing erudition and logic. The entire people were deeply interested 
in this absorbing" question, and the case was looked to with profound 
intensity of feeling. He won his case, the supreme court deciding 
the law constitutional. Afterwards, when on the supreme bench as 
Chief -Justice, he ruled in favor of the constitutionality of this class of 
laws. 

A system of county courts was created, the judges being elected by 
the people of each county, and holding office for four years without 
salary, but allowed fees. These were important courts, having jurisdic- 
tion of civil cases, except titles to land, and divorces, and criminal cases 
except those capital. The Freedmen's Bureau had an almost exclusive 
jurisdiction of negro affairs. It will ever remain one of the political 
curiosities of that unique time. The power in these petty Bureau 
officials was autocratic and sweeping. There was never in the world 
such a travesty of law. These agents decided titles to land, granted 
divorces, arrested and imprisoned for debt, made compulsory labor con- 
tracts for blacks who would not make them, and arbitrarily fixed the 
value of the services of laborers at from $12 to $15 a month with board 
and lodging, the laborer, however, to furnish his own clothing and 
medicine. There were so many outrages perpetrated by these agents, 
and the clamor was so great, that finally the heads of the Freedmen's 
Bureau were relieved in Georgia, the Carolinas and Alabama, and military 
officers were put in charge. It was this year that the planters began 
the suicidal farm policy they have so pertinaciously pursued ever since, 
and which has resulted in so much pecuniary embarrassment, of raising 
cotton to the exclusion of provision crops. The West became the corn 
crib and smoke-house of the South. Provisions were bought on time 
at enormous usury, and cotton raised at a loss, and thus the planters 
became more involved every year. There was a cotton craze, that for 
a while seemed incurable. 

Among the tender and touching things done by the General Assembly 
was the appropriation of |o,000 to the Ladies' Memorial Association, 
under the lead of Mrs. Charles J. Williams of Columbus, and Miss 
Mary A. Green of Resaca, to gather together our soldier dead scattered 
about and properly mark their graves. Some exquisite speeches were 
made in the Legislature by several of the members, among them, Hon. 
James M. Russell, Col. R. J. Moses, Col. Claiborne Snead and J. A. 
Glenn. This Legislature also granted state-aid to the Macon and Bruns- 
wick railroad, after a very animated struggle. Ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson 



3G2 A GLOOMY OUTLOOK A^D MORE RECOXSTKUCTIOX. 

Avas re-elected United States Senator, In 18GG, J. W. Clift and C. H. 
Prince qualified as members of Congress. 

Both during 1865 and 186G there was considerable agitation of the 
subject of emigration to Mexico and Brazil, and quite a number fool- 
ishly expatriated themselves. There was a small colony in Mexico, 
among whom were Generals Magruder, Hindman and Price and ex-Gov. 
Harris of Tennessee. But Gen. Lee advised against it, and the good 
sense of our people condemned such expatriation. And finally the 
exiles themselves returned, after a bitter experience of hardship in 
foreign lands. It was the brave thing to stand to our dear land in her 
adversity, and raise her from her sad ashes. Amid all the obstacles and 
distractions, the drawbacks and disturbances, there had been a little 
progress in prosperity. Our people had gone to work bravely. Our 
cities, especially, had picked up somewhat. Our railroads had been 
rebuilt, our farms restored in some degree. But the Radical policy had 
hindered rehabilitation, creating distrust and engendering discourage- 
ment. Our agricultural labor, the basis of prosperity, was unsettled and 
. in an indescribable condition of demoralization. Adventurers had come 
in to control this ignorant class, and poison them against their old 
masters. There was a brooding sense of calamity in the State, and the 
outlook was gloomy enough. 

In this nebulous state of darkness the Radical element in Congress, 
relentlessly pursuing the strife with President Johnson, and imagining 
the interest of their party to lie in a truculent increase of severity, 
passed a measure offered by Mr. Sherman, tendering back the same 
Constitutional amendment that had been rejected, with negro suffrage 
added. The other gentle features of this grim Sherman bill were 
simply the transformation of our state government into a Provisional 
concern, handicapped with a bayonet absolutism, and subject to the 
imperial caprice of an acrid Congress. Truly it would have been a 
marvel of ingenuity that could have conceived a more incongruous 
abortion of politico-military polity than this. What a commentary it 
was, too, on the rancorous and unreasoning popular sentiment backing 
it at the North, that sturdy, stern old Reverdy Johnson, true and cour- 
ageous friend of the South in Congress, who had fought a generous 
battle for us, sadly voted for this bill as the best he could get, and the 
kindest measure possible. This was reconstruction with a vengeance. 
Andrew Johnson gamely vetoed it in words of grand force and elo- 
quence. But the constitutional majority, inspired by public opinion. 



WHITE DISFRANCHISEMEXT AND BLACK SUPREMACY. 363 

brushed out his ineffectual yet unanswerable protest, and fastened the 
iron enactment upon the quivering' and helpless South. 

It was an amazing piece of statesmanshijj to disfranchise our intelli- 
gence and make the hereditary slaves of two centuries rulers of our 
political destiny. It degraded, alarmed and exasperated our people. 
We had the whole argument of the case on our side. They had the 
mio-ht. Our reconstructors had excelled themselves in this last fantas- 

o 

tic of national restoration. Our people were angered to white heat, 
and they entered^ upon an uncompromising fight against the astounding 
project. In this crisis ex-Gov. Brown, with that cool method that dis- 
tinguished him, went North to look into the matter, and see just how 
earnest the North was, and what hope there was of resistance to these 
most odious measures. He had taken ground as a matter of choice 
against these wrongs. He was powerless, as were his people, to suc- 
cessfully oppose any measures that were inevitable. And he resolved 
to ascertain just what was necessary to do to restore the state to the 
control of his state-countrymen. Judge Dawson A. Walker accompa- 
nied him. These gentlemen went to Washington early in February, 
1867, while the Reconstruction measures were pending, and thoroughly 
gauged public sentiment upon reconstruction. Gov. Brown probed the 
subject to the bottom. He conversed with the most influential men 
upon both sides. From President Johnson down he conferred with 
leaders of every shade of opinion. The impeachment crusade against 
President Johnson had begun. Against the Sherman bill he had fired 
a noble but ineffectual veto, and on the last day of the old Congress it 
went through. The new Congress passed the supplemental reconstruc- 
tion bill providing for a registration of loyal voters, the calling of a 
convention by the vote of the people, and the ratification of the consti- 
tution made by such convention by a popular vote, all under military 
guidance. Mr. Johnson struck this measure with another spirited veto, 
but it was promptly passed, and the revengeful malignancy of impeach- 
ment gathered fresh force from the incident. 

It was a gloomy state of things when the very constitutional exercise 
of official prerogative upon the line of constitutional right in our favor 
evoked so vengeful a spirit. Gov. Brown satisfied himself that these 
terms, hard and galling as they were, must be taken, just as they were 
takeh, and he came home and advised their acceptance by the people. 
Impartially scrutinizing that act of advice, with the passions of the 
hour cooled, and in the light of final results, it must be confessed that 
Gov. Brown's course was practical, politic and inspired by his convic- 



364 GOVERNOR brown's FATEFUL RECONSTRUCTION LETTER. 

tions of duty. A letter was addressed to him on the 22d of February, 
1867, by Ira R. Foster, James F. Alexander, A. R. Reagan, John Collier, 
L. C. Wells, P. Pease, W. R. Venable, D. F. Hammond, P. L. Wynatt, 
A. K. Seago, R. P. Zimmerman, L. S. Salmons, William Herring, E. E. 
Rawson, J. A. Hayden, Joseph Thompson, E. P. Watkins, J. J. Thrasher, 
T. W. J. Hill and E. Hulburt, asking his judgment as to what course 
should be pursued by tlie people of Georgia in the existing crisis. 

He answered, and it was the most fateful letter of his life. It has 
been burned into the history of the country, and it scorched his career 
for dreary years. He was too sagacious a judge of public opinion, not 
to foresee that it would elicit a large measure of unpopularity. He 
showed it to some close friends, and with an accurate prevision of its 
effect and of the public feeling, he said: "In the present excited state 
of the popular mind, the chances are that bold leaders will inflame their 
passions and prejudices, and they will reject the terms proposed, and 
have to suffer the consequences. And in that case, from having been 
for years one of the most popular men in Georgia, I shall become for 
a time the most unpopular from the Potomac to the Rio Grande." The 
gentlemen in whom he confided his views concurred with him fully, 
and begged him to withhold the letter, and not immolate himself. 
They urged that he was out of public office, and therefore was under 
no obligation to give advice that would impair his popularity. Gov. 
Brown's reply was to this effect: "I am indebted to the people of 
Georgia for all that I am as a public man, and I have made up my mind 
to tell them the truth, and warn them of their danger, be the conse- 
quences what they may to me as an individual." 

To estimate the full effect of this letter. Gov. Brown's position among 
the people must be understood. For eight long and momentous years 
he had been the civil autocrat of Georgia, and in a continuous series of 
heated conflicts he had clutched popular endorsement with an irresistible 
power. He was by long odds the most potential and idolized public 
man in the State, seemingly impregnable among the masses. Such a 
revulsion has rarely been witnessed. The popular idol at one stroke 
was hurled to the ground, and upon him raged a pitiless storm of vin- 
dictive execration. The mutterings of the thunder and the play of the 
lightning began at once on his devoted head. The man who stands 
before the prejudices of a people has a fearful task before him. But 
when, as in this case, he confronts not only their prejudices, but their 
convictions and their memories, the, doom of an overwhelming odium is 
his certain fate. 



GOVERXOE brown's PAINFUL ATTITUDE. 365 

The perusal of Gov, Brown's letter at this long' distance from that 
volcanic day, even by one who, like the writer, shared in the fever 
that fired the Southern heart then, shows it to be a singularly argu- 
mentative, dispassionate, forcible document, calm-tempered, logical, and 
drivino- his cool conclusions home with ponderous emphasis. The Sher- 
man bill had not even passed when he wrote, but he predicted its 
passage. He discussed the relative condition of political parties at the 
North, he stated the exact realities of the situation, and he adv'sed a 
prompt, full acceptance of the conditions imposed upon us, as we could 
offer no further resistance, and every delay but increased the severity of 
the terms offered. There was this strong evidence of disinterested sin- 
cerity in his advice, that he was not a candidate for any office, nor seek- 
ing any personal benefit; and in addition to this, he was among those 
disfranchised by the very bill to whose hard stipulations he counseled 
obedience. Later, Mr. Sherman, the author of the bill, introduced a 
measure in Congress for Gov. Brown's relief, and this fact was used 
against the latter as an evidence of some collusion; but it was not only 
not a part of an understanding, and wholly unprompted by him, but it 
was a natural outcome of Gov. Brown's attitude, and was probably 
intended to show that the road to certain reconstruction was the path 
of submission. 

Another burdensome feature of this unpopular position of Gov. 
Brown, was that it threw him into frightful, personal, and political as- 
sociations. Home men of no character, unanimated by his patriotism, 
and disinterested sense of public duty, and seeing in the cruel crisis the 
chance for place or plunder, joined the reconstruction movement, and 
such accessions imparted odium to him. The Federal army left among 
us a host of adventurers, and our helpless condition invited a horde 
from the North, who naturally sought the protection of the government 
and the security of Radicalism, in their schemes of personal advance- 
ment, whose main props were the unscrupulous and ingenious manipula- 
tion of the deluded African, the supporting tyranny of the soldier, and 
the proscription of the goo'd whites. To these some felicitous word-user 
gave the memorable name of " carpet-bagger." The North and the 
West have given to the South a large element of noble and precious 
manhood, — social and business strains of virtuous and enterprising 
blood, and no citizens stand better, or rank higher. And such superb 
accretions of citizenship, are always welcome and cherished. But the 
reconstruction carpet-bagger was none of these. Hon. Thomas Nor- 
wood has made a clever sketch of this wonderful creature. Said he: 






300 Norwood's sketch op the carpet-hagger. 

" His like the world has never seen from the days of Cain, or of tlie forty thieves in 
the fabled time of All Baba. Like the wind he blows, and we hear the sound thereof, 
but no man knoweth whence he cometh, or whither he goeth. National historians will 
be in doubt how to class him. Ornithologists will claim him, because in many respects 
he is a bird of prey. He Jives only on corruption, and takes his flight as soon as the car- 
cass is picked. . . He is no product of tiie war. He is ' the canker of a calm world,' 
and of a peace whicli is despotism enforced by bayonets. His valor is discretion ; his in- 
dustry, perpetual strife, and his eloquence 'the parcel of a reckoning' of chances, as he 
smells out a path whicli may lead from the White House to a custom house, a post office, 
the internal revenue bureaus, or perchance to either wing of the Federal capitol. His 
sliibboleth is ' the Republican party.' From that party he sprung as naturally as mag- 
gots from putrefaction. . . Wherever two or three, or more negroes are gathered to- 
gether, he like a leprous spot is seen, and his cry, like the daughter of the horse-leech, is 
always, 'give — give — me office !' Without office he is nothing; with office he is a pest 
and public nuisance. Out of office he is a beggar; in office he grows rich till his eyes 
stick out with fatness. Out of office he is, hat in hand, tlie outside ornament of every 
negro's cabin, a plantation loafer, and the nation's lazarene ; in office he is an adept in 
' addition, division and silence.' Out of office he is tlie orphan ward of the administra- 
tion and the general sign-post of penury ; in office he is the complaining suppliant for 
social equality with Southern gentlemen." 

No record of these unique da^'-s is complete without some description 
of this remarkable character, that flourished in that congenial era with 
the luxuriance of the " green bay tree." They flocked into the cohorts 
of reconstruction, and shed by their unwelcome and irrepressible affilia- 
tion an ignoble discredit upon the honest and patriotic supporters, like 
Gov. Brown, of a public policy condemned in principle, but assented to 
as a matter of force in the choice of evils. A meeting was called in 
Atlanta, and the split began immediately. The meeting- divided. 
Gov. Brown made a strong, clear talk, but it did not heal the breach. 
Resolutions for and against reconstruction were passed by the sundered 
halves of the gathering. A meeting was called in Dalton, and after a 
warm discussion, in which the writer opposed the Brown policy. Judge 
Walker was endorsed on the Brown line by a majority of four votes. 

Gov. Jenkins went on to Washington and instituted proceedings to 
test the constitutionality of the Sherman bill. His lawyers were Jeremiah 
S. Black, Robert J. Brent, Edgar Cowan and Charles O'Conor. This 
' was a great proceeding, that involved the existence of a state govern- 
ment of a million of people, and hundreds of millions of property. The 
legal form used was a bill reciting by a quaint anomaly, the attempt 
and failure of the state to secede, and her fixed status in the Union un- 
der the very philosophy of such failure and as shown by the very act of 
the United States government submitting constitutional amendments to 
her for ratification or rejection. The bill urged that the Sherman bill 



GOV. JENKINS BRINGS SUIT FOR GEORGIA'S SOVEREIGNTY. 367 

and supplement were unconstitutional, and asked that Edwin M. Stan- 
ton, Secretary of War, Ulysses S. Grant, General of the army, and 
John PojDe, General commanding Georgia, be enjoined from enforcing 
the Sherman bill in Georgia and come into court to answer. Gov. 
Jenkins issued, on the 10th of April, 1867, an address, from M^ashing- 
ton city to the people of Georgia, advising " a firm but temperate re- 
fusal of acquiescence in an adoption of the Sherman bill, and a patient, 
manly endurance of military government, until, in the efflux of time, 
and on the subsidence of the passions generated by civil war, better 
counsels shall prevail at the Federal capital— we, meantime, strictly ob- 
serving law and order, and vigorously addressing ourselves to industrial 
pursuits." The alternative of this course was prompt acquiescence in 
the demands of Congress, which he counseled against until at least the* 
result of the great case in the United States Supreme Court was had. 
He concluded this dignified and impor-tant document with these grave 
words, which powerfully indicate his deep sense of responsibility: 

" Should we fail (as fail we may) there will remain nothing that I can do for you. 
Your destiny will be in your own hands, and you must choose between the alternative 
first presented. In making tliat choice, you have my counsel, perhaps erroneous but 
certainly honest. 

It was a peculiarly suggestive and interesting spectacle presented in 
the antipodal attitude of these two distinguished Georgians, Gov. Jen- 
kins and ex-Go V. Brown, in reference to this tremendous question of the 
vitality of a great sovereign State. Both were men of unusual brain 
power, both of uncommon firmness, both of undoubted personal in- 
tegrity and truth, both acknowledged statesmen and patriots, and both 
with the stimulus of an established fame and an exceptional popularity 
to inspire them. And here they stood in absolute conflict of counsel to 
their people under all the great burden of their sacred reputations, the 
fruit of long and crucial years of illustrious public service. It was a 
dramatic antithesis of momentous advice. It was an opposition of for- 
midable powers over a gigantic issue. Gov. Jenkins was robed in offi- 
cial authority. Ex-Gov. Brown was but a simple citizen, yet exalted 
by the prestige of his recent and unprecedented Executive fame and 
achievements. There were many deep-hued accessories of this picture. 
In the stormy days of war Gov. Brown had been the exponent of its 
clashing turbulence, and Judge Jenkins on the Supreme Bench had 
placidly administered the civil law, the calm symbol of peace amid the 
red thunder of strife. Now when the cannon were irrevocably hushed, 
and the current of blood had ceased beyond hope for the vanquished 



3G8 JOSEPH E. BROWN AND CHARLES J. JENKINS. 

the unyielding battler stood in the fullest concession to the compact of 
surrender, working for the speedy and practical restoration of the State's 
lost sovereignty and the people's crushed welfare, while the severe 
jurist stiirdily contended in a spirit equally patriotic against the same 
concession, even to the certain prolongation of a subjugated condition. 
It was a remarkable reversion of attitudes. And following out the 
striking antithesis, the course of Jenkins led through the reverential 
approbation of his own people to his deposition and their further politi- 
cal crucifixion, while the course of Brown steered through unmeasured 
and unparalleled obloquy for himself, resulted in the ultimate redemp- 
tion of the commonwealth and the regeneration of her government. 

Both of these gentlemen have since then received unusual marks of 
popular confidence and favor, and now enjoy an enviable affluence of 
j)ublic esteem. Gov. Jenkins, in his ripe old age, has retired from 
public life, honored and revered, his active years passed away for all 
time. Gov. Brown, as a United States Senator, in the very maturity 
of his great powers, is exercising a marked and beneficial influence in 
controlling and molding the destinies of this gigantic nation. He is 
nobly representing that very Georgia that once so execrated him for 
his devotion to her interest. The matter illustrates the great fact that, 
however obscured and hidden, the truth will ultimately prevail. And 
it is of infinitely more concern to men that they should be sincere and 
honest-purposed than that they should be either wise or correct. Gov. 
Jenkins failed in his line, yet in spite of its probably protracting the 
State's rehabilitation, its inspiration was so noble that his countrymen 
held him in even higher esteem. Gov. Brown's course led to restora- 
tion, and the very ordeal of unpopularity that his unwelcome but 
sagacious counsel created, evincing his firm nerve in a disagreeable 
duty, will but enhance the final valuation of his sacrifices and 
sufferings. 



CHAPTER XXXV. 

A THROBBING CHAPTER OF RECONSTRUCTION HiVRLE- 
QUINADE ENDING- WITH GOV. JENKINS' REMOVAL. 

The Georgia Bill. — Gov. Brown's Sagacity. — The Bill Dismissed. — Gen. Pope and Gov. 
Jenkins. — The Storm upon Joe Brown. — Alec Stephens. — Gen. Toombs. — H. V. 
Johnson. — B. H. Hill. — Brown and Hill in a Stern Controversy. — Brown's Iron Ees- 
olution Fearfully Tested. — Gen. Pope's Curious Letter. — Judge J.W. H. Underwood. 
-:-Judge I. L. Harris. — Judge Hiram Warner. — The Drift of Personal Government to 
Absolutism. — Judge A. Reese removed. — E. Hulburt. — The Democratic Convention 
at Macon. — Fight over Resolutions. — A .Crisis in the Democratic party. — The Recon- 
struction Constitutional Convention of 1868. — Its Personelle. — Colored Delegates. — 
The Detested Symbol of Conquest and Odious Change. — The Proscription of Recon- 
structionists. — Ludicrous Incident. — Gov. Brown's Strong Influence for Good. — 
His Position. — Gen. Pope calls on Gov. Jenkins for Money. — Gov. Jenkins' Refusal. 
— Gen. Meade Succeeds Gen. Pope. — Gen. Meade Re-applies to Gov. Jenkins. — Gov. 
Jenkins Declines. — His Flavorous Sarcasm. — Gen. Meade Removes Gov. Jenkins, 
and details Gen. Ruger as Governor. — Soldierly Moderation under Unlimited Des- 
potism. — Gen. Hancock. 

Before the bill was filed for Gov. Jenkins in the Supreme Court of 
the United States to test the constitutionality of the Sherman act, a 
similar bill was filed by Gov, Sharkey of Mississippi, but it was dis- 
missed for its severe terms. It was a notable continuation of Georgia's 
foremost place in every phase of the war, that she should stand in the 
period following its close, as the pivot of reconstruction. Her destiny 
as the regnant factor of the revolution seemed unavoidable. The 
attention of the country was focalized upon the brave state and its 
characteristic effort, in the highest legal tribunal of the land, to resist 
degradation. But her attempt was unavailing. It was ably argued. 
Mr. Stanberry, the Attorney General of the United States, opened and 
concluded the argument for the government, and Mr. O'Connor, for 
Georgia, and Mr. Walker, for Mississippi, made masterly addresses. 
The case was dismissed, and the ruthless crusade of Reconstruction 
continued, the stronger and harsher for the futile spurt of impediment. 

It was a striking instance of Gov. Brown's sagacity that he opposed 
the action of Gov. Jenkins in filing the bill for Georgia and predicted 
its failure on the very ground upon which it was dismissed, that it in- 
volved political questions over which the Congress and President were 
24 



370 GEORGIA SENTIMENT ALL AGAINST GOVERNOR BROWN. 

the arbiters and hot the court. The defeat in the Supreme Court left 
the South remediless. Gen. Pope wrote to Gov. Jenkins, asking him if 
he had seen his order prohibiting any attempt of officials to influence 
the people on reconstruction before he issued his address advising them 
against accepting the Sherman bill. Gov. Jenkins replied that he had 
not seen it, but that he should in the future do and say whatever his 
oath required of him. Gen. Pope replied that State officers would not 
be allowed to denounce the act of Congress under which he was acting. 

The press poured hot shot into Gov. Brown. He was the subject of 
a torrent of vituperation. Denunciations streamed upon him as " trai- 
tor," " betrayer of the honor and interest of his State," " unduly fright- 
ened," " weak-kneed," " desired to save his neck," " currying favor with 
the Radicals," and a volley of such abuse. He was accustomed to spir- 
ited hitting from his enemies. But such rasping censure from friends 
came hard. Gov. Brown, however, met it gamely. He stood reso- 
lutely to his disagreeable views, and he made strong, even-tempered 
speeches in the leading cities of the State, urging the people to accept- 
ance of the terms of Congress. It was a complete separation from his 
old allies — an acrid divergence of political course. Mr. Stephens was 
silent. Gen. Toombs had returned home from Europe in March and wrote 
a letter to Mr. M. C. Corry, Corresponding Secretary of the Democratic 
Central Committee at Cincinnati, declaring his readiness to establish 
the right of secession. Ex-Gov. H. V, Johnson wrote a letter in July, 
1867, urging registration but advising against acceptance of the terms 
proposed. His advice was " never to embrace their despotism," and to 
hope for a reaction in the North and West against the overthrow of 
constitutional liberty. Hon. B. H. Hill made a speech in Atlanta in 
July of this year, in which he denounced the reconstruction measures 
with unsurpassable and flaming eloquence ; and he followed it up later 
with a series of " notes on the situation " on the same line, that for 
magnificent invective equal anything in ancient or modern annals. 
There is no doubt that Mr. Hill was the undisputed leader in this savage 
anti-reconstruction campaign. 

In his Notes on the Situation he attacked Gov. Brown, and that in- 
domitable fighter came back with an unsheathed sword. The conflict 
was a famous one. They Avere two ripe controversialists, mental Titans, 
and the theme was big enough for any minds. They had met in the 
gubernatorial race ten years back, when Brown was untried and yet 
had won the Executive guerdon. They were at it again in the fiercest 
era of the century, representing implacably hostile forces and theories 



BEN HILL AND JOE BROWN. 371 

vengefully inimical. Hill had the public pulse on his side. Brown was 
breasting an overwhelming popular sentiment. Hill rode a very flood 
tide of the people's endorsement. Brown fought, crowded down with 
public odium. The agitation gained intensity and bitterness as it pro- 
gressed. It became more venomous every day. Northern adventurers 
thronged into the State and began their operations upon the credulous 
blacks, -poisoning their minds, working on their cupidity, and inciting 
them to hatred of the whites. It was a frightful time. The war was 
more bearable and peaceful. The robust delusion of " forty acres and 
a mule," and other impracticable schemes of spontaneous profit, were 
used freely upon the bewildered colored people with wonderful success. 
These rosy fictions were swallowed eagerly without a suggestion of dis- 
belief. The people hotly resented this invasion of the Vandals ; and 
in the abhorrence of a moral pestilence, the sincere, honest advisers of 
the acceptance of reconstruction, as the best that could be done in our 
desperate stress, were pilloried in public scorn. 

It was a dreadful alternative for a proud man like Gov. Brown to be 
exposed to, either to adhere to his convictions of public duty under an 
appalling ordeal of popular hatred, and under alliance with men he 
contemned, or cravenly yield to a tornado of public passion that he 
could not control, and whose policy he condemned. But there was no 
giving up in Gov. Brown's iron compesition. As the hail of public indig- 
nation pelted upon him with an accumulating force, he with set lips and a 
grim defiance confronted the hurricane and defied its fury. He never 
faltered in his chosen course. It was proscription, fell and remorseless, 
that he fought — proscription, social and political. Some idea of the 
burning fever of the time may be gleaned from some of Mr. Hill's 
white-heated invectives: " Hellish dynasty," " On, on with your work 
of ruin, ye hell-born rioters in sacred things! " " Perjured assassins 
of liberty, blasphemous conclave of a Congress," and a host of such 
expressions testified alike to the violence of the epoch and the abusive 
capacity of the orator. 

These letters and speeches of Mr. Hill, Gov. Johnson and others, 
were made the text of a lengthy and right curious letter by Gen. Pope 
to Gen. Grant on the subject of reconstruction. It made the strong 
expressions and stern spirit of those utterances a justification of the 
disfranchisement of their authors, but at the same time it urged perfect 
freedom of speech and the press. It candidly owned that some of the 
reconstructionists were as bitter and proscriptive as the " reactionary 
anti-reconstructionists," as he called them. It further said that if the 



372 GENERAL POPE AND THE STATE UNIVERSITY. 

colored people progressed as rapidly as they had done, " five years will 
have transferred intelligence and education, so far as the masses are 
concerned," to them. 

Judge J. W. H. Underwood and Judge Iverson L. Harris wrote letters 
in response to some gentlemen asking their opinion, in which they 
advised the people to register and vote for a convention. Judge Hiram 
Warner counseled the acceptance of the terms, saying, "It would be. a 
useless waste of time to discuss political principles or constitutional 
rights for any practical purpose." The division of opinion was very 
marked, and views were extremely varied. As a general thing in North 
Georgia, in the white belt, a majority favored accepting reconstruction 
simpl}'- as a choice of evils. A large number of men were for non-action. 
In the negro belt the whites were solid against the measures to the last. 

The steady drift of a personal government, unrestrained by fixed law, 
is to despotism. The arbitrary exercise of authority is simply inevitable. 
The South, under the rule of the Brigadier Generals in this year of 
1867, illustrated this tendency. Gen. Pope began well, but he soon 
drove into autocratic grooves. His orders show a swift growth of abso- 
lutism. Men who displeased him were removed upon pretexts and, 
perhaps, considerable provocation. First, mayors of cities were both 
i-emoved and appointed. Foster Blodgett was appointed mayor of 
Augusta, Capt. Joe Blance, solicitor general of the lallapoosa circuit, 
and Col. Albert Lamar, solicitor general of the Muscogee circuit, were 
removed. Sheriffs were displaced. A man charged with homicide, in 
Bartow county, and acquitted, was re-arrested and ironed. The State 
university at Athens was closed beca.use a student made a speech 
objectionable to Gen. Pope, and it was then re-opened, with the condi- 
tion expressed, that the press of the State should say nothing of the 
affair, but the appropriation was withheld for a while. The student Avas 
Albert H. Cox, a brilliant young man, and a member of the last General 
Assembly. His speech was upon " The Vital Principle of Nations — 
Obedience to Organic Law." A copy of the speech was sent to Gen. 
Pope for him to critically examine. And when the college term was 
resumed, Mr. Cox offered to retire from the institution if it was deemed 
necessary to pacify the military monarch of our destinies. This was not 
required. Men were prevented from sitting as jurors wlio had not regis- 
tered. Military ofHcers were relieved from all civil process. 

Judge Augustus Reese, of the Ocmulgee Judicial Circuit, declined to 
obey the order that unregistered voters should not act as jurors, and he 
was prohibited from exercising the duties of his office, after refusing to 



A STATE CONVENTIO>r CALLED UNDER MILITARY AUSPICES. 373 

resign. This able and courageous jurist was warmly regarded for this 
action. 

September 19th, 1867, Gen. Pope ordered an election to be held on 
the 29th, 30th and 31st of October, for a convention, and for delegates 
to the convention. The superintendent of registration was fol. E. 
Hulburt, who had been Superintendent of the Express company, an un- 
common individual. Cool, adroit, managing, energetic, bold, personally 
very clever, Hulburt was a marked character, and the most useful in- 
strument Gen. Pope had. A large powerful man, prompt, decisive, 
with superior administrative ability, he handled the problem of registra- 
tion with unvarying success, for any measure he championed. He had 
large ideas, and a proportionate executive capacity, and he played a 
vital part in this complicated drama of reconstruction. The registered 
voters numbered, according to Col. Hulburt, 188,647. The election con- 
tinued three days, and then was protracted two days longer. A conven- 
ient order, issued at the proper time, allowed men to vote in other coun- 
ties than where they registered, upon their own oaths that they were 
entitled to vote. How far the repetition of votes was done under this 
ambulatory method will never be known. There were 106,410 votes 
polled on the question of convention, and 102,283 in favor of it, thou- 
sands of voters who had registered, abstaining from the polls under the 
suicidal non-action policy. 

The Democrats called a state convention to meet at Macon, on the 
5th day of December, 1867, to consult on the situation. This was the 
first political state convention held since the surrender. There were 
delegates from sixty counties. Benjamin H. Hill was elected presi- 
dent. The convention was very stormy, and came near being broken 
up. Among the delegates were Thomas Hardeman, Gen. A. R.Wright, 
C. A. Nutting, T. G. Holt, L. N. Whittle, W. S. Holt, A. W. Reese, 
W. T. Thompson, G. A. Mercer, William M. Browne, W. P. Wright, 
J. C. Nisbet, R. A. Alston, M. A. Candler, Nelson Tift, Augustus R. 
Wright, M. Dwinell, W. G. Northern, G. F. Pierce, Jr., Eli Warren, C. 
C. Duncan, J. W. Preston, J. H. Blount, D. E. Butler, P. W. Alexan- 
der, Thomas W. Grimes, C. C. Kibbee, Herbert Fielder, C. W. Han- 
cock, T. M. Furlow, C. T. Goode, C. H. C. Willingham, E. H. Pottle, 
I. W. Avery and W. K. Kiddoo. There was a very small representa- 
tion from North Georgia, only seven counties North of the Chattahoo- 
chee, having delegates. 

The two main points of difference were the non-action policy and a 
resolution denouncins: advocates of reconstruction as criminals. These 



374 THE FIRST POLITICAL CONVENTION AFTER THE WAR. 

were both measures of Mr. Hill, and were warmly discussed. The 
question of non-action was referred finally, to the State Executive Com- 
mittee. Mr. Hill pressed the resolution in regard to reconstructionists 
upon the platform committee, who rejected it. Nothing daunted, Mr. 
Hill offered it as an amendment to the report of the committee in the 
convention, supporting it splendidly. At this juncture. Col. I. "W. 
Avery, the delegate from Whitfield, having vainly urged Judge Wright, 
of Rome, to present the reasons for opposing the resolution, who 
declared it useless to confront the current, took the floor against it, 
urging that in the white belt, fully 25,000 white Democrats had sup- 
ported reconstruction as the best thing they could do, and to denounce 
these sincere and patriotic men as criminals would drive them from the 
party. Gen. A, R. Wright, Col. Thomas Hardeman, L,' N. Whittle and 
others supported this view. Mr. Hill still pressed his resolution with 
an evidently large support. The matter was re-committed and additional 
committeemen appointed. The original committee was: George A. 
Mercer, C. B. Richardson, Gen. Phil Cook, T. M. Furlow, P. W. Alex- 
ander, C. H. C. Willingham, Thomas Hardeman, Jr., D. G. Hughes, D. 
E. Butler, E. H. Pottle, J. Graham, W. W. McLestei-, L. J. Glenn, 
and J. A. Stewart. The added committeemen were W. T. Thompson, 
T. L. Guerr^, J. A. L. Lee, T. G. Holt, A. R. Wright of Richmond, I. 
W. Avery and J. P. Hambleton. 

The committee reported the resolution of Mr. Hill, and the battle 
over it in the convention was resumed with a lively animation and de- 
termined earnestness. The Macon Telegraphy in its report of the dis- 
cussion, stated the opposition to the resolution in these words: 

" The gallant young delegate from "Whitfield, Col. Avery, fought manfully for the 
people of his section on this point. He was opposed to their views, but knew that they 
were honestly entertained, and would never consent to denounce tliem as traitors or 
criminals. He believed they were wrong, but preferred to show them their error, and 
persuade them to abandon it." 

Finally, Col. Avery stated that he was so thoroughly convinced of the 
impolicy of the resolution, and its peril to the party in estranging 
North Georgia, that if it passed, he should feel it his painful duty to 
withdraw from the convention, as much as he should dislike to break its 
harmony. Upon this declaration, the question was asked whether the 
resolution would be acceptable if it was amended so as to denounce 
the crime of reconstruction, and say nothing of its supporters. This 
change being satisfactory, the resolution was thus amended and unani- 
mously adopted. Had the resolution, as originally offered, have been 



THE KECONSTEUCTION CONVENTION. 375 

passed, as the solemn action of this convention, it would have split the 
party asunder in a bitter antagonism. It was a curious coincidence that 
the preamble and resolutions adopted by the convention were the reso- 
lutions (with some additions) written by Col. Avery, and passed at the 
county meeting in Whitfield county, to select delegates to the conven- 
tion, and read thus: 

" Manly protest against bad public policy is the duty, as well as the right, of all true 
patriots. And this, without factious opposition to government, or untimely interruption 
of public harmony. The season for honest discussion of principles, and for lawful op- 
position to existing abuses and their growth, is ever present and pressing." 

" The Southern people are true to constitutional liberty, and ready to acquiesce in 
any policy looking to the honor and good of the whole country, and securing the rights 
of all classes of people. 

" We regard the efforts of the present ruling power to change the fundamental insti- 
tutions of the United States government as false in principle, impolitic in action, in- 
jurious in result, unjust and detrimental to the general government. 

" Silence under wrong may be construed as endorsement. Be it therefore 

" Resolved, That we pledge ourselves to sustain law and order, to support cheerfully 
all constitutional measures of the United States government, and to recognize the rights 
of all classes of people under enlightened and liberal laws." 

To these were added by the Convention resolutions protesting against 
the reconstruction measures. H. V. Johnson, A. H. Chappell, B. H. 
Hill, Warren Akin and T. L. Guerry were appointed to issue an address 
to the people. Gov. Johnson wrote the address, which was a very able 
one and appealed for a united effort to restore constitutional govern- 
ment. 

The reconstruction Convention met in Atlanta, on the 9th day of De- 
cember, 1867. It consisted of 170 delegates. The majority of them 
were unknown names. Gov. Brown had advised the people to take 
part, and send their best men. The mistaken non-action policy had 
been followed in many parts of the state. A gallant attempt had been 
made in many sections, however, in conformity with the counsel of Gov. 
Brown, and there was quite a liberal sprinkling of good and true Demo- 
crats. Among this class were H. V. M. Miller, David Irwin, A. W. Hol- 
combe, L. N. Trammell, S. E. Field, and J. D: Waddell. There was 
another class of men who were pronounced Republicans, who were sin- 
cere in their politics and enjoyed personal esteem. In this class were 
H. K. McCay, T. P. Saffold, Benjamin Conley, R. B. Bullock, D. G. 
Cotting, A. T. Akerman, Madison Bell, N. L. Angier, J. L. Dunning, 
J. H. Flynn, H. G. Cole, J, R. Farrott, and A. G. Foster. There were 
others who have been prominent in the republican party: A. L. Harris, 
R. H. Whitely, Foster Blodgett, J. E. Bryant, J. Adkins, C. H. Prince, 



376 A BODY ODIOUS TO THE PEOPLE, 

T. J. Speer, H. M. Turner, G. W. Ashburn, Tunis Campbell, A. A. 
Bradley, N. P. Hotchkiss, G. P. Burnett, M. H. Bentley, Isaac Seely, 
C. H. Hopkins, W. L. Clift, Samuel Gove, J. Sherman, and J. S. Bigby, 
whose names have become very familiar to the" people of Georgia in 
the years since, in the political conflicts that have transpired. 

The convention was a new and odious body to the people. The old lead- 
ers were nearly unanimously disfranchised. Here was an organization, 
incarnating the idea of force and conquest, based upon negro supremacy 
and white disfranchisement, and with fully one-sixth of its number 
colored delegates, in sudden shock of every prejudice and conviction, 
and thus a fresh set of obscure men hoisted by abhorred means to the 
leadership of the State. It was a spectacle that intensified the thrilling 
bitterness of the time. In the course of years we have become accustomed 
to the sight of colored legislators, but in that day it was a trying 
experience and it stirred men's resentments implacably. To the State, 
it seemed as if a menagerie had been ransacked for its stock of pup- 
pets and harlequins and the mongrel culling converted into the travesty 
of a convention, to arrange the liberties and remodel the crushed sov- 
ereignty of a great commonwealth. And the body, symbolizing con- 
quest, hatred and ignominy, bore the seeming sacred imprimatur of the 
public suffrage. Little wonder that the people spit upon, and reviled it 
with a double-dyed loathing. And it was a terrible injustice, something 
like hanging an innocent man for a murder, to involve in the unsparing 
odium of the era, pure and patriotic men who conscientiously believed 
in the necessity of conforming to the situation as the best thing obtain- 
able, pitiably poor as that was, for the loved ones and the country. Men 
who favored reconstruction that day, no matter what their motive, were 
visited with a blind full-bodied damnation, both social and political, that 
was. worse than death. And many a man who would have favored recon- 
struction was driven in terror from it by the proscription. 

Of the new men put forward, R. B. Bullock became afterwards Gov- 
ernor, Benjamin Conley President of the Senate, J. E. Bryant Represen- 
tative and a noted leader of the colored men, Foster Blodgett 
Superintendent of the State Road, R. H. Whitely, Samuel' Gove, and 
T. J. Speer, Congressmen, J. R. Parrott, Judge, H. K. McCay, Judge 
of the Supreme Court, D. G. Cotting Secretary of State, A. T. Aker- 
man. Attorney General in Grant's Cabinet, Madison Bell, Comptroller 
General, and N. L, Angier Treasurer. 

J. R. Parrott was elected President of the Convention. A ludicrous 
incident occurred in the election of President that created much deris- 



THE WORK OF THE RECONSTRUCTIOiS- CONVENTION". 377 

ion. When the name of H. H. Christian, a white delegate, was called, 
he was absent, and a black negro voted in his place, which made much 
excitement. Upon being questioned he said his name was " Jones," 
and he had been sent to vote for Mr. Christian, who was absent, and he 
was dismissed from the hall amid shouts of laughter. The incident 
illustrates the colored man's crude conception of his privileges. The 
convention was in session until the 11th day of March, 1868, taking a 
recess from December 24, 1867, to January 8, 1868. The Constitution 
that was created was a very excellent one, containing many valuable 
new features. Gov. Brown threw his whole influence in giving a con- 
servative direction to the legislation of the convention. Had his 
counsel have been followed there would have been a much larger repre- 
sentation of able and representative men. But still, with the few right 
men in the convention, and with Gov. Brown's potential guidance of 
the Republican element in safe gi-ooves, the general line of procedure 
was kept well guarded and just. It was a fortunate thing in many 
respects for the public interests that a person like Gov. Brown was 
aligned with the reconstructionists. Whatever of harm that was done, 
he nor any one could prevent, and all that was possible of prevention, 
he checked. 

Retrospecting dispassionately, we can see how our righteous passion 
injured us, increased our difficulties, retarded our restoration, and cre- 
ated new and harder terms. Popular fury is a very ruthless tyrant, and 
none more so than a just and natural fury. It can seek and find justi- 
fication in its justice. We were very badly treated, and our wrongs 
involved the cause of law and liberty. Yet the position of Gov. Brown 
was very logical. " This is all true. It is very bad. But how can you 
help yourself ? With a half million of armed men you were powerless 
to remedy smaller ills than these. What can you do now, conquered 
and tied, except by contumacy to invite superadded harshness ? You 
had lighter terms. You rejected them and got heavier ones. If you 
take these, as you cannot help doing, you will regain your freedom. 
If you reject them, you will have still harder terms to take. It is not 
a matter of right, it is a question of force, and you had better yield to 
it at once, and remove its tyranny." But a gallant people would not 
see it, and the hopeless battle continued, and the cloud upon Gov. 
Brown grew blacker and more vital with storm. 

During the deliberations of the convention two important changes 
were made, powerfully affecting the public weal, and illustrating with 
a sweeping emphasis the capricious and tyrannical tenor of our rule. 



378 GENERAL MEADE AND GOVERNOR JENKINS. 

Gen. Pope was, by order bearing date December 28th, 1867, relieved of 
the command of our military district, including Georgia, and Maj. Gen. 
George W. Meade put in his stead as the arbiter of our political des- 
tinies. The convention needed money for its expenses, and passed an 
ordinance directing the Treasurer of the State to pay 140,000 to N. L. 
Angier, the disbursing officer of the convention, for this purpose. It 
was a comical travesty of civil government and of the. genius of our 
republican institutions, that here was an august convention of the 
people, the highest delegated agent of popular sovereignty, and yet 
every edict it made was formally promulgated and enforced by military 
order. Was it not an unutterable caricature upon civil liberty and 
constitutional law that constitutional principles were thus expounded 
from the mouth of the musket, and interpreted under the whimsical 
despotism of the bayonet? Gen. Pope issued his order to the Treas- 
urer, John Jones, to pay the 140,000 for the convention. This order bore 
date the 30th of December, 1867. Col. Jones responded the 21st of 
December, declining to pay the amount because — 

"Forbidden to pay money out of the treasury except upon warrant of the Governor 
and sanction of the Comptroller General, and having entered into heavy bonds for the 
faithful performance of the duties so prescribed." 

Gen. Pope took no action upon the matter, but left it for Gen. Meade's 
attention. On the 7th of January, 1868, Gen. Meade addressed a letter 
to Gov. Jenkins as Provisional Governor, and requested him to draw 
his warrant on the Treasury for the 140,000. He urged, that this was 
" an appropriation made by law," and Gov. Jenkins could therefore do it, 
and attention was called to the precedent of the Constitutional conven- 
tion of 1865. Requesting Gov. Jenkins to show the letter to the Comp- 
troller General, Gen. Meade thus concluded: 

" Hoping that in the performance of th.e difficult and embarrassing duties now 
devolved upon me, I may have the co-operation and assistance of the Executive Depart- 
ment of Georgia, I am most respectfully, &c.'' 

. Gov. Jenkins' response was a model of classic heroism. Through its 
high-bred courtesy ran a veiled vein of sharjD satire and unflinching 
defiance. There was no concession in it. The convention, he argued, 
was called under a Federal law that prescribed tax to raise funds to pay 
the body. This fund did not come under the purview of the constitu- 
tions of Georgia or of the United States, which he had sworn to obey, 
and he added with a flavorous sarcasm: 

"I have a serene consciousness that in declining to obey the behest of the convention, 
and to comply with your courteous request, I but pay a dutiful homage to both 
constitutions." 



GOVERNOR JENKINS REMOVED FROM HIS OFFICE. 379 

Gov. Jenkins discussed the Reconstruction acts with reference to 
this point, and put his view with another whiff of subtle irony thus: 

" I can find nothing Avhich, in the remotest degree, authorizes the construction that they 
intend to saddle the Treasury of Georgia with the cost of their novel enterprise." 

Continuing in the same satirical humor Gov. Jenkins said, that he 
was unable to find any duty devolved upon him in the " multiplied recon- 
struction acts " except " not to obstruct " them, which was a negative 
duty, and he grimly added: 

" Believe me, General, in my official position, compliance with your request would 
involve a tremendous activity, nay, even the abandonment of previously imposed duty." 

With the statement that the State's money could not pay the conven- 
tion and at the same time the regular burdens of government. Gov. 
Jenkins respectfully declined Gen. Meade's request. The letter of Gov. 
Jenkins bore date the 10th of December, 1867. On the 13th, Gen. 
Meade, in a short but polite note, informed Gov. Jenkins that he 
removed him from his office, viewing his refusal to pay this money, and 
■also, his refusal to pay the salary of M. S. Bigby, Solicitor General of 
the Tallapoosa circuit, appointed by Gen. Pope, as obstructions of the 
reconstruction laws. Treasurer Jones was also removed. 

Brev. Brig. Gen. Thomas H. Ruger was " detailed for duty " as Gov- 
ernor of Georgia, and Brev. Capt. Charles F. Rockwell, Treasurer of 
Georgia. On the 17th of January, 1868, the Comptroller General, John 
T. Burns, was removed and Capt. Charles Wheaton " detailed for duty " 
in his place. These are the words used to fill these great offices. The 
order in regard to the Executive is given in full, as a document that 
will read in the far distant future, when the memory of the war is a 
dim tradition, as a rare curiosity of military politics: 

" Headquarters Third Military District, ) 

Dept. of Ga., Ala. and Fla. > 

" General Order No. 8 : " Atlanta, Ga,, Jan. 13, 1868. ) 

" I. Charles J. Jenkins, Provisional Governor, and John Jones, Provisional Treasurer 
of the State of Georgia, having declined to respect the instructions of, and failed to 
co-operate with the Major General commanding the Third Military District, are hereby 
removed from office. 

"II. By virtue of the authority granted by the Supplementary Eeconstruction Act of 
Congress, passed July 19th, 1867, the following named officers are detailed for duty in 
the District of Georgia : Brevet Brigadier General Thomas H. Ruger, Colonel 33d 
Infantry, to be Governor of the State of' Georgia ; Brevet Captain Charles P. Eock- 
well, Ordnance Corps, U. S. Army, to be Treasurer of the State of Georgia. 

" III. The above named officers will proceed without delay to Milledgeville, Georgia, 
and enter upon the discharge of the duties devolving upon them, subject to instructions 
from these Head-quarters. By order of ^GENERAL MEADE. 

[Official :] R. C. Drum, Assistant Adjutant General. 

" George K. Sandersox, Capt. and Act. Asst. Adjt. Gen." 



380 THE MODERATION OF OUR MILITARY RULERS. 

Reverting to those unhinged times, one wonders at the moderation of 
tyranny that accompanied the unlimited despotism in the grasp of these 
lucky soldiers, invested as if by enchantment with supreme power. To 
their credit be it said that generally they wielded -their authority with 
respect for old usages and established rights. And where they broke 
over the conventional forms, they did so under the soldiers' spirit of 
obedience to orders. They were directed to enforce the Reconstruction 
measures and they did it to the letter. General Hancock was the ex- 
ception in one splendid respect. He had ideas of civil law and liberty 
and a rare conception of constitutional principles and of the spirit of 
true republican government. In tho coming future his renown as a 
soldier, great as that is, will pale before the resplendent radiance of his 
fame as the champion of regulated civil right. 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 
THE FEVERISH MARCH OF EVENTS IN 1868. 

Startling Incidents. — Officers Removed. — Gov. Jenkins' Suit. — "Relief. — The Union 
League. — The Ku Klux Klan. — Twin Excrescences of Reconstruction. — R. B. Bul- 
lock Nominated. — Democratic Committee. — Judge A. Reese. — Judge D. Irwin. — 
Gen. J. B. Gordon. — Gov. Brown's Frightful Ostracism. — E. Hulburt. — Sharp and 
Quick. — Bullock counted in Governor. — Gov. Brown at Chicago. — The Killing of 
Ashburn. — The Trial of the Columbus Prisoners. — Gov. Brown's Connection with 
the Case Fairly Stated. — A Bitter Legacy of Censure. — The Champion of Civil 
Supremacy. — Gov. Brown's Speech at Atlanta. — The Charge of Inciting the 
Negroes to Incendiarism. — The Language Used. — An Admonition against Trouble. 
— The State Democratic Convention. — Its PersoneUe. — The Electoral Ticket. — 
Gen. Gordon.— Judge J. T. Clarke.— A. O. Bacon.— J. B. Gumming.— W. 0. Tug- 
gle. — Democratic Mass Meeting. — Splendid Invective of Toombs, Cobb, Hill and 
Moses. — The Famous Bush Arbor Speeches. — The Fury and the Virtue of that 
Day. — Tempests of Human Passion. 

Startling and revolutionary events succeeded each other swiftly. 
Men ceased to be surprised at anything, and continued to blaze with 
an increasing indignation. No attempt was made to conciliate our 
masters. Exasperated and defiant, the South growled and fought like 
a wounded and unconquerable lion. The soldiers were denounced, the 
convention lampooned, the Federal authorities defied, and reconstruc- 
tion and its advocates spurned, insulted and hated. The people boldly 
resisted reconstruction, and Gen. Meade firmly enforced it. Col. N. C. 
Barnett, the Secretary of State, was removed, and Capt. Charles 
Wheaton detailed in his stead. Comptroller-General J. T. Burns was 
arrested and confined in jail a day or two, under a ludicrous mistake, for 
a man named Barnes. James J. McGowan, Tax Collector of Chatham 
county, was arrested for refusing to pay the taxes collected to the Mili- 
tary Treasurer. Judge John T. Clarke, of the Pataula Circuit, was 
removed because he adjourned his court on the ground of Gen. Meade's 
" illegal, unconstitutional, oppressive and dangerous orders ! " 

Gov. Jenkins went to Washington, carrying the Great Seal of State, 
and about four hundred thousand dollars of money, which was placed 
in New York to pay the public debt. He filed a bill complaining that 
Ulysses S. Grant of Illinois, George G. Meade of Pennsylvania, Thos. 
H. Ruger of Wisconsin, and C. F. Rockwell of Vermont, had illegally 



382 THE UNION LEAGUE AND THE KU KLUX KLAN, 

seized the State's property and imprisoned the State Treasurer, and 
asked an injunction of said parties from further spoliation. The con- 
vention adjourned, cursed by the people. It had witnessed some lively 
scenes. A, Alpeoria Bradley, an incendiary negro, was the irrepressi- 
ble orator of the body, tackling' with venomous and voluble impartiality 
the Republican and Democratic leaders, until it was shown that he 
had been in the penitentiary in some northern state for seduction, 
when he was expelled. One of the leading measures was relief from 
old debts, and a large homestead law, and it was expected that these 
popular matters would sugar-coat the constitution, and make the 
people swallow it. Mr, Akerman, an advanced reconstructionist, 
opposed it. Ths extreme Radicals tried hard to direct legislation in a 
bitter channel. Gov. Brown fought this, and declared that if they 
exceeded the requirements of the reconstruction measures he would 
oppose their constitution. Some eloquent speeches were made by such 
"members as L. N. Trammell, J. D. Waddell and Dr. H. V. M. Miller, 
against the extreme acts. 

No picture of that day will be complete that omits that truly 
" loyal " organism, the " Union League," founded and run in secret 
deliberations in the interest of the Republican party. Its chiefs were 
William Markham and Henry P, Farrow. It united its members in a 
compact, oath-bound organization of wonderful cohesiveness and disci- 
pline. Its hidden partisan efficiency was remarkable, and it ruled 
consummately its unlettered legionaries from Africa. Perhaps the 
most pernicious damage done by this order was the utter loathsome 
disrepute into which it brought the sacred idea of loyalty to govern- 
ment. All dissent from the sanctity of oppression and the virtue of 
tyranny was "disloyal;" all abject approval of every hideous abortion 
of relentless despotism was " loyal." The line of loyalty was ignomini- 
ous subservience to power. 

But there was a companion to this abominable dynasty in the dan- 
gerous order of the Ku Klux, The one caused the other. The Ku 
Klux Klan was the perilous effect of which the odious League was the 
unhealthy cause. The Klan was a veritable body, founded in a holy 
object and often prostituted to violence under great provocation. The 
writer knew all about it, and shared in its legitimate work. It com- 
bined the best men of the State, old, virtuous, settled, cautious citizens. 
Its object was the preservation of order and the protection of society. 
It used mystery as its weapon. It was intended to aid the law and pre- 
vent crime. In the license of the era it was a matter of self-defence 



THE governor's RACE TETWEEX GORDON" AND BULLOCK. 383 

against plunder, assassination and rape. Both the League and the Klan 
were excrescences of reconstruction, the natural outcome of abnormal 
politics and abortive government. 

The convention provided for an election on the 20th of April, 1868, 
for the ratification and rejection of the constitution framed by. that 
body, and for the election of a Governor and General Assembly. Henry 
P. Farrow was the choice of his party for Governor. He went into recon- 
struction with a ripping energy. He was badly crowded by the Demo- 
crats. But he was a game person, and unlike the mass of his colleagues, 
ready to meet personal responsibility. He was denounced as a 
coward by Col. M. A. Nevin of Rome. A correspondence ensued. Col. 
Nevin was crippled. Farrow refused to fight him, but went out and 
exchanged shots with Capt. Thomas O'Connor, the second of Nevin, 
who then manfully withdrew the charge of cowardice. The Republican 
members of the convention organized themselves into a nominating 
body, ignored Farrow, and upon motion of Foster Blodgett, nominated 
Rufus B. Bullock for Governor. It was as good as a play to see the 
way of Republican politics at that time. 

The Democratic executive committee was composed of E. G. Caba- 
ness, chairman; E. A. Nisbet, J. J. Gresham, James Jackson, G. 
W. Adams, L. N. Whittle, J, R. Snead, A. W. Reese, Ambrose R. 
Wright, J. Hartridge, N. Tift, P. W. Alexander, J. I. Whitaker, J. A. 
W. Johnson, S. J. Smith. The committee on the 13th of March, 1868, 
nominated for Governor, Judge Augustus Reese, and for delegates to 
the Democratic Presidential nominating convention, J. B. Go'rdon, A. 
H. Chappell, B. H. Hill, H. S. Fitch; and alternates, W. Akin, E. 
Starnes, A. H. Colquitt and C. J. Munnerlyn. 

Judge David Irwin announced himself a candidate for Governor. 
On the 34tli of March, Judge Reese, who had on the 17th accepted the 
Democratic nomination, declined on the ground that he was not 
eligible, and recommended Judge Irwin. The committee thereupon nom- 
inated Judge Irwin, who accepted. The Republicans sprung the point 
upon him that he had been a Confederate presidential elector, arid Gen. 
Meade deciding this to disqualify him, he dropped out. The committee, 
baffled in two trials for eligible material, consulted Gen. Meade as to 
the eligibility of John B. Gordon, and receiving the opinion of the 
polite autocrat that the gallant Gordon was all right, put him out as 
the Democratic standard-bearer, against Bullock. The campaign that 
followed was rancorous and much mixed. The Democratic policy was 
to defeat the Constitution and elect Gordon, which would have made 



384 B. B. BULLOCK COUNTED IN AS GOVEEISrOR. 

Gordon's triumph a nullity. The Republicans pressed both the Consti- 
tution and Bullock. A considerable number, led by Dr. H. V. M. 
Miller, advocated the Constitution and Gordon. Varney Gaskill, that 
wonderful piece of political versatility, ran this schedule. 

Rufus B. Bullock M^as a large, handsome, social specimen of a man, 
pleasant-mannered, and v^ell liked. He had been in Georgia nine years, 
and occupied the place of head of the express company in the State, 
and president of the Macon and Augusta R. R, He had been somevi^hat 
of a savage reconstructionist in the convention. The Democrats vs^ere 
for defeating the reconstruction measures. Gov. Brown, therefore, had 
no alternative but to cooperate with the side that, if elected, would 
enforce his views, and he took the field for Bullock. All of his sympa- 
thies and innate convictions were with the Democrats and Gordon. But 
his sense of the needs of his State and people was for taking promptly 
the offered chance of restoration, and at one stroke end a military gov- 
ernment becoming daily more intolerable. The people battered their 
old idol fearfully. Many would not listen to his speeches; others insulted; 
all denounced and ostracized him. It was in some degree a question of 
personal safety. Few men would have stood to the rack. Gov. Brown 
was never one of the yielding kind. Opposition but intensified, abuse 
but strengthened, and ostracism fired his combativeness. It must ever 
stand an unsurpassed example of human endurance and pluck, that he 
never flinched or wavered in this pitiless ordeal. 

The election continued for four days. Hulburt, as fine a master of 
political opportunities as the world ever saw, had the handling of regis- 
tration and the election returns. It was a strategic novelty in elections, 
to run them for several days. The watch of the run of things, and the 
transfer of the unidentifiable colored voter to weak points, enabled a 
" sharp and quick " manager, like this unequaled strategist, to produce 
any required result. The constitution was first declared ratified by a 
majority of 17,699 votes. The election of R. B. Bullock was then pro- 
mulgated. The Columbus Sun and Times published the following 
unique and significant document: 

" Office Superintexdent Registration, ) 
Atlanta, Ga,, May 8, 1868. ) 

" John M. Duer, Esq., Columbus : 

" Dear Sir : — Yours of 6tli at hand. We want affidavits proving force, fraud, intimi- 
dation, in violation of general orders. We must have them and plenty of them. Go to 
work and get them up at once. 

" The names of the parties making the affidavits will not he known to am' person 
except yourself and the Board. They need have no fears ou that score. You can swear 



GOVERNOR brown's COURSE. 385 

them before Capt. Hill. Please go to work " sharp and quick." Get Chapman and 
other friends to assist you. 

" The election in your county will be contested. Defend yourselves by attacking the 
enemv. " Respectfully, &c., 

"E. HULBURT." 

It was generally understood, in spite of this " sharp and quick " sort 
of practice, that the Legislature was Democratic. The National Demo- 
cratic convention met in New York, and nominated Seymour and Blair 
upon the bold platform that the new reconstruction amendments were 
revolutionary, unconstitutional and void. This was the issue, and a 
momentous one it was. It had been foreshadowed for some time, and 
the South rallied to it with a joyful exhilaration, looking to the Demo- 
cratic party to undo Radical reconstruction and restore the governments 
framed by Andrew Johnson. A Democratic President elected upon this 
issue would refuse to execute the Reconstruction Acts, and thus the 
Southern states could overthrow the reconstruction governments. Gov, 
Brown believed first, that the Democrats could not succeed on this plat- 
form, and second, that if they did succeed it would be resisted to blood- 
shed by the Northern Republicans, and bring continued suffering on the 
South. So believing, and regarding Gen. Grant as favorably disposed 
to the South, he thought he foresaw the only solution of our troubles 
in the support of Gen. Grant and the Republican party. 

Gov. Brown went to the Chicago Convention that nominated General 
Grant and participated as a delegate. His presence there created 
stormy commentary at home and attracted general attention in the 
North. He made a characteristic speech in the convention, bold and 
pronounced, that elicited a wide variety of criticism. He was in favor 
of acceptance of the terms of reconstruction. For this he was applauded 
roundly. But when he announced that he could not support any policy 
that would put the negroes of the South over his own race, he raised a 
storm, and was denounced as a rebel. It was a daring utterance under 
all the circumstances. Reviewing Gov. Brown's course out of the pas- 
sions of that time, and in the light of events that followed, seeing 
how he antagonized the extreme men of both sides, how the odious 
measures he advised to be accepted were swallowed whole after ineffect- 
ual resistance, how he pursued the unflinching tenor of his way through 
a pitiless current of scalding execration, his perception and nerve were 
crowningly demonstrated. It 'took simply unlimited courage to support 
Grant and reconstruction in that day, and the man who dared do it, who 
was an honest man as Gov. Brown was and is, did harder work than 

fighting battles and storming batteries. 
25 



386 THE ASIIBUEX MURDER. 

It has been a peculiarity of Gov. Brown, from the beginning of his 
public career, that he has had the firmness to lay down a course that 
was unpopular, and adhere to it against every opposition until its result 
has been tested. His course on reconstruction was a striking example 
of this. The universal opposition to his policy by the good people of 
Georgia did not abate one jot of his resolution. His position in favor 
of Grant was one of popular abhorrence, yet he never wavered in it; 
But when Grant was elected, and developed a harsh S23irit to the South 
not expected, Gov. Brown openly opposed his course. The philosophy 
of Gov. Brown's conduct was, that he approved of no measure oppres- 
sive to the South, but acquiesced in, or accepted, all measures that he 
deemed certain of imposition upon vis. His theory was, that if we 
could lay down our arms conquered, abolish slavery forever, and repu- 
diate our war debts, we should swallow other bitter pills that we must 
take if we would get our freedom and local self-government. And 
believing that the sooner we took the terms offered by the conqueror, 
and the less useless resistance we made, the speedier would be our polit- 
ical rehabilitation, he conscientiously and under unparalleled opposition, 
and with superhuman courage advocated such a course. 

The support of Grant and the prosecution of the Columbus prisoners 
charged with the murder of G. W. Ashburn, were the two acts of Gov. 
Brown- at this time, that concentrated upon him the public obloquy of 
Georgians. The latter stood against him, however, when the former 
was forgotten and explained. The late campaign for Governor that 
resulted in the re-election of Gov. Colquitt to the gubernatorial chair, 
and the popular ratification of Gov. Brown's appointment as United 
States Senator, has settled this matter satisfactorily to a large majority 
of the unprejudiced people of the State. 

G. W. Ashburn was a member of the Constitutional Convention, a 
native of North Carolina, and had been in Georgia for fully thirty 
years. He had offered in the convention resolutions asking Congress to 
relieve our people of disabilities. He was, however, a pronounced Rad- 
ical and an unlettered man, and he lived wdth some negroes in Colum- 
bus. He was killed at night by unknown parties. The murder created 
much excitement in the state. The military took the matter in hand, 
and arrested Elisha J. Kirkscey, C. C. Bedell, James W. Barber, W, A. 
Duke, R. Hudson, W. D. Chipley, A. C. Roper, J. S. Wiggins and R. A. 
Wood. A military court was organized to try them, which convened 
at Atlanta on the 29th of June, 18G8. The counsel for the prisoners 
were A. H. Stephens, M. J. Crawford, J. M. Smith, J. M. Ramsay, L. J. 



GOV, BROW^rS CONXECTIOX WITH THE ASHBUEZST TRIAL. 387 

Gartrell, H. L. Benning and R. J. Moses. The prosecuting officers were 
Gen. Dunn, Judge Advocate, assisted by ex-Gov. Jos. E. Brown and 
Major Wm. M. Smythe. 

While in confinement the prisoners were treated badly and subjected 
to indignities. Inhuman means were used to extort confessions from 
them, and to suborn evidence from colored witnesses. The sweat 
boxes were resorted to at Fort Pulaski, where the prisoners were con- 
fined, to compel admissions of guilt. These cruelties occurred before 
Gov. Brown's employment by Gen. Meade in the case. Yet in spite of 
this fact the odium of this bad treatment was thrown unjustly upon 
him. It shows the morbid spirit of those days, that a lawver in pro- 
fessionally accepting employment in the prosecution of a murder case, 
should be acrimoniously abused. 

Weighing the evidence in the matter fairly and dispassionately. Gov. 
Brown shows very conclusively that iii taking part in this prosecution 
he was governed by proper motives, and did a service to the public and 
the prisoners. ■ He alleges that Gen. Meade employed him on the con- 
dition required by him, that he should control the case, and that upon 
the restoration of civil law the case should be given up by the military 
authorities. His employment prevented the retention of very extreme 
men. The corroboration of Gov. Brown in this statement, of his agency 
in this matter, has been very striking. It has been argued against its 
credibility that during Gen. Meade's life, no revelation of the explana- 
tion was made by Gov. Brown when that officer could have verified 
or denied it. Major A. Leyden of Atlanta talked with Gen. Meade 
several times, and says that he was assured by Gen. Meade that his 
.fears for the prisoners would not be realized. Mr. John C Whitner of 
Atlanta states that Detective Whiteley, who worked up the evidence 
for the prosecution, told him that the understanding when Brown was 
employed was that the military trial was to be run over into the organ- 
ization of the new State government, and the military court dissolved. 
Gen. William Phillips testifies that Gov. Brown consulted with him at 
the time upon the subject, and explained to him his object. Maj. 
Campbell Wallace had an interview at the time with Gen. Meade, and 
that interview confirms Gov. Brown's statement. Many years ago Gov. 
Brown gave to Hon, A, H. Stephens and Dr. J. S. Lawton his version of 
this matter. 

A part of the charge against Gov. Brown, in this connection, was that 
he first sought to be employed by the prisoners for $10,000, and failing 
in this, took a fee from the goverimient, Mr. W. A. Bedell explodes 



388 COLONEL R. J. MOSES. 

this aspersion, stating that he endeavored to employ Gov. Brown for the 
prisoners, who replied that he was already retained by the Government. 
The Legislature adopted the Fourteenth Amendment on the 21st of 
July. Gov. Bullock was inaugurated as civil Governor of the State on 
the 22d of July, 1868, and on that very day Gen. Meade suspended the 
proceedings of the military court till further orders. And on the 24th 
of July, Gen. Meade issued a general order, reciting the welcome fact 
that military power had ceased under the Reconstruction Acts in the 
State, and that the military commission for the trial of the prisoners 
charged with assassinating G. W. Ashburn being adjourned sine die, 
the prisoners should be transferred to the custody of Capt. Mills, with 
instructions to release them on bond. The object was accomplished, 
and the service rendered. The innocent men escaped and returned to 
their families and homes, after a fearful experience of the mockery of 
military government. 

This Ashburn matter constitutes one of the darkest episodes of that 
dark day. It left a more lasting and bitter legacy of hard feeling than 
any event of reconstruction. It wounded Gov. Brown more deeply 
than any other incident of his life, and has followed him with a crueler 
punishment, and yet if there is anything in human evidence, he was 
governed by a noble motive, he sought a worthy object and deserves 
honor for his conduct. The whole occurrence was tragic in the extreme 
— the gory murder, the wholesale arrest, the torture of the sweat 
boxes, the despotism of an armed court, the substitution of the bayo- 
net for the law, and the soldier for the judge, the perilous pendency of 
human life upon the caprice of the shoulder-strap, the bloody hunger 
of the clamorous mob at the north, the background of political strife 
seething with the unsettled passions of war, the resentful fears of an 
angry state — all were strong features of this throbbing picture. But 
of it all there was no part more striking than the long crucifixion of 
Gov. Brown, seemingly an instrument of unsparing hate, but really a 
champion of release and civil supremacy. 

There could be no more marked demonstration of the ultimate power 
of truth than the change wrought in Col. R. J. Moses. He was of 
counsel for the prisoners. He even refused to practice in the Supreme 
Court while Gov. Brown was Chief Justice. Up to 1877 he had con- 
tinued to hold Gov. Brown in deep censure. But the light thrown 
upon him, tested in the judicial crucible of an unusually strong and 
well equipped legal intelligence, drove him to make public profert of his 
exoneration of Gov. Brown. And it loses none of its significance 



A MISCONCEPTION OP GOVERNOR BROWN. 389 

because he rectified the honestly entertained misconception of years in 
Columbus, where the unabated condemnation of Gov, Brown frowned 
with all the terror wielded by a sincere and virtuous public opinion. It 
was an act of genuine courage on the part of Col. Moses. Many 
worthy citizens in that section still honestly hold Gov. Brown in blame 
in this connection. But the marvelous transformation wrought in the 
large majority of our best people upon this intense question is an 
earnest of that completed correction that is coming to him from the 
entire people of the State. 

Another charge made against Gov. Brown at this time was a very 
serious accusation, but was so utterly incredible as to have gained no gen- 
eral lodgment in the public mind. It was believed and used to some 
extent, but people generally did not heed it. It was too flagrant for belief. 
In an address in Atlanta he was accused of stimulatinor the nesrroes to 
resort to the incendiaries' torch if need be in furtherance of their 
rights. These are the words used by Gov. Brown on that occasion, and 
which have been so injuriously construed. 

" When in the history of the past, did you ever know four millions of people with the 
ballot in their hands, surrender it without bloodshed ? It cost revolution to give it to 
them, and nothing short of bloody revolution can take it from them. If you will allow 
them to exercise it without disturbances, they will do it peaceably. If there are anv 
outbreaks and disturbances, they, I predict, will grow out of the attempts of the white 
race to deprive the colored race of this right, or to interfere with its free exercise. I 
warn you, my friends, to be cautious on both sides, how you put your lives in jeopardy 
and your homes and families in peril. And I especially warn my own race of the 
extreme danger to them in case of collision. The colored people have but little, except 
their lives to risk in the fight, if it should unfortunately come. The white race have 
the same risk, and in addition to this, they have their property to lose. Your houses, 
your villages, towns and cities are all pledged to peace. Be careful then how you 
excite discord and bloodshed." 

It will be seen from a critical and dispassionate examination, how this 
language in a rancorous time could be distorted into a perversion of its 
meaning, and yet there be no real ground for the damaging construc- 
tion that was put upon it. In cooler moments of judgment, the speaker's 
purpose is unmistakably clear of making an argument against any vio- 
lent attempt to disturb negro suffrage after it had been legally estab- 
lished and practically exercised. The words, instead of being an 
incitement to trouble, was a very decided admonition against it. 

In July, 1868, two important bodies convened in Atlanta, the State 
Democratic convention and the new General Assembly. The convention 
met on the 23d, to choose Seymour and Blair electors. Judge Augustus 
Reese was made president of the body, and the vice-presidents were 



390 THE GREAT DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1868, 

Dr. R. D. Arnold, Gen. A, H. Colquitt, L. H. Featherston, John J. Floyd, 
"B. T. Harris, Col. S. J. Smith, and C. D. McCutchen. The gathering 
was an unexampled one in Georgia political annals. There were 1,009 
delegates from 108 counties, and nearly every leading man in Georgia 
was present. There has never been a more heated time in our State 
politics, and the fervor was universal. It was a solid assemblage of the 
leaders of public opinion in the commonwealth, with one conspicuous 
exception, and that exception the most potential one of all, ex-Gov, 
Joseph E. Brown, who stood single handed in the most unsparing public 
conflict of the century. Public passion has never been intenser or 
stormed higher, and it beat pitilessly upon Joe Brown. The convention 
ratified the nomination of Seymour and Blair, adopted the Democratic 
platform, declaring the amendments revolutionary, unconstitutional 
and void, and put out an electoral ticket composed as follows: 

At Large. — John B. Gordon, John T. Clarke. 

Alternates. — William T. Wofford, Thomas M. Norwood. 

District. — J. C. Nichols, C. T. Goode, R. J. Moses, A. O. Bacon, J. B. 
Gumming, H. P. Bell, J. D. Waddell. 

Alternates. — J. H. Hunter, William O. Fleming, W. 0, Tuggle, Dr. 
H. Wimberly, Gen. D. M. Du Bose, G. McMillan. 

Many of these were new men. So many of the older politicians were 
disfranchised that a selection of new material was unavoidable. Gen. 
J. B. Gordon had been our most famous Georgia soldier, and adding, as 
he didj the sweet graces of a Christian character to the glittering eclat 
of the successful general, he became the idol of the people. A hand- 
some, noble looking person, with a soldier's carriage and air, a face full 
of genial chivalry like his soul, a brave, capable, royal gentleman, 
Gordon was, and is to-day, as fine a specimen of the typical Southerner 
as we have ever had in the South. The man has absolutely rioted in 
popularity. He became United States Senator under extraordinary 
circumstances of personal triumph. 

Judge John T. Clarke owed his selection as elector to his having been 
removed as Judge by Gen. Pope. The choice illustrates the fervent 
temper of the people about reconsti-uction, and the spirit of resistance 
to military tyranny that prevailed. Judge Clarke is one of the readiest 
and most accomplished lawyers and debaters in the State, possessing 
singular jDower of thinking upon his feet.* He was a member of the 
last State Senate. Col. J. C. Nichols has served a term in Congress. 
Col. C, T. Goode is now dead. He enjoyed the name of the " Silver 
Tongued Orator." Maj. A. O. Bacon has become a very prominent 



THE BUSH ARBOE MASS MEETING OF 1868. 391 

public man, and has a bright promise before him. A lawyer of uncom- 
mon ability, he has developed an unusual capacity for public life. His 
appearance is very marked — a tall, shapely person, with a fine head and 
.face, and a long flowing blonde beard, Maj. Bacon is a noticeable indi- 
vidual anywhere. Repeatedly elected Speaker of the House of Repre- 
sentatives, no one has ever enjoyed a higher reputation as a presiding 
officer. His popularity in the deliberative bodies, over which he has so 
gracefully reigned, has been something exceptional. All of his public 
addresses and documents are finished, logical and full of thought. A 
recent letter of his in the American newspaper on the political situation 
was the finest and most philosophical discussion of public issues of the 
many published by that journal. The lack of Maj. Bacon is warmth; 
and his defect, a tendency to exclusiveness and reserve, that, in a 
measure, has cut him from the masses. An infusion of popular sym- 
pathy into his very rare intellectuality will come to him and will add 
materially to his political equipment. 

Maj. J. B. Gumming, a brother of' the gifted Julian Gumming, to 
whom allusion has been made heretofore, is a stately Spanish-looking 
gentleman, whose gifts of manner and speech are very attractive. He 
was a member of the last State Senate and one of the leaders of that 
body. Gen. D. M. Du Bose, a son-in-law of Gen. Toombs, was an 
efficient member of Gongress several years ago. Gol. J. D. Waddell is 
a brilliant writer and speaker, and the author of a delightful book 
about Linton Stephens. William O. Fleming is now judge of the 
Albany circuit, and a jurist of ability. Gol. W. O. Tuggle has made 
himself famous by his masterly prosecution of Georgia claims before 
the Gongress at Washington. A gentleman of fine social qualities, an 
unusual capacity for handling statistics, and unbounded energy, Gol. 
Tuggle will be a useful public man, if he cares to enter politics. 

The assembling of the convention was made the occasion of the 
largest political mass meeting ever held in Georgia. Dr. J. F. Alexan- 
der was the chairman of the Fulton county Democratic executive com- 
mittee, and he exhibited a wonderful management in the creation and 
handling of this monster affair. An immense Bush Arbor was con- 
structed down in an open space on Alabama street, near the depot, 
since built up. The fiery addresses made on this occasion received their 
distinctive designation as the " Bush Arbor speeches." There was an 
immense torchlight procession. People flocked to this gathering from 
all parts of the State. The four orators of the day were Robert Toombs, 
Howell Gobb, Benjamin H. Hill, and Raphael J. Moses, a rare and 



392 THE FIERCE INVECTIVE OP THE BUSH ARBOR GATHERING. 

unequaled quartette of popular speakers. Perhaps there never has 
been, in the annals of eloquence, a grander display of red-hot invective 
than w^as given in these memorable Bush Arbor orations. It was a 
sweltering day in July. The uncomfortable plank seats were packed. 
A pall of stifling dust hung over the massed throng and the swarming 
city. But for five mortal hours of unspeakable discomfort, the solid 
mass of people, with fully one-third of it ladies, sat unmindful of the 
discomfort, hanging eagerly upon the torrid utterances of the speakers. 
The enthusiasm, at times, was overwhelming. Every note of denun- 
ciation of reconstruction and reconstructionists, was greeted with deaf- 
ening applause. The pelting given Gov. Brown, was simply savage. 
There was no qualification in the abuse heaped upon him. When 
passion subsides, its fierce words, in the light of cool sense, read like 
extravagant lunacy. The rancorous phrases of these undeniable states- 
men on that mid-summer day in 1868, conned over in the calm reason 
of this far distant time, excite wonder at their ferocious exaggeration. 
Said Gen. Cobb: 

" Oh Heaven ! for some blasting word that I might write infamy upon the foreheads 
of such men ! " 

Said Mr. Hill: 

" Oh ! Give over the miscreants to tlie inextinguishable hell of their own conscious- 
ness of infamy. . . Ye miserable spawns of political accidency, hatched by the putrid 
growth of revolutionary corruption into an ephemeral existence — renegades from every 
law of God, and violators of every right of man — ye unnameahle creatures ! " 

Such were the hard terms born of the fury of the era that were put 
upon men who are to-day solid in public esteem. • There is a grim les- 
son in it all. Tempests of human passion, like storms of the elements, 
make cruel work while they last. But through their craziest fury, the 
great Providence of God is steadily reigning and the sun of truth pre- 
serving its serene and omnipotent immutability. There were many vile 
men engaged in the crusade of reconstruction, who merited the worst of 
this crimination. But there were true citizens who, under patriotic 
duty, urged submission to the choice of evils, who were terribly bat- 
tered in the unrelenting strifes of that mad epoch, and who have lived 
to see the reaction that always comes in favor of right-purposed men. 
Gen. Cobb, in conversation with the writer, at the rooms of the Young 
Men's Democratic Club, the afternoon after the speaking, alluded to 
his own severe invective and declared with a grave frankness that he 
feared that the denunciation had been unwise. 

The very savagery of that day grew out of the natural and honor- 



THE EXCESS OF VIRTUOUS PUBLIC INDIGNATION". 393 

able rebellion of a virtuous people's best impulses against indig- 
nity and wrong. The very excesses of spirit of a good community 
in resentment of oppression, are the best evidence of the possession 
of those qualities of chivalric manhood and sensibility to injustice, with- 
out which there can be no great national character. And the sen- 
timental martyrdom of intractable zealots, violating the teachings of 
policy, has demonstrated the exalted heroism of human nature and laid 
the groundwork for the ultimate triumph of truth and right. The 
South resisted Reconstruction under a noble inspiration. The men 
whom she crucified in that day in her splendid fury, can find vindica- 
tion the more valuable from that fact. 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 

THE FAMOUS LEGISLATIVE EXPURGATION OF THE 

BLACKS. 

The Eacy Legislature of 1868. — A Parody upou Legislation.— Its Personelle. — I. E. 
Shumate. — The Speakership. — Gen. Meade's Orders. — Mr. Chairman Bullock. — 
Dunlap Scott. — B. Couley.— R. McWhorter.— J. E. Bryant.— Eligibility.— Bullock's 
Inauguration. — " Go it, Niggers ! " — Message. — Gov. Bullock's Administration. — 
Gov. Brown's Defeat for U. S. Senator. — Ferocity of Public Passion. — A Wild 
Scene. — The Culmination of Gov. Brown's Unpopularity. — Atlanta Jubilation. — 
The State Stirred. — Joshua Hill Elected Senator. — The Fanny Martin Slander. — 
The State Eecoustructed. — Rufus E. Lester. — Sam Baid. — Ineligibility of Colored 
Members. — Hatred and Picturesque Discussion. — Bullock's Tart Message. — Eebuke 
of Gov. Bullock. — Bullock's Opportunity. — The Colored Members Ousted. — J. E. 
Saussy. — Jolin Jones. — The Camilla Eiot. — An Exciting Episode. — The ("olored 
Convention. — Marion Bethune. — The Curious Effect of Democratic Opposition to 
Eeconstruction. 

The Legislature assembled on the 4th day of July, 1868. The con- 
vening of this General Assembly was an important event in Georgia 
history, and its deliberations and acts were a symbolical epitome of the 
variegated Reconstruction that sired it. It was a strange blending of 
farce and melodrama. It was bizarre in the extreme, affording such an 
admixture of light and shade as few legislative bodies ever exhibited. 
There is nothing like it in the annals of Georgia. It swept out com- 
pletely men's customary notions of legislative conduct. It was at times 
the most roaring comedy of a day rich in the comical and tlie incongru- 
ous. It was again so tragical that it almost engendered revolution. 
Its elements were varied and racy. Its membership was attractively 
picturesque. It was an exquisite parody upon ordinary legislation, and 
a faithful photograph of the most novel episode of Georgia history. 
The chronicles of this legislature would make a volume, of its o\Vn. 
There was in it a good sprinkling of very fine material. 

The Senate showed such sterling spirits as C. B. Wootten, B. B. 
Hinton, E. D. Graham, A. D. Nunnally, M. A. Candler, W. T. Winn, 
A. W. Holcombe, C. J. Wellborn, J. T. Burns and J. C. Fain. Mr. 
Candler we have spoken of before. A. W. Holcombe was in the last 
Senate, and a public man of force. Col. C. J. Wellborn has long been 



THE LEGISLATURE OF 1868. 395 

a power in North-eastern Georgia; a gentleman of clear judgment and 
large influence, and now Judge of the North-eastern Circuit. Col. J, C. 
Fain has been continuously in public life, and is now Judge of the 
Cherokee Circuit, and a person of exceptional powers of political 
management. 

In the House were some marked men: W. D. Anderson, J. C. Nisbet, 
R. W. Phillips, M. Rawls, Dunlap Scott, M. Ballenger, C. C. Duncan, 
W. P. Price, W. M. Butt, J. J. McArthur, W. M. Tumlin, J. A. Cobb, 
F. M. Harper, R. W. Flournoy and I. E. Shumate. Of these, Mr, 
Shumate of Whitfield was the most brilliant. A slender, dark-eyed, 
heavy-whiskered gentleman, with a clear, sweet, ringing voice of unusual 
compass, and a fluent flow of vivid language, he was then, and is to-day, 
a most charming orator, with few equals in the State. He became 
instantly a leader in the body, and was placed at the head of one of 
the most important committees, that on the "State of the Republic." 
M. Rawls went to Congress afterwards. W. P. Price became an efiicient 
representative in Congress, and is now a member of the Legislature. 
He has been a very useful man to his section, being the main instrument 
in the establishment of the fine Agricultural College at Dalohnega. 
Mr. Tumlin has been an adventurous figure in Georgia politics, audacious 
and generally successful, A very active personality, for a long time, in 
the public strifes of that day w^as Col. Dunlap Scott, who held for years 
a rattling sort of leadership by his boldness. 

The Senate stood twenty-six Republicans to eighteen Democrats, and 
elected Hon. Benjamin Conley, President. The complexion of the 
House was in doubt, Hon. W. P. Price and Hon. R. L. McWhorter 
ran for Speaker. The vote was taken. Mr. Price had stepped out and 
on returning was informed that Mr. McWhorter had voted for him, and 
he reciprocated the courtesy by voting for Mr. McWhorter. The vote 
stood then seventy-six for McWhorter, seventy -four for Price, and one 
for Holden. Mr. Price, upon information that he had been deceived, 
and that Mr. McWhorter had not voted for him, asked permission to 
change his vote. The Atlanta Intelligeyicer says the permission was 
granted and the vote stood a tie. The Journal of the House states that 
the permission was refused. Both concur in the statement that Mr. 
McWhorter was declared the Speaker elect. Mr. Mark Hardin, a 
Democrat, was elected clerk. 

The Constitution made by the Convention had been submitted to 
Congress for revision. Congress had approved the Constitution except 
two features, one giving relief from suits on claims except for slaves 



396 THE ORGANIZATION OF THE HOUSE OP 1868. 

made before June 15, 1865, and the other to force settlement of such 
claims by the imposition of a tax not exceeding twenty-five per cent, 
after the 1st January, 1868. Congress passed an Act allowing Georgia 
representation in Congress -^vhen she should ratify the Fourteenth 
Amendment and give assent to the nullification of the relief clauses. 
Gen. Meade issued his order declaring who were elected to the legisla- 
ture, and also an order to Gov. Bullock to effect "such preliminary 
organization of both Houses of the legislature as will enable the same 
to enter upon the discharge of the duties assigned them by law." Gov. 
Bullock had already notified the body to convene on the 4th of July. 
The organization, in the language of the journals, was made by the 
" Governor elect as Chairman," Gen. Meade, Judge Erskine and J. R. 
Parrott aiding. Dunlap Scott began that system of badgering that 
made him so noted. He moved an adjournment in honor of the day, 
" that we should not desecrate it by wrangling over an organization." 
The " Chairman " refused to entertain any motion. Scott appealed to 
the House from the decision. Bullock said there was no appeal but 
to the military. Scott then appealed to the military. Bullock con- 
sulted with Gen. Meade and refused still to entertain the motion, and 
immediately after walked down the aisle and apologized for not putting 
the motion, as he was acting under military orders that he could not 
disobey. 

Both Mr. Conley and Mr. McWhorter have been bitter Republican 
partisans, and enjoyed a large share of public odium foi* many years on 
account of their course. Both are men of personal integrity, while Mr. 
McWhorter had and still has strong local influence. Both stand well 
now as citizens. Among the prominent Republicans in the body were, 
H. M. Turner, J. W. Adkins, Ephraim Tweedy, J. E. Bryant, A. A. Brad- 
ley, Tunis G. Campbell, F. O. Welch, T. J. SjDeer, and Jos. Adkins. 
Bradley and Campbell were colored men, and vicious ones. There were 
twenty-eight negroes in the body. The most picturesque figure on the 
Republican side, perhaps, was J. E. Bryant. He has been an unexam- 
pled manipulator of the black element for years, until in 1880 he was 
completely unhorsed. He has played a highly-colored part in all of the 
shifting ^episodes of reconstruction. No man has ever joined to the 
deftest pen and glibbest tongue in presenting the humanitarian aspects 
of reconstruction, a keener clutch of the more practical instrumentalities 
that govern the untutored colored intelligence. He has been both a 
subtle and a bold leader of the dark element of suffrage. 

The Assembly was engaged until the 32d of July in testing the eligi- 



GOVERNOR bullock's INAUGURATION. 397 

bility of members under the Fourteenth Amendment. There were ma- 
jority and minority reports and much spicy sparring over the matter. 
Mr. Shumate made much reputation by his able report and brilliant 
speech, taking and maintaining successfully the ground that all of the 
members were eligible. The Fourteenth Amendment was ratified and 
assent given to the congressional elimination of relief from our State 
Constitution, and on Wednesday, the 22nd day of July, 1868, Gov. 
Bullock was inaugurated. Gen. Meade and Staff attending, as the 
Executive of Georgia. The inaugural address was a short one, in which 
the main point was an encomium upon " that patriotic body — the Union 
Republican party." Mr. Conley declared Bullock Governor for four 
years. The Intelligencer, describing the scene, says: 

" Some slight applause hailed the announcement, after which a voice from the end of 
the chamber was heard to rise high above everything else with the exclamation, ' Go it 
Niggers ! ' This expression created a great sensation." 

The incident illustrates the einbittered satirical feeling of the people. 
It looked as if rehabilitation had indeed come, but the manner and instru- 
ments of its coming were so repulsive that the public gazed on in sullen 
dissatisfaction, and reverted with a grim irony to the deposed Jenkins 
in exile with his family in Halifax, Nova Scotia. 

Gov. Bullock's message was a plain business document. The body 
proceeded regularly to business. Perhaps the most exciting episode of 
the session was the election of United States Senators. Gov. Brown 
had been urged by influential men out of the State in addition to many 
in it to run for the Senate, on the ground that owing to his peculiar 
attitude he could do the State more good than any other individual in 
the commonwealth. While unflinching in his adhesion to his unpop- 
ular course, he felt keenly the odium that his former friends and 
admirers were placing upon him. In a position of such power as he 
would have had in the United States Senate, he could have served 
Georgia so beneficially, that the people would have recognized his 
patriotic devotion to her interest, and the purity of his inspiration in 
that remarkable reconstruction drama. The writer has always deemed 
the act of allowing his name to be used for office in that day by Gov. 
Brown as the cardinal mistake of his course. It gave to his policy the 
aspect of interest. It lowered him from the high vantage ground he 
really held, and for which he would have soon gained full credit in the 
public mind. Sternly rejecting office, the argument for his disinterest- 
edness would have been irresistible. Accepting office, he carried for 
long years a heavy burden of misconception. He really did not wish 



398 GOV. BROWN DEFEATED FOR THE UNITED STATES SENATE, 

place. He was made Cliief Justice of the Supreme Court for twelve 
years, yet soon laid it down. He did himself the injustice of seeming 
to profit by his course, when he genuinely sought the public good. 
He would have been far earlier in winning the public recognition of 
his pvirposes, had he have wisely declined position. 

The election took place on the 28th and 29th of July, and was an 
occasion of unparalleled excitement. The Democratic object was to 
defeat Gov. Brown at any cost. The general white element of the 
State had focalized an appalling intensity of detestation upon his head. 
Almost the single, strong old leader prop of Republicanism in the State, 
the popular abhorrence of reconstruction was concentrated upon him. 
Qov. Brown in that fierce day was the focus of a people's hatred. The 
savageness of the obloquy burning upon him is incajoable of description. 
He was the vicarious recipient of the unsjDaring wrath of a great com- 
monwealth. They Avould have shriveled him to ashes if they could 
have done so, in the pitiless mtensity of their anger. It was a strange 
ferocity of passion, and constitutes the most remarkable experience in 
Gov. Brown's varied life. Few men could stand such an experience. 
It is equally extraordinary that it should be lived down. 

The joint ballot showed Brown, 102; A. H. Stephens, 96; Joshua 
Hill, 13, and C. H. Hopkins, 1. It was anything and anybody to beat 
Brown. The Stephens phalanx broke in a rushing body to Hill, and 
the second joint ballot showed Hill 110 votes; Brown, 94; Stephens, 1; 
C. W. Stiles 1; and Brown defeated. Dr. H. V. M. Miller, on the 
second ballot, defeated Foster Blodgett. The election of Hill and 
defeat of Brown, were received in the gallery with a tornado of applause. 
The president ordered it cleared. Bryant, pale and excited, suggested 
that the police be called. Amid wild confusion, and waving of hats 
and handkerchiefs, the Senate retired from the Representative chamber. 
The city of Atlanta became delirious with excitement and congratula- 
tions. Buildings were illuminated that night, and bonfires made. An 
immense assemblage was gathered before the United States hotel and 
speeches made by Joshua Hill, Dr. Lliller, Gen. J. B. Gordon, Col. 
Warren Akin, and Col. R. J. Cowart. Said Dr. Miller, one of the most 
thrilling public speakers the State has ever had, in the conclusion of an 
impassioned appeal for constitutional liberty: 

" God preserve Georgia ; God preserve the people ; God preserve the country." 

The State took up the throbbing refrain of exultation over Gov. 
Brown's defeat, and gave back one responsive echo of universal rejoic- 
ing. From one end of the State to the other, tlie result was triumph- 



GOYERJSrOE BROWX MADE CHIEF JUSTICE. 399 

antly claimed as a Democratic victory. In the crazy hurly-burly it was 
lost out of memory, that the cherished Stephens, the overwhelming 
choice of the Democrats, had been slaughtered, and that by an original 
and . incurable Republican, and the uncompromising opponent of the 
war Democracy. It was a curious inconsistency of' the fever raging, 
and the dis-illusion came soon enough, and with crushing effect. Joshua 
Hill has always been a very brave and an uncommonly honest public 
man. He hastened with swift candor to correct the misconception of 
his attitude. He coolly destroyed any Democratic fervor over his elec- 
tion by announcing that he was elected as a Republican, and he should 
act as one. It was a grim piece of political retribution. Brown was 
never a conviction Republican, while Hill was. Brown was a chooser 
between evils, but Hill believed in the principles of Reconstruction. It 
was a complete realization of the story of the witch and the devil. 
• In this hour of defeat, the only one suffered by Gov. Brown in his 
long public life, Gov. Bullock, with a creditable sense of valuable service 
and a grateful appreciation of sacrifice endured, tendered Gov. Brown 
the place of Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Georgia. It was an 
unsolicited proffer, and was gratefully accepted by Gov. Brown in view 
of his defeat for the senate. This defeat of Gov. Brown was the culmi- 
nation of his political eclipse. It was the turning point of his long 
episode of proscription. 

Gov. Brown's adventurous career, however, was destined to have 
every possible phase of incident. It was during this year that the most 
anomalous calumny of his life was brought against him and shivered to 
fragments. Of all men in the world. Gov. Brown should be the last that 
a sensible person would accuse of gallantry with females. His life-long 
Christianity, his pure, domestic life, his absorption in high intellectual 
labors, and the very physical personality of the man, spare, nervous and 
bloodless, should have stamped the aspersion as utterly improbable. It 
looked, therefore, that political enmity had run to a crazy length when 
Gov. Brown was charged with unchaste relations with a lady by the 
name of Mrs. Fannie Martin. 

It looked as if in the fabrication of such an incongruous calumny as 
this, an adventurous destiny was simply coquetting with a dramatic life 
to endow it with all possible and impossible experiences. The whole 
basis of the charge was several letters purporting to be from Gov. 
Brown to Mrs. Martin, and these were declared by examination of Rev. 
C. W. Thomas, Rev. Dr. Wm. T.Brantley, Rev. Wm. H. Hunt, Hon. 
John Erskine, Judge J. D. Pope, Judge J. I. Whitaker, Judge L. E. 



400 HOK. RUFUS E. LESTER. 

Bleckley, Maj. E. B. Walker, J. H. Steele, E. L. Jones, H. H. Waters, 
H. J. G. Williams and John B. Campbell to be forgeries. Gov. Brown 
in his calm, effective way, published a card with irrefutable proof, de- 
molishing this incredible accusation, and it fell by the wayside, a queer 
addition to the episodes of an affluent career. 

On the 28th of July, 1868, the proper order was issued declaring mil- 
itary rule under the reconstruction acts at an end in Georgia, and it 
seemed that we had, after a stormy voyage, reached the promised land 
of a sovereign restoration. But we were wofully mistaken. The end 
was not yet. Some of the sharpest experiences of this mongrel recon- 
struction were yet in reserve. 

The following gentlemen were elected State House officers: D. G. 
Cotting Secretary of State, Madison Bell Comptroller-General, N. L. 
Angier Treasurer, Samuel Bard Public Printer. Col. E. Hulburt, who 
had been so conspicuous as a masterly Superintendent of Registra- 
tion, was appointed by Gov. Bullock the Superintendent of the State 
Road. The notorious Aaron Alpeoria Bradley, one of the Senators, 
who had been expelled from the Constitutional Convention on account of 
conviction for seduction in New York, and sentenced to the peniten- 
tiary, resigned from the Senate to avoid expulsion, and in ,his place a 
young gentleman was seated as State Senator who has since then 
filled an important place in the public affairs of the State, and whose 
career, if he continues in public life, will be brilliant and useful. This 
was Hon, Rufus E. Lester of Savannah. Repeatedly sent to the Senate 
by the polished constituency of his District, twice President of the 
Senate, and one of the leading favorites for Governor in the last cam- 
paign, when Gov. Colquitt was elected, Mr, Lester has richly deserved 
his unusual enjoyment of political leadership. 

He is one of the promising young men of the State, and the pos- 
sessor of ability, eloquence and decision. Rather a small person, yet 
with an erect, sturdy figure and an open, characterful face, he has an 
unusually winning style of public speaking. His voice is silvery and 
resonant, his logic concise and clear-cut, and his language terse and 
fluent. Men have not been made firmer and more sincere than Lester. 
Possessing a blended simplicity and amiability of manner, he is a most 
fearless and positive person. An incident will illustrate the man, and 
it is an incident as uncommon as it is striking. He gave a client some 
advice about a deed that proved, after a stubborn litigation, to be 
unsustained by the Courts, Several thousand dollars of property were 
lost. As soon as he was able to do so, Col. Lester handed his client a 




HON. RUFUS E. LESTER, 
Pkesident of the Georgia Senate. 



NEGRO INELIGIBILITY. 401 

check for the amount, and thus re-imbursed his loss. It was a noble act 
of punctilious professional integrity, and it indicated an uncommon man. 

One of the richest characters of that racy era, was Dr. Sam Bard. 
It will be long before Georgia will ever see his like. There was an 
unction about this dramatic comedian of the press that we shall never 
have again in Georgia journalism. It is difficult to portray the man. 
He was very clever and companionable and had a perennial sweetness 
of temper in conducting the most muddy discussions. He reveled in the 
coup-cVetat. His surprises were bouncing. He shot them upon the State 
with a luscious enjoyment. His political flops were something piquant. 
From the very heart of an advanced radicalism, he became without a 
note of warning a quadruple-dyed Democrat. His mastery of vitu- 
perative paragraphing was unequaled. The governorship of Idaho 
tickled his ambitious fancy, but that remote wijd could not seduce him 
from the more civilized territory of the Atlanta post office, whose 
emoluments he enjoyed for the industriously claimed distinction of 
having been the pioneer in nominating Grant for President. He was 
one of the most typical blossoms of reconstruction, whose unctuous 
memory will linger long with the journalists of that day. 

The momentous action of this Legislature, that had a larger conse- 
quence following it than any other, and that was the immediate cause 
of the imposition of a new installment of this ever-shifting reconstruc- 
tion upon the State, was the expulsion of the negro members. The 
question of the ineligibility of colored men to hold office under the new 
Constitution, was first sprung by Mr. Candler, and in his resolution he 
quoted that Gov. Brown favored this view. The issue was a vital one 
and evoked a- protracted and heated discussion. The debate upon it 
continued until the early part of September. A number of the white 
Republicans sided with the Democrats in this matter. The vote in the 
House stood 83 to 23, and in the Senate 24 to 11. Some of the 
speeches were very unique affairs. The subject provoked a picturesque 
variety of eloquence. The following rare quotation from the speech of 
Hon. W. M. Tumlin will afford a vivid conception of the lively range of 
this discursive discussion: 

" Common-sense, common reason, the welfare of the black race and of the white race, 
require every thinking man to turn them out. The Constitution of the State of Georgia 
says turn them out. The Constitution of the United States, with all its damnable 
amendments, says turn them out. Therefore, Sir, if we fail to comply with the solemn 
oath we have subscribed to, when this House is the judge of the qualification of»its 
members, by retaining men here who are clearly ineligible, we will be held to account 
for it by our constituency and our God." 
26 



402 GOVERNOR BULLOCK. 

A colored member, Romulus Moore, made an exceedingly clear state- 
ment of his claims to his seat, and closed with the use of the following 
unique assertion: 

" If God is pleased with the Constitutional amendment, j'ou can't change it — you 
can't change it unless you can overcome the armies of the United States." 

Another colored member, G. H. Glower, is thus reported: 

" Whenever you cast your votes against us, dis nigger will take his hat and Avalk right 
straight out, but, like Christ, I shall come again. I go to prepare a place for them. 
Stop, Democrats ; stop, white folks ! Draw de resolution off de table, and let's go to 
work." 

Gov. Bullock sent in a message to the House of Representatives, 
stating who had received the next highest number of votes, and argu- 
ing against the expulsion of the colored members. He thus wound up 
his message: 

" In conclusion I most respectfully and earnestly call upon you, as lovers of our com- 
mon country, and well-wishers of the peace and good order of the State, to pause in the 
suicidal course upon which you have entered, urged on, as you are, by bold, bad men 
outside your body, whose wicked counsels have once drenched our laud in blood, and 
whose ambition now is to ruin that which they cannot rule." 

The House promptly passed a resolution offered by Mr. Duncan of 
Houston, rebuking the Governor for interfering in a matter in which 
the House was, by the Constitution, made the sole judge. Gov. Bul- 
lock had an unexampled opportunity, during his term, to have made 
himself a great name and a desirable fame. He had borne a good rec- 
ord before and during the war. He came into politics in a convulsion, 
and by espousing the strong side, obtained a high trust. Had he have 
made himself the Executive of the people, and not of a party, he 
would soon have overcome the prejudices of the Democrats. But he 
played the partisan to the full, and it became a no-quarter war between 
him and the Democracy. He soon dissolved his reliance upon the 
counsel of such men as Gov. Brown, and pursued the advice of the 
worst men of his party. He had plenty of provocation, for the Demo- 
crats were unsparing and implacable. The writer of this volume took 
editorial charge of the Atlanta Constitution newspaper .in May, 1869, 
and conducted that journal's politics during the whole turbulent period 
until Gov. Bullock resigned and became a fugitive from the State, and 
was therefore in close and responsible watchfulness and criticism of Gov. 
Bullock's administration. Never making Gov. Bullock's acquaintance 
in that time, and viewing his regime solely on its official merits, without 
any prejudice whatever against him, and never failing to commend 



STATE TEEASUREE, JOHN JONES. 403 

what was worthy of approval, the retrospection of his term of Execu- 
tive incumbency shows an administration with little to redeem it. 

It is also equally due to J:ruth to say that Gov. Bullock was fired by 
the unceasing- hostility of a relentless opposition. How far an implaca- 
ble warfare can justify an official in acts that call for censure, an 
impartial public judgment must decide for itself. Gov. Bullock was 
undoubtedly stimulated by the fever of an acrimonious strife to much 
of his course that deserves condemnation. He stood faithfully to some 
very bad colleagues, and adhered manfully to his side with eyes closed^ 
to moral considerations or physical consequences. There is no denying 
that he showed gameness and fidelity. 

The legislature ousted twenty-five colored Representatives and two 
Senators, and seated in their places the same number of white Demo- 
crats. There were very strong young men among the substituted mem- 
bers, among them J. R. Saussy and Thomas W. Grimes. Mr. Saussy 
was a fine young lawyer from Chatham county, a gentleman of 
sprightly humor, with an industrious energy and a vigorous intelli- 
gence. He had worked into a large law practice in a city noted for its 
able bar. Mr. Grimes has been a State Senator since, and is now the 
Solicitor General of his circuit. He has shown an exceptional degree of 
political independence, resigning his seat in the legislature to test popu- 
lar sentiment upon one of his measures, and winning a re-election by a 
handsome majority. The incident is a rare one for so young a legisla- 
tor, and demonstrated his positive character. Both these gentlemen, as 
many others of the new members,, became valuable legislators. 

Col. John Jones, the Treasurer, removed by Gen. Meade, made a 
report to this General Assembly, showing that he had taken with, in 
removal, 1426,704.27 of the State's money, every dollar of which he 
accounted for, principally in payment upon the public debt. Col. Jones 
makes these interesting statements in connection with this novel chap- 
ter of Georgia reconstruction: 

" In these transactions I am aware that I have incurred the high displeasure of some, 
and aroused the suspicious of others ; and I was satisiied in the beginning that such 
would be the case; but having taken an oath to obey the laws under which I was elected, 
and given heavy bonds for the performance of the duties of my office, I conscientiously 
felt that I had no right, while reason and honesty of purpose were vouchsafed to me, to 
act otherwise. Not the least gratifying circumstance since my removal has been, that 
although it was deemed imperative that I should be removed, I have been allowed and 
trusted by the Commanding-General and Provisional Governor Ruger, to carry out the 
course I had adopted, and preserve the credit and honor of the State, up to the surren- 
der of the government to the civil authorities. 



404 THE CAMILLA RIOT. 

" My personal intercoiarse with the provisional officers has been as pleasant, as under 
the extraordinary state of things, could be expected, and their bearing towards me has 
been ever that of gentlemen to one for whom they entertain sincere respect. Their 
kindness will not be forgotten, nor shall they ever feel that tlieir sympathy has been 
misplaced." i '^ , 

In the month of September, during this session of the General 
Assembly, occurred an incident that created great excitement, not only 
in Georgia but over the whole country, and that contributed a large 
quota of political capital to the Republican campaigns. There has been 
no stock in trade so serviceable to the Republican party as the fabrica- 
tion of Southern outrages upon Union men and negroes. The heaviest 
indictment made against Gov. Bullock was for his part in this so-called 
" slander mill " business. From ail parts of Georgia were gathered 
absolutely incredible accounts of white brutality to the black, and Gov. 
Bullock gave these dark narratives the whole sanction of his official 
place. The incident alluded to was the first important episode of 
so-called Southern outrage. 

The facts were these: A body of armed negroes, headed by a man 
named William R. Pierce, the Republican candidate for Congress, John 
Murphy and a man named F. F. Putney, approached Camilla, Mitchell 
county, to hold a public meeting. The sheriff, M. J. Poore, notified the 
parties that they must not hold a meeting with armed men. They 
persisted, a collision ensued and seven persons were killed and forty 
wounded. Gov. Bullock, in reporting the matter to the Legislature, 
asserted that the right to peacefully assemble had been " violently and 
barbarously impaired," and the civil officers of Mitchell county were 
wholly unable to maintain peace. He urged the Legislature to call on 
the President for troops to protect the citizens. Gov. Bullock's attempt 
to throw the blame of this affair upon the white Democrats evoked much 
indignation. The arming of the negroes over the State was a notorious 
fact, creating alarm and foreshadowing trouble. Gov. Bullock had 
issued his proclamation upon this matter, adroitly ascribing what he 
called "the rapid spread of a dispositiou on the part of those who 
maintain the validity of the laws of Congress, and of the state govern- 
ments established thereunder, to protect themselves by arms," to acts 
of violence by " persons distinguished for their hostility to the govern- 
ment of the United States." 

With an ingenious subtlety that stirred a deep resentment, his pro- 
clamation was leveled at those citizens supj)osed to interfere with "the 
constitutional right of persons to assemble for political or other peace- 
ful purpose," while for the illegal armed bodies he merely communicated 



THE COLORED CONVENTION OF 1868. 405 

the information that no authority had been granted for such organiza- 
tions which were unlawful. 

The legislature properly declared that "the civil authorities had 
shown themselves able to execute the law, and there was no necessity 
for any military interference." Mr. Marion Bethune made a minority 
report that presented some very truthful reflections. • He argued that it 
Avas apparent that the people were inflamed and divided, and he urged 
all parties to meet on a common ground and endeavor to provide some 
measure that will give {)eace and rest to the excited public mind. 

The legislature adjourned on the 5th of October, 1868. The commit- 
tee on the State of the Republic made a report written by the chairman, 
Hon. I. E. Shumate, which was regarded as a masterly and statesman- 
like paper, and portrayed the political status of the white people of the 
State admirably. It reviewed the various steps of reconstruction with 
philosophical temper; it deprecated any attempt to antagonize the races, 
and it declared the purpose of .th^ whites to protect the black in his 
rights. The style of this jio^iiment "was singularly felicitous and forci- 
ble. The members who took the places of the ousted negroes presented, 
through Mr. Saussy, a gold watch and chain to Hon. Wm. M. Tumlin, 
as the one to whom was mainly due the credit of this famous expurga- 
tion of the blacks. A colored convention was held in Macon, presided 
over by H. M. Turner, consisting of 136 delegates, from eighty-two 
counties, which started the movement that ultimately ended in another 
reconstruction of the State. 

This colored convention was an important and a very melodramatic 
body. It held closed meetings, excluding- white men. Ixi nothing was 
it more remarkable than its bitter characterization of the white Radicals 
who had voted for their repulsion from the General Assembly. There 
we're some venomous and incendiary speeches, but these unlettered men 
went to work to do their business of retribution and recovery of their 
privileges in an extraordinarily practical way. Turner made a strong- 
speech, declaring he would break up the legislature. He welded his 
sable hearers in a solid purpose. Committees were appointed for 
various duties, among them to memorialize Congress, and get up re- 
ports of outrages and murders. 

There was something peculiarly suggestive in the assembling and 
deliberations of this colored convention. Mr. Marion Bethune, in his 
minority report on the Camilla riot, most felicitously stated the feel- 
ings of the poor race in these words : 

" It must be apparent to the most indifferent observer, that the negro feels disappointed, 



406 THE STATE JUDICIARY OF 18C8. 

and is exasperated in failing to obtain tlie political rights and privileges that he antici- 
pated under our new Constitution ; whilst, on the other hand, much the larger portion 
of the white people feel that he is claiming privileges, and aspiring to positions which 
he is totally unfit to occupy, and which thej' regard as degrading to the white race. 
Therefore, it is but natural that each party should feel a deep and abiding interest iu 
tlie result of the approaching election, as each regards the success of their party as an 
important step in settling the dispute in their favor." 

Deeply chagrined and incensed at the deprivation of the right to 
hold office, the colored leaders, deserted in this valued matter by their 
■white allies, for the first and only time in the protracted play of Recon- 
struction, self-reliantly took the bit in their own mouths and organized 
for a race victory. Against the whites they stood in an unqualified 
opposition. And they whipped their fight. Illiterate, crude in politics 
and farcical in aspect, they drove to ti'iumph. 

Every effort made by the white people to stop the rush of reconstruc- 
tion but ended iu failure and enlarged the imposition of severities. 
The most heroic and white-motived resistance to revolutionary innova- 
tions not only riveted them the tighter but brought new savagery. 
Every stand for principle simply clinched the changes opposed, and 
wrought superadded alterations. Whatever the motive the men like 
Gov. Brown, who counseled acquiescence, saw in the ultimate result a 
strong vindication of their foresight. 

The Democratic electors beat the Republican electors, H. P. Farrow, 

A. T. Akerman, T. M. Smith, John Murphy, E. J. Higbee, W. H. White- 
head, J. E. Bryant, S. C. Johnson and J. L. Dunning, by a majority of 
44,638 in a vote of 158,596. The highest Democratic vote was 101,- 
786, and Republican 57,195. 

The following judges were nominated by Gov. Bullock, and confirmed 
by the Senate: Supreme Court— Chief Justice, Joseph E. Brown; 
Associate Justices, H. K. McCay and Hiram Warner. Superior Court 
— J. R. Parrott, Cherokee Circuit; C. W. Davis, Western; Garnett 
Andrews, Northern; C. B. Cole, Macon; J. R. Alexander, Southern; D. 

B. Harrell, Pataula; James M. Clark, South-western; J. W. Greene, 
Flint; J. D. Pope, Coweta; William Gibson, Middle; P. B. Robinson, 
Ocmulgee; N. B. Knight, Blue Ridge; William Schley, Eastern; J. S. 
Bigby, Tallapoosa. 

There was a tremendous pressure brought against the acceptance of 
office at the hands of Gov. Bullock, and in that day, the purest men who 
did take position, were exposed to animadversion. And many whom 
Gov. Bullock appointed, were deterred by a fear of public opinion from 
assuming trusts in which they could have benefited the people. 



CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

GOV. BULLOCK'S DESPERATE ENDEAVOR TO RE-ENACT 
RECONSTRUCTION. 

The Evil Effect of the Black Expulsion.— Its Cue to Congress.— Nelson Tift.— Bullock's 
Obloquy. — Wholesale Aspersion of the State. — Our Rulers Seeking the State's 
Crucifixion. — Georgia at the Presidential Count. — An Exciting Scene. — Ben. Butler 
and Wade. — Submitting Negro Eligibility to the Courts. — W. P. Price, — Dunlap 
Scott. — Senator Winn. — Bullock's Vetoes. — The Fifteenth Amendment. — The 
Republicans Defeat It. — W. D. Anderson. — Foster Blodgett. — " Inflict Negro 
Suffrage on the d — Yankees." — State Aid. — The Battle between Bullock and 
Angier. — The Capitol Question. — Bullock's Illegal Advance to Kimball. — Com- 
mittee Reports Condemning Bullock. — Tlie Proposition to buy the Capitol. — Post- 
poned. — Phillips' Resolution on O'Neal. — Republican Convention. —The Supreme 
Court Decide Negroes Eligible. — Bullock in Washington working for more Recon- 
struction. — The Bureau of Immigration. — The State Fair. — The State Road. — State 
Troubles. — Negro Disorders. — Bullock and Angier again. — Chief Justice Brown's 
Good Work. — Angler's Valuable Services. 

The expulsion of the negro members from the Georgia legislature 
had an immediate effect for evil. It renewed the fell spirit of Recon- 
struction. It blew the slumbering coals of race conflict into a lively 
flame. It was a sad error, viewed in the light of its results. It bred 
trouble immediately. It gave fuel to the expiring fire of sectional 
strife. It was to the northern mind the use of the first note of con- 
ceded peace to declare war. It was as if an unshackled prisoner 
utilized his initial moment of freedom to strike his releasing captor. 

Charles Sumner of Massachusetts, early in December, introduced a 
bill in the United States Senate declaring that Georgia should be 
reconstructed. The implacable Reconstruction Committee of Congress 
took the matter in hand. Gov. Bullock went before this potential 
junta, none the less prescriptive because Thad. Stevens was dead, and 
recommended the reorganization of the Georgia legislature upon the 
basis of the enforcement of the test oath, which would re-instate the 
negroes and put the General Assembly " in the hands of loyal men." 
Senator Edmunds offered a bill repealing the restoration of Georgia to 
the Union, and remitting the State back to Provisional Tyranny. This 
measure revived the military governorship. Our Senators, Joshua Hill 
and Miller were vainly knocking at the door for admission to their seats. 



408 GOVERNOR BULLOCK SEEKS MORE RECOXSTRUCTIOX, 

Six of our seven Representatives had been admitted to their seats in 
the House. Nelson Tift sent a circular to the Judges, Ordinaries and 
Mayors in Georgia, asking them to bear witness what was the obedi- 
ence to law, the feeling to the blacks and northern men and Republi- 
cans, the desire for peace, and whether there was any necessity to 
destroy the present State government. He held up in an odious light 
Gov. Bullock as seeking to remand the State government to military 
rule or to the dictatorship of a military Governor, with the army to 
enforce his edicts, on the false ground that there was lawlessness, 
anarchy, no protection for life or propei'ty, and a spirit of persecution 
of the blacks by the whites. 

Little wonder that Gov. Bullock incurred a scathing obloquy in this 
abhorred role. And it was a curious reversal of positions that Bullock 
was seeking to uptear and demolish the regime he had so toiled to 
erect, while the people sought to continue the rule of Bullock, whose 
installation they so resisted, and whose incumbency they detested. 
This was another of the strange phases of this kaleidoscopic reconstruc- 
tion, inexhaustible in novel developments. It evoked a deep exasper- 
ation, that because the Republicans had failed to get control of the 
legislature, Gov. Bullock and his allies should seek to pull down the 
very temple of our liberties, that from its ruins might be re-erected a 
full Republican structure. The regeneration had been made, and as it 
was not a complete Republican dynasty that was fashioned, a re-de- 
struction was sought in order to re-mold it. Bullock had failed of 
complete power. To get it he was willing to even undo his own work, 
strike down the state government, and remit a great commonwealth to 
bayonet despotism. And the worst feature of it was that the weapon 
of this new annihilation of state autonomy was the wholesale ascription 
of a brutal lawlessness to an entire commonwealth. 

This whole inexcusable attempt at the political re-crucifixion of a 
great state is a matter of cold, official fact. The journals of the Legis- 
lature of 1869, contain Gov. Bullock's address to the United States 
Congress on the 7th of December, 18G8, as the Executive of Georgia, 
gravely declaring that Georgia in her reconstruction had not complied 
with the laws of Congress, that there was no " adequate pix)tection for 
life and property, the maintenance of peace and good order, and the 
free expression of political opinion," and asking congi'essional interfer- 
ence with the restored sovereignty of the state whose exalted chief 
magistracy he held. 

This endeavor of our own Executive to di'ag down the state govern- 



EXCITING SCENE IN CONGRESS OVER GEORGIA. 409 

ment, to dethrone its majesty, and make it a dependent military pro- 
vince aroused a terrible indignation. It was a frightful commentary 
upon the evil times that our rulers were men who, in their personal 
ambitions, were willing to sport with the august sovereignty of the 
state, and degrade the very power they wielded. It was a novel ex- 
perience in Georgia annals to see an Executive seeking the humiliation 
of his own commonwealth, and that by the calumny of her honor. The 
spirit that would invite the rude hand of inimical power to crush our 
liberties and dominate us with despotism, rather than witness another 
political party control one of the branches of our state government, was 
something so unnatural that the people of Georgia regarded it with the 
same horror that they would have given to the crime of a parricide. 
All good men felt that no lover of his country would attempt such an 
unpatriotic and unholy work. 

The action of the Georgia Legislature in expelling the negro mem- 
bers continued an absorbing subject of public discussion, not only in 
the State, but over the whole country. The press of the North, and 
Congress chattered incessantly over it. There were many lively scenes 
that it provoked. Congress was kept in an acrimonious turmoil. 
When the Presidential vote was counted on the 10th of February, 
1869, Ben. Butler objected to counting the Georgia ballot. Wade said 
his view was that Georgia's vote should be counted if it would not 
alter the result, and should not be counted if it would, a decision 
received with shouts of laughter. A wild confusion ensued. Ben. 
Wade, presiding over the joint session, ordered the Senate to its own 
chamber. The House voted 150 to 41 against Georgia being counted. 
The Senate, after a lively struggle, decided in favor of Georgia. The 
joint session was resumed, and the conflict was fierce. Wade ordered 
Georgia's vote read. Butler objected. Wade refused to hear objec- 
tions. Butler appealed from Wade's decision. Wade refused an 
appeal and ordered the count to proceed. Butler moved that the Sen- 
ate have permission to retire. He was declared out of order. Butler 
demanded that the House should control its own hall. Wade, in the 
midst of an intense excitement, ordered the count to proceed. Conk- 
ling began reading the result, but his voice was dfowned by cries of 
order. In the deafening clamor Sjjeaker Colfax sprang to the desk, 
saying the Vice-President must be obeyed in joint session, and ordered 
the Sergeant-at-Arms to arrest disorderly persons. Order was suffi- 
ciently restored to read the result, when the joint session terminated. 

Butler offered a resolution denouncing the action of Wade and the 



410 THE NEGRO EXPULSION ISSUE IN THE LEGISLATURE. 

Senate. Davis introduced a resolution in the Senate declaring the con- 
duct of Butler and other members disreputable, and an insult to the 
people of the United States. Butler and Bingham had a bitter debate 
over Butler's resolution. Bingham denounced it as a resolution of 
revolution and anarchy. While Georgia v^as thus stirring up the 
country, she was having an equally lively time at home. The Legisla- 
ture met on the 13th of January, 1869. Gov. Bullock's message dealt 
mainly v^^ith the disturbing problem of negro expulsion. He insisted 
on the Legislature undoing its work, and again assailed the order of the 
State. The Democrats themselves divided upon the line of policy. 
Nelson Tift, one of our Congressmen, telegraphed that Grant, the 
President elect, favored the policy of submitting the matter to the 
courts. W. P. Price introduced a resolution to this effect. It evoked 
a warm discussion. Such men as Dunlap Scott opposed it. He pro- 
posed to stick to the expulsion. While he was speaking, an incident 
occurred that was much remarked upon at the time. Speeches were 
limited to fifteen minutes. When Scott had spoken ten minutes, the 
clock stopped, stood still thirty minutes, and started again just as he 
was closing. But Price's resolution passed, Mr. Adkins introduced a 
resolution to re-seat the negroes. Some idea may be formed of the 
spirit of the Legislature from the following remarks of Senator Winn 
on Adkins' bill. 

" Mr. President : — The Senator from the nineteenth, since the expnlsion of the negro, 
looks like ' Patience on a monument smiling at grief.' He wants that delicious aroma so 
needful to his comfort. 

" ' Like the vase in which roses have once been distilled, 
You may break, you may ruin the vase if you will, 
But the scent of the roses will hang round it still.' " 

Cries of " order " were heard, and the President decided the remarks 
personal and out of order. To the astonishment of all. Gov. Bullock 
vetoed the resolution of Mr, Price, submitting the eligibility of negroes 
to hold office to the courts. The resolution did not g'o far enough for 
him. He was for ripping up the whole organization, and not only 
re-seating the negroes, but purging the Legislature of men who could 
not take the test oath. And to add to the perplexities of the situation, 
Congress was discussing the expulsion of our representatives from their 
seats. 

The Fifteenth Amendment was passed by Congress and came before 
the Georgia Legislature in a special message of Gov. Bullock, on the 
10th of March, 18G9. The action upon this measure, which enforced 



DOUBLE DEALING ABOUT THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT. 411 

negro suffrage, was strangely complicated, and on the part of Gov. 
Bullock and his allies in the movement of securing another reconstruc- 
tion of the State, suggestively disingenuous. Both Democrats and 
Republicans split upon it. Gov. Bullock was charged by Republicans 
with withholding the amendment from the Legislature as long as possi- 
ble, and with recommending its passage in such taunting language as 
would drive the Democrats from its support. His policy was said to be, 
to secure its defeat in order to aid his project of further reconstruction. 
The charge against him was flatly made, by the more moderate Repub- 
licans, of duplicity in making it appear at Washington that he favored 
the amendment, while he privately worked to prevent its passage. 

The votes in both branches strongly confirm these accusations. In 
the House, 25 Republicans on the first action, when the amendment 
was carried, voted for the amendment, 4 against it, and 24 dodged a vote, 
including Gov. Bullock's fast friends, Adkins, Tweedy, O'Neal and 
others. On the motion in the House to reconsider, the next- day, which 
was carried, 17 of these dodgers voted for reconsideration. In the 
House a majority of Republicans thus defeated this Republican measure. 
In the Senate, 13 Republicans, including President Conley, voted for the 
indefinite postponement of the amendment, and 6 against. Upon a 
reconsideration of the indefinite postponement, 8 Republicans voted 
for the passage of the amendment, 8 voted against it, and 8 dodged, 
and the amendment was defeated by a Republican Senate, after it had 
passed first a Democratic House. Gov. Bullock's friends voted against 
it, and many of his appointees electioneered against its passage. 

The Democrats were equally divided. The leverage given to the 
enemies of the State by the expulsion of the negro members had created 
a reaction, and the more conservative of the Democrats had come to the 
conclusion that it was wiser to promptly perform disagreeable neces- 
sities. There was some spirited discussion over the matter and some 
feeling speeches against it. The vote first stood in the House seventy-, 
four and sixty-nine against the amendment. Mr. Anderson of Cobb 
voiced the conservative view in voting for the measure with this explan- 
atory remark. 

" Mr. Speaker : — Passiou, prejudice and pride say vote, ' No ' : wisdom and respon- 
sibility say vote, ' Yes.' " 

Of the Democrats 42 in the House voted for the Amendment and 
56 against. In the Senate 5 Democrats voted for and 9 against the 
amendment on its final defeat. The picture of inconsistency as to 
this amendment is not complete without recalling the fact that 



412 THE CONFLICT BETWEEN BULLOCK AND ANGIEE. 

Foster Blodgett, Gov. Bullock's Achates, visited Washington, and 
in a conversation with Grant, the President, predicted that the Demo- 
crats in the Georgia Legislature would support the Fifteenth Amend- 
ment " for the purpose of inflicting negro suffrage in turn on the d 

Yankees." The occasion of this visit to Washington was in company 
with H. M. Turner and J. M. Simms, two of the expelled negro members 
of the Georgia Legislature, to present the resolutions of the Colored 
Convention in Macon, to which allusion has been made. 

The Legislature adjourned on the 18th of March, 1869. This body 
had granted State aid to seven railroads, covering millions of dollars. 
Heavy assaults had been made upon Gov. Bullock's management of 
the state finances. A legislative joint committee appointed to look 
into the matter of which M. A. Candler was Chairman of the Senate 
portion, and O. G. Sparks of the House, reported censuring Gov. 
Bullock for various unauthorized acts. They charged that over 
$32,000 was drawn on unauthorized warrants. They rasped Gov. 
Bullock for inaugurating the expensive and needless practice of gener- 
ally publishing proclamations of pardon, and appointments of county 
inspectors of fertilizers, this waste already running to over $10,000. 
They condemned large extra pay to salaried officers, running to $4,421. 
' The most animated financial battle of that day was between Gov. 
Bullock and Treasurer N. L. Angier over an advance made by the 
Governor of some $31,000 to H. I. Kimball, to heat and fix up the 
present capitol building. This difficulty between Dr. Angier and Gov. 
Bullock became more rancorous with the passage of time, an:l had a 
material effect upon subsequent events. The war between these two 
officials was an important episode of that day, and involved large public 
consequences. It broke the unity of Gov. Bullock's administration. 
It made a formidable breach in the Republican ranks, and it furnished 
the Democrats substantial help in fighting the excesses of that damag- 
ing rule. This trouble will involve some allusion to the change of the 
capital from Milledgeville to Atlanta, and the purchase of the capitol 
building, that have given rise to so much public agitation. 

When the Constitutional convention of 1868 was in session, the city 
of Atlanta made the proposition that if the capital should be located in 
this city, the City Council agreed to furnish to the State, free of cost, 
for the space of ten years if needed, suitable buildings for the General 
Assembly, for the residence of the Governor, and for all the offices 
needed by such officers as are generally located in the State House, and 
all suitable rooms for the State library and for the Supreme Court. 



THE CHANGE OF CAPITAL. 413 

The city further agreed to donate to the State of Georgia, the Fair 
Grounds, containing twenty-five acres, as a location for the capitol, or in 
lieu thereof, any unoccupied ten acres of ground in the city that might 
be selected by the General Assembly as a more appropriate place for 
the capitol and Governor's mansion. 

The convention, by resolution passed February 27, 1868, accepted 
this proposition, and in the Constitution placed an article making 
Atlanta the seat of government. On the 24th of August, 1868, the 
City Council of Atlanta rented from E. N. Kimball, for 16,000 a year, 
for five years, certain parts of the present -capitol building, for the use 
of the State, and by resolution tendered to the State the said rented 
premises. Mr. Kimball bound himself to^ have the building ready for 
the State by the second Tuesday in January, 1869. This building was 
a brick shell that had been started for an opera house, and the project 
had fallen through. The contract made with Mr. Kimball by the City 
Council did not cover the heating and lighting. Instead of exacting 
of the City Council the fulfillment of its contract. Gov. Bullock, from 
October to December, 1868, advanced to H. I. Kimball $31,000 of the 
State's money to heat, furnish, carpet, paint, and light the building, 
without reporting said advances to the State Treasurer, In September, 
1868, the Legislature had tabled a resolution in regard to heating the 
structure. The City Council of Atlanta regarded their contract with 
E, N. Kimball as complying with their offer to the State. 

Treasurer Angier reported the matter to the Legislature, in response 
to a resolution calling for the facts about the State bonds. This' report 
drew from Gov, Bullock a tart message, charging upon Ur. Angier " a 
malicious attempt to discredit the integrity of the Executive." The 
finance committee was authorized to examine the matter. A majority 
and minority report were made. Gov. Brown's opinion was asked, as 
to the propriety of expenditures without authority of law by the Execu- 
tive. He replied that the practice had been for the Executive in the 
past, in pressing emergencies that warranted it, to pay the State's 
money without appropriation, honestly and judiciously for the public 
service, but that in all such cases the Governor should be prepared to 
assume the responsibility if the legislature should disapprove his 
act. Tha majority report, signed by W. H. F. Hall, chairman, de- 
clared that there was no legal or urgent necessity for such expendi- 
ture, while the Governor's motives are not questioned. The minority 
report, signed by A. S. Fowler, O. G. Sparks and six others, is a sharp, 
sententious, plain-talking document. It declared the expenditures 



414 THE CAPITOL BUILDING CONTINUED. 

unauthorized, reckless extravagance, and without precedent. It com- 
mented upon the fact that there had been ample time to explain the 
transaction, and no itemized bill of particulars had been furnished; 
that costly heating, lighting and furniture was not contemplated by 
either the city or state for a temporary capitol. The House adopted 
the minority report by a large majority. 

The altercation between Dr. Angier and Gov. Bullock grew very 
bitter. Gov. Bullock charged upon Dr. Angier that he had drawn 
interest on the public funds, receiving $356. Dr. Angier showed that 
he received less interest because the bank had loaned Gov. Bullock 
$17,000 on his private account. The City Council of Atlanta proposed 
to confer with a joint committee to settle the liability for the $31,000. 
Gov. Bullock, in transmitting this request, stated in his message that 
he thought the City Council was responsible for the expense, and that 
if he had failed to incur that cost, the Legislature would not have 
had a proper place to assemble. The resolution to appoint a commit- 
tee was passed. The committee had a conference with the City Council 
of Atlanta. The committee reported a proposition for the City to pay 
$100,000 towards the purchase of the Kimball Opera House for a 
permanent capitol, and recommended that the State ajDpropriatc 
$200,000 in interest bearing seven per cent, bonds for the balance of 
the purchase money, the Kimballs to refund the State the $31,000, 
thus costing the State $169,000. This proposition was not acted 
upon, but postponed, and the Legislature adjourned. This building- 
was the subject of continued trouble, which will be hereafter noted. 

There will never in the history of Georgia be a parallel to this 
General Assembly. Some of its incidents seem incredible. On the 
17th of February, Mr. Phillips, of Echols county, stands responsible for 
the following resolution: 

"Resolved, That the publication which appears in the Neiu Era of tliis morning, that the 
Hon. J. W. O'Neal was drunk on yesterday, is infamously false, and it is due to the coun- 
try and to this House that it he so branded, and should meet Mith the prompt con- 
demnation of all lovers of good whisky in the present General Assembly." 

The report goes on to say that after a warm discussion the resolution 
was withdrawn. A Republican convention was held in Atlanta on the 
5th of March, 1869. Hon. Ben. Conley was made President. The 
resolutions adopted were harsh, referring to " rebel-democratic rowdies," 
and declaring that the State was as practically under the control of 
those who spurn the Federal government as it Avas during the rebellion. 
A committee Avas appointed of Foster Blodgett, P. M. Sheibley, H. P. 



GOV. bullock's attempt to reconstruct the state again. 415 

Farrow, J. W. Clift, J. M. Simms, J. T. Costin and H. M. Turner to go 
to Washington to urge Congress to " carry out the desire of this 
convention." 

In June, 1869, the Supreme Court, Judge Warner dissenting, decided 
in the case of Richard W. White, a colored man, elected Clerk of the 
Superior Court of Chatham county, that negroes were eligible to office 
in Georgia. This decision raised the question as to whether the Leg- 
islature should ro-seat the colored members who were expelled. Gen. 

A. R. Wright, editor of the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, sent a 
circular letter to the leading men of the State, asking their views upon 
this question. There was a pretty unanimous opinion among the 
Democrats that new elections should be ordered. The subject engaged 
the public mind to a very general and intense degree. Hon. A. H. 
Stephens, Judge Wm. B. Fleming, Col. Warren Akin, Judge J. W. H. 
Underwood, Gen. A. R. Lawton, Thomas E. Lloyd, Judge E. J. Harden, 
Junius Hillyer, Col. Crawford and others, supported the position taken 
by the Atlanta Constitution that the decision of the Supreme Court 
should be obeyed, but the parliamentary method would be to have an 
election to fill the vacancies. 

Immediately after the adjournment of the Legislature, Gov. Bullock 
went on to Washington, and endeavored to take advantage of the 
failure of the Georgia General Assembly to ratify the Fifteenth Amend- 
ment, a failure due as has been stated to his own Republican friends in 
that body, to secure further reconstruction of the State. But no plan 
was desired by him except one that purged the Legislature of Demo- 
crats under the test oath. The mere re-seating of the negroes would 
not satisfy these destructionists, because that still left them without 
control of the Legislature. Every effort was made to get the Butler 
bill through Congress before adjournment, but Nelson Tift and P. M. 

B. Young and others succeeded in blocking this game. The weapon 
that was most potential in preventing the success of this measure of 
continued reconstruction was the passage by both branches of the 
Legislature of Georgia of the resolution to test the negro eligibility 
issue in the State Supreme Court, which Gov. Bullock vetoed, to destroy 
its effect in pi-eventing his schemes. Congress adjourned without 
interference with Georgia, and he and his allies returned home baffled, 
but not defeated. During the summer and fall of 1869 every prepara- 
tion was made for renewing the baleful design of re-dismantling the 
good old State. 

During this year a number of important State matters transpired. A 



416 THE ATTEMPT AT IMMIGEATIOlSr. 

bureau of immigration was established, and George N. Lester was made 
Home Commissioner, and Samuel. Weil, Foreign Commissioner, The 
sum of $10,000 was appropriated. The printing- was limited to $3,000. 
The salary of Col. Lester was 12,000 and Mr. Weil $3,000. Faithful 
efforts were made by both commissioners, but owing to the persistent 
and rancoEOus Republican slanders against the good order oi the State, 
no good was accomplished, and Col. Lester, finding his office unavailing 
for benefit, resigned it before the expiration of his two years' term. 
(yol. Weil returned from Europe after fourteen months absence, bringing 
his niece with him, and there was a good deal of raillery among the 
anti-immigration men over the alleged harvest of one immigrant as the 
result of this elaborate scheme of State immigration. The report of 
this attempt at immigration showed that Col. Weil had received $3,000 
salary, and spent $1,520 for printing; Col. Lester received $2,598 salary, 
and spent $500 for printing. Weil's expenses exceeded his salary, and 
Lester's were nearly one-half of salary. 

The State fair at Macon, in October, 1869, was largely attended by 
distinguished Northern gentlemen. A negro labor convention was held 
in Macon in October, to organize a union to control prices of labor. 
The leading spirits in this body were Jeff. Long- and H. M. Turner. An 
"immense Southern Commercial convention was held in Louisville, Ky., 
of which Mr. Fillmore was president. Georgia was largely represented 
by such men as V. A. Gaskill, A. D. Nunnally, D. E. Butler, H. W. 
Hilliard, B. C. Yancey, R. H. Chilton, A. Hood, C. Howell and some 
seventy others. There were committees on every conceivable subject 
of practical utility, immigration, a Southern Pacific, Mississippi Levees, 
Agriculture, Manufacture of Cotton, direct trade, and other kindred 
matters. Some sarcastic journal epitomized the work of the convention 
in the satirical summary, that its chief result was the resvirrection of the 
buried Fillmore to build continental railways by resolutions. 

Col. Hulburt had made a fair administration of the State road, pay- 
ing in to the State Treasury pretty regularly, $25,000 a month. He 
had an undoubted genius for the practical development of public re- 
sources. His ideas of the necessity and value of cheap coal and iron 
were far in advance of the time. He steadily worked for these great 
ends. He was an earnest champion of the Georgia Western road that 
Gen. Gordon has at last put under way. But Hulburt was handi- 
capped by his connection with the Republican registration and his 
" Sharp and Quick " repute. Even then it was said that Foster Blod- 
gett, who was treasurer of the State road under Hulburt, was striving 



GOV. BROWN" OPPOSES BULLOCK S GRATUITOUS RECONSTRUCTION. 417 

to supplant him as superintendent, a change that did soon come, and 
that was followed by a year of the most reckless and wholesale mis- 
management and extravagance that ever marked the administration of 
a public trust. 

During this year there was a legitimate outcome of the pernicious 
Republican tampering with the colored race. A frightful negro riot 
occurred near Savannah, on the Ogeechee, where the man A. A. Bradley 
had sway. Col. R. W. Flourney, a Democratic member of the Legisla- 
ture, a bright young citizen, was murdered by negroes. Mr. Charles 
Wallace, editor of the Warrenton Clipper, was assassinated, and Dr. 
G. W. Darden, a noted Republican, arrested and in jail for the atro- 
cious murder, was shot. 

In reviewing that period, with all the bad influences at work upon the 
ignorant colored race, and the unspeakable provocation against the 
whites, one is surprised that there was not more violence. The radical 
regime of that day stimulated the blacks to deviltry, and fired the 
whites to a righteous exasperation. And the natural resentment of 
honest Democrats was evoked and used as the intended weapon of their 
political injury. We had suffered enough, and should have been near 
our redemption. But the end was far off, and mockeries were to be 
enacted that were to surpass even the previous shocking experiences of 
this monstrous reconstruction. 

The warfare between Gov. Bullock and Treasurer Angier continued, 
growing daily more embittered. The Governor brought heavy suits 
against the treasurer. Gen. Alfred A. Terry had been assigned to 
military command in Georgia, to aid in preserving order. He was in- 
voked as a pacificator between these two belligerents. He had made 
peace between Gov. Bullock and the ISfeio Era, which, under Dr. Bard, 
had been warring upon His Excellency. The truth is that there was a 
decided schism in the Republican ranks, growing out of Bullock's reso- 
lute proclivity to a rehash of reconstruction. The more patriotic men 
of that party rebelled against it. And no man wielded a more powerful 
influence in antagonizing and eventually thwarting the ultimate phases 
of this partisan monstrosity than Chief Justice Brown. His whole 
course was simply acceptance of only necessary and inevitable terms of 
evil, and condemnation of every gratuitous abomination. From all the 
unholy crusades of the Bullock dynasty he kept firmly aloof, and this 
when he was cruelly bespattered and falsely classed as one of the com- 
mon enemy. 

Dr. Angier wrote a letter to the Federal Union in Septen:iber, stating 
27 



418 DR. angier's warfare ox bullock. 

that Gov. Bullock had paid $12,000 out of the State treasury as retain- 
ers to lawyers, $9,000 of it in the last thirty days, of which |1,500 was 
to F. S. Fitch, the editor of a Griffin paper, besides large amounts to 
the Attorney General, H. P. Farrow, and other amounts out of the 
State road funds. He also charged that Gov. Bullock was offering 
excessive amounts, from one to five thousand dollars of rewards. In 
December, Dr. Angier wrote to one of the members of the Recon- 
struction Committee of Congress, in reply to a letter, stating that in 
the teeth of two adverse and condemnatory reports of a legislative 
committee upon his advance of $31,000 to the Kimballs on the opera 
house building, he had made a further illegal advance to the Kimballs, 
on the same account, of $20,000 since the Legislature adjourned. Dr. 
Angier charged that to cover these unlawful amounts, Gov. Bullock 
had hypothecated seven per cent. State Railroad mortgage bonds, that 
under the law were to be issued only in renewal of bonds then due. 
He further charged that Gov. Bullock exhausted the contingent fund 
of $20,000 in less than six months, and under a vague " India rubber 
blanket " section of the appropriation act, he had drawn nearly $100,000, 
the greater part in the way of patronage to buy influence. 

There is no doubt that Dr. Angier was the most hurtful opponent 
that Gov. Bullock had, and the people of Georgia owe him a deep 
debt of gratitude for the revelations he made. It was indeed a for- 
tunate antagonism for the State, this angry combat between the Execu- 
tive and Treasurer. All efforts to heal it failed. The writer, tlfen con- 
ducting the Atlanta Constitution newspaper, the leading Democratic 
journal at the seat of government, and while striving to do even-tem- 
pered justice to Gov. Bullock, yet thundering daily at the palpable 
wrongs of his administration, was under obligation to Treasurer Angier 
for many a valuable piece of information that served materially the 
public welfare. 

Gov. Bullock struck fiercely at Dr. Angier to crush him. He tried to 
break him down with heavy prosecutions, and sought a mandamus to 
make him pay refiised warrants. But the game Treasurer stood undaunt- 
edly to his fight, and the ponderous blows he dealt the Executive, 
resounded over the State, and brought him many a glad acclaim from 
the grateful tax-payers. 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 
A BURNING CHAPTER OF FOLLY AND SHAME. 

The most notable Events of Georgia History. — Gov. Bullock Then and Now. — His Plan 
for Another Reconstruction — The Central Radical Committee. — A Cruel Procla- 
mation. — The State Indicted by Her Executive. — The Slander Mill. — The Writer's 
. Editorial Then. — The Fifteenth Amendment Hanging on Georgia's Vote. — " The 
Gospel of Anarchy." — Bullock in Congress. — The New Reconstruction. — Bullock's 
Rejoicing. — The Georgia Legislature. — Farrow's Opinion. — Intimidation. — Chief- 
Justice Brown's Patriotic Course. — Opinions of Leading Men. — Thomas Harde- 
man. — Cliief Justice Brown. — Warren Akin. — The Radical Committee. — Bluff. — 
Attorneys Employed. — The Reorganization. — J. W. G. Mills and A. L. Harris. — 
The Conservative Republicans Split from Bullock. — J. E. Bryan. — B. Conley. — A 
Bitter Speech. — Harris the Autocrat.— Bold Despotism. — Pistols Drawn. — An 
Astounding Turn. — Gen. Terry and His Military Board. — The Soldiers to Purge 
the Body — Selling Beef Creates Ineligibility. — Five Members Kicked Out. — Nine- 
teen Frightened Off. — Minority Men Seated. — The Speaker's Election a Vital 
Point. — The BiiUock Men Elect McWhorter through Democratic Division and 
Folly. — ^Bullock's Victory Complete. — Bullock's Message. — A New Deal and Pro- 
longation. — The Fight Remitted to Congress. — Bullock Goes to Washington. — 
A Stirring Battle. — Bullock's Discomfiture. — Prolongation Scotched. — Bullock's 
Bribery Investigation. — A Republican Committee Censure Him. — Hard Press Com- 
ment on Bullock. — The Georgia Legislature takes another Recess. — Bullock and 
Angier Investigation Committee. — Congress Admits Georgia at Last. 

Perhaps, take them all in all, the -events recorded in this chapter are 
the most notable of Georgia history. They present a picture so novel 
that aftertimes will find it hard to believe the amazing reality. It 
seemed as if a comical fate had in pure whimsiness sought to twist every 
possible travesty out of the gravest concerns of state government. See- 
ing Gov. Bullock to-day, a quiet, autumnal figure moving in the streets 
of Atlanta, attending to the prosaic matters of cotton manufacture, one 
finds it difficult to recall the portly, gorgeous personage that in the year 
of our Lord, 1870, only eleven years ago, was the centraL power of a 
successful partisan crusade that dismantled our goodly State and made 
him autocrat of Georgia amid the unqualified abhorrence of her virtuous 
citizens. Reveling in a brief enjoyment of such rule as worthy men 
hope may never come again to a proud commonwealth of enlightened 
freemen, it was a stirring culmination of this dynasty of revolution to 
see its head, dropping the imperial authority in hot haste and for years 



420 BULLOCK S ARRAIGNMENT OF THE STATE. 

a hidden fugitive from criminal indictments. Repeated attempts to 
secure had failed, but finally the ex-Executive was brought to trial 
when years had effaced the bitterest memories of the time of. wrong, 
and criminal acquittal was given after a hard forensic fight. 

The proper tribunal for such public charges was an impeachment 
court, which was costly, ponderous and barren, and its penalty of removal 
from office, pointless. The career of this official is one of the marked 
elemeijts of Georgia reconstruction, and the simple, unembellished 
record makes a striking chapter of that unique epoch. 

Before Congress met in the winter of 1869, Gov. Bullock had per- 
fected his plans for revolutionizing again our State government, that 
had already undergone so many shifting farces of reconstruction, that 
it seemed as if a grim destiny had exhausted both folly and malice 
in our case. On the 24th of November, a secret meeting of the Radi- 
cal Executive Committee of the State was called. The Atlanta Consti- 
tution gave an- account of the meeting that was never denied. Among 
those present were Bullock, Blodgett, Hulburt, Farrow, Blount, Con- 
ley, Long and others. A sub-committee, composed of Farrow, Hulburt, 
Conley, Jeff Long and a negro, was appointed to report on urging Con- 
gress to reconstruct Georgia again. All of this sub-committee were 
said to be against such action, except Mr. Conley. Majority and mi- 
nority reports were made. The discussion in the main committee was 
said to be stormy. Through the efforts of Bullock and Blodgett, the 
minority recommendation of Conley was sustained. Armed with this 
formidable document. Gov. Bullock proceeded to Washington, to work 
out in person his revolutionary scheme. 

Before going, however, he issued a lengthy proclamation, which he 
published all over the State, that both as an instrument for his 
destructive purpose, and as a cool, deliberate piece of premeditated 
malice, was never surpassed. The pronunciamento began with these 
venomous words: 

" To the People of Georgia : — The recent renewal of active hostilities against the per- 
son and property of colored citizens and white Republicans, by the organized bands of 
secret assassins in certain portions of the State, seems to indicate a concert of action 
and a purpose on the part of said organizations to persist in defying the civil law." 

With this wholesale indictment of the good order of the State, 
accompanied by the bold assertion, wholly unfounded, that "under 
the statutes at present in force, the Executive is prevented from 
taking active measures for the suppression of civil disorders;" he 
proceeded to offer five thousand dollars reward each, for the alleged 



ATLANTA CONSTITUTION AGAINST BULLOCK. 421 

perpetrators of a long list of crimes, covering the State and including 
hundreds of men, and whose aggregate payment would have taken a 
million of dollars. And it was a significant part of the chapter of 
these, and a host of other like extravagant rewards so lavishly offered, 
by this generous-handed Executive, that the alleged criminals were so 
uniformly uncaught. It would be difficult to more conclusively explode 
the calumnies of the public peace, so malignantly used in that day as 
the most potential weapon of Radical success, than by this single fact. 

That potential institution, the " Slander-mill," was revived in all its 
vigor, and outrages of every kind ground out unceasingly. The New 
York Times had an editorial on Georgia's condition that came in nicely 
as a help to the new crusade. And this was followed by a congratula- 
tory letter from Gov. Bullock to that journal. Gen. Alfred H. Terry 
furnished his quota to the scheme in a lengthy report that the state of 
disorder in Georgia demanded the interposition of Congress. 

The following earnest editorial of the writer in the Atlanta Consti- 
tution, published on the 12th of December, 1869, reflected the feeling 
of the good citizens of that day towards Gov. Bullock: 

" Suppose that in the days when Geo. M. Troup, or any of Georgia's sons and states- 
men filled her Executive Chair, the President of the United States had advised, and 
Congress had contemplated a blow at her sovereignty ? 

" Can any man doubt what would have been their course ? Every sentiment of State 
fealty, every impulse of patriotism, would have quivered under the peril and the indignity 
to our beloved commonwealth. They would have been stung by the shame of the 
insult, as well as concerned in the damage to her welfare. Having the interest of the 
State at heart, identified with her honor, and alive to the weal of her great people, they 
would have consecrated their lives to her defense, and engaged with an unalterable 
heroism in her redemption. 

"To-day, is seen the sad, piteous, shameful spectacle of her Executive conspiring with 
her enemies for the overthrow of her liberties. Plotting, scheming, bribing, truckling, 
maligning, toiling for her injury and abasement, he is alike blind to her sufferings, 
callous to her dignity, inimical to her interests. 

" No state of facts can justify such an act in such an official. The people overwhelm- 
ingly differ with him on great public questions involving their welfare, not his. Yet, 
forsooth, because his personal views are not carried out, he leaves his duty to machinate 
against the people for their injury, recking nothing that the government of a million 
virtuous people is demolished by the act, and anarchy and the rule of ignorance substi- 
tuted therefor. 

" ' How long. Oh ! Cataline ! ' As old as time, and stamped with the imprimatur of 
Holy Book, is the utterance, that when the wicked are in power their people groan in 
tribulation. 

" Georgia is no exception. Her rulers are against her, not for her ; they are seeking 
personal aggrandizement, not the public weal ; they govern for plunder and despotic 
control, not for the interest of their people. 



422 BULLOCK IN AVASHINGTON PEESSIXG GEORGIA'S CKUCIFIXION-. 

" Can Gov. Bullock wonder that lie enjcys the scorn of the good ? It is not nature 
for men to love the enemy to their liberties and their prosperity. 

" He may succeed in his fell purpose, but success can bring him neither respect nor 
honor. It will be the triumph of reckless cupidity and unholy ambition. That man, 
who for personal interest can drag his country down, is a foe to humanity itself." 

It was one of those mysterious strokes of evil fortune that steadily 
accompanied our ill-fated State in those evil days, that just at that 
juncture the success of the Fifteenth Amendment hinged on Georgia's 
vote. This stern necessity fixed our fate. Morton introduced a bill in 
the United States Senate to reconstruct Georgia, and making the 
ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment the condition of admission to 
the Union. President Grant, in his message, recommended further 
tinkering with Georgia. Senator Edmunds had postponed his bill to 
enforce the Fourteenth Amendment in Georgia, so as to allow the new 
measure a chance. Representative Shanks, in the House, introduced a 
bill to complete reconstruction in Georgia. Bullock went before the 
reconstruction committee, and pressed the crucifixion of the gallant old 
commonwealth. The measure came up in the Senate, Bullock on the 
floor, urging the rape of his own State's sovereignty. He had taken 
expensive apartments, kept a carriage, and wined and dined with a 
royal prodigality. The State road had paid no money in three months 
into the State treasury, and the press indulged in every species of 
insinuation as to where the money went. 

The Senate passed the despotic measure by a vote of 40 to 9. The 
House then passed it swiftly. Warm debates in both houses transpired. 
Georgia filled a large- measure of the public attention. Dr. Angler's 
letter on Gov. Bullock's financial errors was sprung in Congress, and 
staggered a number of the supporters of the measure. Trumbull and 
Thurman both fought the bill, and also Mr. Bayard. The New York 
'World's report said: 

" While Mr. Bayard was speaking, the author of all this rascality was sitting on a 
sofa in the Senate, with folded arms and dramatic style, but he changed position repeat- 
edly, wandered about uneasily, and finally took a seat by Mr. Morton. Bullock is a 
large, portly, vulgar looking man of about fifty-five, wears a full, reddish beard, and a 
large neck-tie, witli long, projecting ends." 

The correspondent of the Augusta Chronicle thus wrote: 

" Bullock has been lying around the Senate chamber all day, and seemed to be greatly 
interested in the discussion. Between the acts he lias been gorging himself with the 
Senators in the lunch-room, or restaurant in the Senate, lie is still going it with a high 
hand, and is spending somebody's money like water. He gave another supper to Con- 
gressmen and other officials, last Thursday' night, which is represented to have been a 
most magnificent affair." 



BULLOCK FEASTS OVEK GEORGIA'S DISMANTLEMENT. 433 

In the House there was an even warmer time than in the Senate. 
Mr. Beck, of Kentucky, made a speech and had Dr. Angier's letter read, 
stating that the " letter had been read by himself this morning, to Gov, 
Bullock, so he might contradict the charges if he could, but neither he 
nor any friend of his had successfully done so." Hon. S. S. Cox made 
a biting speech against the bill, declaring 

" It is the gospel of anarchy, and the philosophy of dissolution." 

One of the papers had this to say of Bullock's agency in the House: 

" Gov. Bullock seemed, in fact, to be managing the bill in the House. He was on the 
floor all day, and was consulted by Butler at every stage. His presence was remarked 
as being about the boldest piece of lobbying ever witnessed in Congress." 

The House passed the bill by 121 yeas to 51 nays. Bullock con- 
tinued as accoucher to the bill, accompanying Senator Thayer, chair- 
man of the committee on enrolled bills, to President Grant for his sig- 
nature. The President signed without reading. The National Intelli- 
gencer published in Washington, thus records Gov. Bullock's feasting 
over the result: 

" The celebrated Cafe Francaise was the scene on "Wednesday night of a Bacchana- 
lian feast, given by Gov. Bullock, in honor of his triumph over the people of Georgia, 
to the aiders and abettors of the scheme. Wine flowed like water, and rich viands 
were greedily devoured ; in the midst of which the company gloated in fiendish triumph 
over the vengeance they had wreaked upon an unhappy and defenseless people. What 
mattered the expense? The people of Georgia would be made to foot this and many 
other bills of like nature. With his hands to the elbow in the State Treasurj^, Mr. 
Carpet-bagger Bullock can well afford to be sumptuous, and to dine and wine, and feast 
and flatter the men who have done his bidding on the floor of Congress. Whether or not 
he has inaugurated a gift enterprise, in which these servile and traitorous Congress- 
men are to participate, we cannot say." 

The act directed the Governor of the State of Georgia by proclama- 
tion to convene the legislature. Members must be required to take an 
oath that they had not shared in the rebellion after holding an office, or 
that they had been relieved by Congress, Any one taking a false oath 
should be punishable for perjury. Any one hindering a member from 
taking the oath or acting as member after taking the oath, would com- 
mit a felony.' The exclusion of members for race or color was forbid- 
den. The Governor was authorized to call for the military. And the 
ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment was required before senators and 
representatives could be admitted. 

It was a curious piece of legislative inconsistency, and evoked some 
scathing criticism. The validity of the Fourteenth Amendment was par- 
tially resting on Georgia's ratification as a State, and yet she was declared 



424: GEORGIA PROFOUNDLY DEPRESSED. 

not a State, while the said ratification was claimed as good. The State 
was not allowed to be a State, and yet its ratification of the Fifteenth 
Amendment was sought, the act of a State, before it should become a 
State. Such a blaze of political incongruities will find no parallel. 

Gov. Bullock called the .legislature to convene on the 10th of Jan- 
uary, 1870. In entire lack of authority from the act he signed this 
proclamation as " Provisional Governor." Gen, Terry was announced 
from Washington as commander of the district of Georgia, under the 
Reconstruction Acts, instead of as Department commander, in order to 
give him civil authority. 

The action of Congress excited a profound feeling. The year 1870 
began in deep gloom for the people. The apprehension of calamity 
was wide spread and universal. While men had become wearied in 
their very powers of indignation at the recurring oppressions and 
caprices of reconstruction, they felt keenly this last stroke and regarded 
Bullock and his allies in the abhorred work with an intense loathing. 
Yet never did a people deport themselves with more dignity and 
patience. The new reconstruction act had been drawn with great 
shrewdness and forethought. The clauses imposing the penalties of 
perjury for a false oath, and making it a felony to hinder men taking 
the oath, were meant, the one to intimidate Democrats, and the other 
to strengthen timid Republicans. But by a curious reversal of results 
the felony clause was vigorously used to check the radical effort to 
alarm the Democrats from taking the oath. 

Gov. Bullock immediately called upon Col. H. P. Farrow, the Attor- 
ney General, for an opinion, who gave a sweeping one, that no officers, 
from Notary Public up, could qualify themselves. And to clinch this 
ruling, he got an approval of it from Gen. Terry. The whole policy 
was to deter and frighten enough Democrats from taking the oath 
under fear of a prosecution for perjury, to give in addition to the 
negro members, enough Republicans to control the Legislature. And 
it will be seen that this policy was pursued to success under the most 
audacious assumptions of unauthorized power, and daring disregard of 
rights and law. The Democrats saw the drift and set to work to 
remedy it. 

A committee composed of members of the Legislature, including 
both Democrats and a few conservative Republicans, addressed a letter 
to Chief Justice Joseph E. Brown, who had opposed every scheme of 
unnecessary reconstruction, asking his view of the principle urged by 
Farrow that Notaries Public, Road Commissioners, officers of the 



GOVERNOR brown's LETTER AGAINST THE CONSPIRATORS. 435 

militia, officers of municipal corporations and State Librarians were 
disqualified from being members. Judge Brown responded, giving his 
opinion, as questions about disabilities of Legislators could not come 
before him as Chief Justice for adjudication. He made a strong, unan- 
swerable argument, squarely antagonizing Col. Farrow, and demonstrat- 
ing, that none of these officers were disqualified from being members. 
The paper was a very able one, and had great weight. It was a heavy 
blow to the Bullock wing, and gave them a good deal of trouble. 

Col. Avery, editor of the Constitution, addressed a circular letter to 
a number of leading men, asking their views upon two points: 

" 1. Upon the legal scope of the bill (the late act of Congress to promote the recon- 
struction of Georgia), and the full extent to wliich the General Assembly can go under 
its provisos in disturbing the present State government. 

" 2. What is the course that patriotic members of the Legislature should pursue for 
the interest of the State." 

Some of the responses were very striking papers. Perhaps the most 
remarkable of them all was from Hon. Thomas Hardeman. It was both 
a brave and an exceptionably able document. He put some very 
unpleasant truths in fearless language. He said Democrats must quit 
defying Congress, stop the foolish non-action policy, cease driving men 
into the Republican ranks by denunciation, and adopt a kind and con- 
ciliatory course to the blacks. The reply of Chief Justice Brown urged 
that the legislature submit to the inevitable and jDromptly ratify the 
Fifteenth Amendment. Negro suffrage was already a fixed fact in 
Georgia. This Amendment made it a certainty in the North, The 
objection urged against the Chicago platform, on which Grant was 
elected, was that it approved negro suffrage as good enough for 
Georgia, but not good enough for Ohio. Why should Georgia be shut 
out from representation rather than impose negro suffrage upon those 
who put it on us. Judge Brown placidly referred to the verification of 
his prophecies of harsher terms for rejecting the original reconstruction, 
and condemned the policy of non-action. He intimated his perception 
of the purjDoses of the champions of additional reconstruction in these 
significant words: 

" Many patriotic citizens believe they see in the present movement schemes of per- 
sonal ambition and personal gain at the expense of the State. If they are right, it is 
all important that every friend of Georgia, who is in a position to serve her, should be 
at his post, to protect the public property, the public credit, and the public interest." 

Gov. Bullock made the blunder of his administration when he cut 
loose from the calm, conservative, firm counsel of Gov. Brown. He 



426 ATTEMPT TO i:NrTIMIDATE DEMOCRATS. 

would have been kept in the rut of a safe, capable and honest govern- 
ment. He had the chance to make an administration of unprecedented 
power and popularity. As it was he drove the conservatives of his own 
party away from him, he incurred the righteous hatred of his opponents, 
and he steered the stout old vessel into the storm and upon the rocks. 

Col, Warren Akin in his letter declared the expulsion of the blacks 
and the seating" of the next hio-hest members to be mistakes. He urg-ed 
all eligible members to attend and vote against the Fifteenth Amend- 
ment. Gen. Wm. M. Brown said the law was irresistible, and the 
Democratic members should conform to its requirements. Judge Lin- 
ton Stephens, in a letter of great power, urged non-action. The Demo- 
cratic Executive Committee met and conferred with a large number of 
outsiders. The committee urged attendance, but gave no advice about 
the Fifteenth Amendment. Col. Nelson Tift urged the ratification of 
the Fifteenth Amendment. 

The Radical Central Committee convened and organized an aggres- 
sive campaign of daring bluff. They declared that there were fifty 
ineligible Democrats. It was announced in the papers that the law 
firms of Lochrane & Clark, Dougherty & Culberson, and J. L. Hop- 
kins had been employed to aid A. T. Akerman in prosecuting such 
alleged ineligible members for perjury, if they dared to take the oath. 
Judge R. H. Clarke and W. Dougherty denied such employment 
for themselves as individuals. Judge Hopkins acknowledged the 
employment, but disavowed any purpose to be a party to any political 
persecution. 

The Democratic Executive committee met this with a counter decla- 
ration, that able counsel would be employed both to defend members 
thus prosecuted, and to prosecute for felony those who should seek to 
hinder them from qualifying. It was a novel feature of the political 
situation that there should be this sort of cross-play of threatened pros- 
ecution. Gov. Bullock subtly offered to aid any, who might be in 
doubt of their eligibility, in getting relieved by Congress of their disa- 
bilities. Every effort was made to stiffen the backbone of the Demo- 
crats, but in spite of it all the Bullock strategy was partially successful. 

There never has been and never will be seen in Georgia annals such 
another wretched, humiliating, arbitrary, lawless farce as the reorgani- 
zation of that Legislature, beginning the 10th day of January, 1870. 
That body had undergone two transformations. It was to pass through 
a third, that violated decency and shocked every principle of law and 
bond of precedent. It was the vilest travesty of legislative propriety 



A. F0REIG:N' STRAIfGER ORGAIS'IZES THE HOUSE. 427 

ever perpetrated in any time among any people. It had neither the 
semblance of law nor chivalry. It was a mockery of both legal and 
military honor. It was marked by the brutality of the sword and a 
jeering' contempt of the statute. It kept up a repulsive comedy of 
blended civil and soldierly harlequinism. It excited the derision of 
even its supporters. It elicited the hot scorn of its enemies. It evoked 
the disdain of everybody. Men of respectability absolutely looked on 
aghast and bewildered at the cool audacity of the nameless outrage. 
It was a profanation of everything sacred in government. It sprung 
upon the country a succession of surprises as fantastic and indefensible 
as would be the pranks of so many irresponsible monkeys. These are 
strong words, but not overdrawn. The coiiservative portion of the 
Republicans branded the outrages openly, while a congressional report 
of a Republican House officially rebuked the whole proceeding. 

When the members assembled, Gov. Bullock selected J. G. W. Mills 
to organize the Senate, and A. L. Harris, one of the employes of the 
State road, to organize the House. Harris was a western man of enor- 
mous corporosity, weighing three or four hundred pounds, a cool, 
humorous, dry-witted, careless giant, indifferent to ^ abuse, keenly relish- 
ing the absurdities of the situation, and equal to any emergency. No 
attack could ruffle, and no inconsistency of order disconcert him. He 
was an admirable selection for the odious and perplexing service 
needed. He obeyed orders implicitly, and held to his arbitrary role 
with a fine blending of pluck and fun. The organization was run 
along capriciously to suit the exigencies of radical necessity. Bullock 
hoped that he had terrified enough Democrats off, with the re-seated 
negro members, to give an easy and safe Radical majority. The open- 
ing not only showed the Democrats unfrightened, but there was quite 
a sprinkling of the more moderate Republicans, headed by J. E. Bry- 
ant and Caldwell, who refused to go with the extreme men of their own 
party. 

This was an alarming surprise, but it was met daringly by Bullock. 
His resolve was to have no organization until he could get such a one 
as he wished, and this programme was carried out to the letter. It was 
the richest puppet show of the age. The proceedings were interrupted 
and adjournments ordered at any time. For days the farce was run of 
a fat, jolly Westerner, a foreigner to Georgia institutions, a paid subor- 
dinate of the State railroad, organizing a sovereign Assembly of 
Georgia Legislators at his imperial caprice, backed by Terry's bayonets, 
setting aside parliamentary law and the remonstrance of representatives, 



428 SEKATOE JOSHUA HILL's IRONICAL SPEECH, 

with a sportive sneer and an unappealable absolutism. Such a specta- 
cle has no parallel save in the fantastics of reconstruction. 

The Hon. Joshua Hill in the United States Senate, in April, 1871, in 
a powerful speech against the admission of Foster Blodgett as United 
States Senator, made the following graphic reference to this outrage, 
which shows that even an honest Republican sentiment revolted from it : 

" There is a good deal of curious history about the assembling of that Legislature 
under the act of Congress of December, 1869. It was a very memorable occasion in 
Georgia, a most remarkable event in its history. I happened to be a spectator of some 
of the scenes that occurred there. They were curious ; and if it had not been for the 
gravity of their consequences, they would have been ludicrous enough to have tempted 
the pen of a Cervantes or the pencil of a Cruikshanks. Why, sir, there sat on that occa- 
sion, with the representatives of the people called together under this Congressional 
act, a great " ton of man," from the State of Ohio, I believe, or somewhere else, who, 
enthroned like another Falstaff, acting the part of King Henry IV. before his profligate 
son, overawed and thundered into silence the representatives of the people. Who Avas 
he and whence came he ? 

" Mr. Sherman — ' If that gentleman was from Ohio, I should like to know his name.' 

"Mr. Hill — He is big enough to come from Ohio, from Porkopolis, or anywhere else. 
His name is Harris. Mr. Blodgett had been appointed, by the Governor of Georgia, 
Superintendent of the Western and Atlantic railway. As I am informed, Mr. Harris 
was the Supervisor of that great public work, appointed by Mr. Blodgett, and by some 
hocus-pocus, he appeared there on that occasion to organize this Legislature, taking his 
chair of State, and looking as I fancy Norbury did when he rode the bloody assizes in 
1798. 

"Men looked amazed and aghast. If there were ever Ku Klux in Georgia, it occurred 
to me that that was about the time they ought to have showed themselves — when a 
stranger, a man wholly a stranger to the Legil^lature, and almost to the whole people of 
the State, appeared there, and occupied the chair of the Speaker, thundering out his 
edicts to the representatives of the people, ordering them to disperse and begone to 
their homes, adjourning them at his pleasure and calling them back when he pleased, 
and these obedient servants of the people going and doing his beliests ! Why, sir, the 
scene was pitiable." 

The Senate swore in swiftly, and Benjamin Conley was elected presi- 
dent. "While the members were taking the oath, printed protests were 
offered by the colored Senator Campbell, against a number of Demo- 
cratic Senators qualifying, and the same thing was done in the House 
by O'Neal, It was confidently relied that the fear of prosecution 
for perjury by the Democrats against whom' the protests were filed, 
would frighten them from qualifying, and it was a significant fact that 
negroes were selected to present these protests which reall}'- made their 
authors liable to prosecution for hindering members from swearing in. 

But the game failed, and a change of tactics became necessary, Mr, 
Conley, in his address on tg,king the presidency of the Senate, made as 



STOEMY SCENES. 439 

bitter a speech as was delivered during the whole reconstruction era. 
He denounced the good order of the State, savagely assailed the Demo- 
crats and intensified its hot blaze of rancor with this extraordinary" 
utterance : 

" The Government has determined that in this republic, which is not, never was, and 
never can be a democracy, that in this republic Republicans shall rule." 

It must ever be among the unexplainable anomalies of that time that 
a man like Mr. Conley, of evident and acknowledged personal integrity, 
should have become so warped, and said, and lent himself to, such grave 
deviations alike from good feeling and public right. It illustrates to 
what extremes worthy men can go in partisan conflict. 

In the House there was a lively time the first day. Harris refused to 
answer questions upon points upon which he was unloaded, and curtly 
nipped off suggestions. Bryant, before he was sworn in, objected to 
reading Col. Farrow's construction of the Georgia bill. Harris called 
him to order. Bryant declared Harris had no authority to be where he 
was. Harris ordered the sergeant-at-arms to arrest Bryant. Bryant 
refused to be arrested, declaring this was an attempt to intimidate 
members. Hinton and a son of Foster Blodgett attempted the arrest. 
Great excitement prevailed. A negro drew a pistol on Bryant. There 
were some violent harangues. Order was at length restored, and the 
swearing proceeded. 

At length Bryant moved that J. H. Caldwell be made chairman of the 
meeting. . The motion was carried in a storm of applause. Bryant 
started with Caldwell to the chair, but Caldwell got alarmed and drew 
off. Dunlap Scott nominated Bryant for chairman, which was carried. 
Bryant mounted a chair, and a motion being made to adjourn until ten 
o'clock the next morning, he put the motion which was carried, and he 
declared the House adjourned. He appointed Caldwell, Scott and 
Osgood a committee to wait on Gen. Terry. Harris, cool and undis- 
turbed, proceeded with his call of the roll. The committee returned 
from a conference with Gen. Terry, who said that the attempt to read 
Farrow's opinion was wrong. Harris refused to let the committee report, 
and when he was charged with treating Gen. Terry with disrespect he 
ordered Scott to take his seat. Harris carried his authority with a high 
hand. A messenger came in from the Executive department, and 
whispered to him, and he adjourned the House. A Radical caucus was 
called to consider the situation. Another matter that created a lively 
comment was, that the proceedings were conducted with closed doors, 



430 A MILITARY COURT MARTIAL TO PURGE THE LEGISLATURE. 

and parties had to get printed tickets of admission. And between 
sessions Bullock kept the rolls of the House. 

But matters took a most startling turn when the roll of the House 
was nearly finished. Between the Conservative Republicans and the 
unalarmed Democrats the control of the Legislature by the Bullock men 
was in doubt. The strategy resorted to was desperate indeed. Like a 
clap of thunder in a clear sky, an order was plumped into the General 
Assembly, on the lith of January, by Bullock, approved by Gen. Terry, 
directing a recess until Monday the 17th, after the roll-call was finished, 
for inquiry into the eligibility of certain members. And following right 
on, taking the people's breath away, was a military order from Gen. 
Terry, creating a board of officers, composed of Maj. Gen. T. H. Ruger, 
Brig. Gen. T. J. Haines and Maj. H. Goodfellow, to inquire into the 
eligibility of Senators W. T. Winn, J. J. Collier, A. W. Holcombe, W. 
J. Anderson, B. B. Hinton and C. J. Wellborn. 

When this astounding turn was given to affairs, it may well be 
imagined how the public quivered in its indignation. This was recon- 
struction with a vengeance. The setting up of an absolute autocrat in 
the person of the gigantic Harris, to tyrannically twist as he pleased 
the organization of the elected representatives of a free people and a 
great commonwealth, was a revolting usurjoation. But great as was 
this wrong, it paled before the enormity of flagrantly violating the 
very law under which the reorganization was proceeding, which made 
every member the keeper of his own conscience in taking the bath, and 
of seeking to purge the Legislature by a court martial. The law 
prescribed indictment in the Federal Court as the remedy for any 
perjured qualification of members. And yet here was the bayonet 
invoked to mutilate the Legislature and thwart the solemn rights of 
the people without a shadow of authority. It seemed as if this rang- 
ing abomination of reconstruction was to invent and enforce every 
iniquity and fantasy in the scope of an unbridled and malignant inven- 
tion. And not the least curious thing of it all was that this miserable 
business of a crazy tampering with rights and laws, while evoking the 
derision and contempt of everybody, and while condemned and repu- 
diated by Congress itself, was permitted to stand in its wanton exclu- 
sion of legislators from their constitutional rights. Such crimes 
against the government were like the defilement of sanctuaries. Our 
people shuddered and suffered them in impotent horror, and bestowed 
upon Gov. Bullock and his coadjutors in the fell work an immeasurable 
loathino;. 



LEGISLATORS EXPELLED BY THE MILITARY. 431 

The Senators had as counsel before the Military Board, John Collier, 
R. H. Clark, and George N. Lester. They made a protest against the 
jurisdiction of the Board. Attorney General Farrow conducted the 
prosecution. After getting through with the Senators, the Board 
took up the Representatives. A committee of the Legislature applied 
to Gen. Terry to allow the Court to determine the questions involved. 
The Legislature was adjourned to a later date to await the investiga- 
tion. The Board made the remarkable announcement, after a while, that 
while it could compel witnesses to be present, it had no authority to 
force members to attend. The tremendous public odium against the 
proceeding was having its effect. Senator Morton in a speech denied 
that President Grant had authorized the Board. Gen. Sherman said 
that Gen. Terry might have appointed a board of three citizens as well 
as a board of officers, but still the mischievous and illegal commission 
pursued the tenor of its way. And only Democrats were the objects 
of its inquisition. 

On the 25th of January, 1870, Gen. Terry sent in his order to the 
House to the effect that R. A. Donaldson, E. M. Taliaferro and J. H. 
Nunn were ineligible, and prohibited them from qualifying, and that 
J. B. Burke, J. A. Brinson, A. T. Bennett, A. M. George, David Groff, 
W. J. Hudson, D. Johnson, H. C. Kellogg, J. W. Meadows, J. H. Pen- 
land, R. C. Surrency, J. R. Smith, H. Williams, J. C. Drake, J. T. Ellis 
and J. M. Rouse, having refused to take the oaths, and having filed 
with Gov. Bullock applications for relief of their disabilities by Con- 
gress, admit thereby their ineligibility, and were therefore prohibited 
from taking their seats. 

On the 28th an order was issued declaring Senators W. T. Winn and 
W. J. Anderson ousted, and E. D. Graham and C. R. Moore ineligible 
because they had failed to qualify, and filed applications for relief. 
Senator J. J. Collier had taken the oath, but applied to withdraw it, 
and filed his application for relief, and was therefore declared ineligi- 
ble. Senator Winn had sold some beef to Confederate soldiers, for 
which he was deprived of his high trust as a State Senator. Certainly 
it would be difficult to find a better illustration of the tragic silliness 
of this high-handed procedure. 

The result was that five Senators and Representatives were kicked 
out under this bayonet process, and nineteen frightened from taking 
their seats. And months after, a correspondent of the Augusta Chron- 
icle reported that some of the applications of the credulous gentlemen 
who had filed their applications with Gov, Bullock for relief from their 



432 bullock's tictoey complete. 

disabilities, were lying in the Executive office. The mingled game of 
intimidation and relief had been partially successful. 

The next step in the programme was learned from the Democrats 
themselves, and that was seating the next highest candidates. Gov. 
Bullock recommended this, afraid to run the gauntlet of an election. 
The highest were seated. There were vacancies, but the Executive 
withheld orders to fill them by election for months. • 

The next battle was o.ver the election of a Speaker of the House, and 
an important one it was. With a friendly presiding officer the Demo- 
crats had much to gain. Here, with an inexcusable blundering, they 
threw away the chance. Bryant was selected as the candidate of the 
Democrats and Conservative Republicans, and was defeated by R. L. 
McWhorter, because ten Democrats refused to go for Bryant. Five of 
them, Harrison, McArthur, Parks, Radish and Smith voted for Mc- 
Whorter. V. P. Sisson threw away his vote on John Smith, and Rawls, 
Irwin, Tumlin and Welchell voted for Price, who refused to be a candi- 
date. A personal collision occurred between J. E. Bryant on the one 
side, and the Blodgetts, Tweedy and Fitzpatrick, in which they bruised 
Bryant. 

The victory of Bullock was complete. He had absolute control of 
the legislature. Thirty-one negroes re-seated, and twenty-four Demo- 
crats ousted and Republicans in their places made the General Assem- 
bly overwhelmingly Republican. There was an under-current of move- 
ment running along concurrently with the public events that would be 
very interesting. The restless conflict of secret chicanery, the partial 
successes on each side, nipped untimely, would make a readable chapter. 
There is no doubt that Gov. Bullock's bold usurpations endangered his 
official tenure. Several times the Democrats, by unit}^, had in their 
grasp control of the situation. Every conceivable influence was brought 
to bear to destroy the compact integrity of the Democratic organiza- 
tion. And sometimes honest weal\:ness was as damaging as venality. 

Nothing will better show the spirit of the men controlling this body 
than the offering of a resolution, that only those reporters should be 
allowed to be present that gave fair reports. 

Gov. Bullock sent in a message to the legislature that foreshadowed 
the balance of his comprehensive and revolutionary programme. He 
was certainly playing a bold and desperate game of ambition. The 
message was an able one, but bitter as gall. It slandered the peaceful- 
ness of the State to the full. It argued that the State was simply a mili- 
tary province, with a provisional government existing by caprice. The 



EXTRAOEDINAEY EECOXSTRUCTIOlSr STRUGGLE. 433 

whole purpose of the message was to secure new United States Sena- 
tors, and pave the way for getting Congress to prolong his term, and 
the term of the legislature two additional years. He advised the rati- 
fication of both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, though the 
Fourteenth had already been ratified. But his theory was that there 
had been no reconstruction, that the first ratification was invalid, and 
that every, thing must be done over again. The obedient legislature, 
in spite of Democratic protest, ratified the Fourteenth and Fifteenth 
Amendments, and the expurgation of the Relief clause in the Con- 
stitution, and adjourned until the 14th of February. On the loth of 
February the body elected a new batch of United States Senators. R. 
H. Whitely was elected in Dr. Miller's place, until March, 1871, and H. 
P. Farrow in Joshua Hill's place, until March, 1873. The duty of select- 
ing a senator for the term ending March, 1877, belonged properly to the 
next General Assembly that would follow this one. This body was not 
to be chouselled out of the privilege, and elected Foster Blodgett Sena- 
tor for tjiat long term. The legislature then adjourned on the 2nd, un- 
til the 14th of February. 

This extraordinary reconstruction struggle was transferred to the 
Halls of Congress, and the new phases upon a national arena were 
among the most notable of this racy farce. Bullock hurried to Wash- 
ington on the adjournment of the legislature, to engineer his schemes 
in person. He had been marvelously successful before. He was des- 
tined this time to some hard defeats. Men cannot always succeed in 
the w^rong. 

The Judiciary Committee was instructed to inquire whether the 
Georgia Legislature was organized properly. Bullock had an uphill 
time. He found the set of things against him. Bryant, Osgood and 
Caldwell were there opposing him actively. Bullock had Blodgett, 
Tweedy, Conley, John Rice and Judge Gibson giving him aid. He 
finally left in disgust, and Judge Gibson made an argument for him 
before the committee. The legislature re-assembled on the 14th, elected 
Senators as we have stated, and adjourned on the 17th of February 
until the 18 th of April, 1870, to await the action of Congress. 

Gov. Bullock returned to Washington to resume his momentous 
fight. He went at it with his gloves off. He invoked every influence 
that could jDurchase or win. The Slander Mill was put vigorously to 
work. He sought every aid possible. He argued before the com- 
mittees. He enlisted every legislative power. A correspondent of the 

New York World reported that his expenses were $100 a day. The 
28 



434 BULLOCK DEFEATED IN THE HOUSE. 

matter excited a national interest. The ratification of the Fifteenth 
Amendment was being delayed for the passage of the Georgia bill. 
There was no longer any motive to deal any farther harshness to 
Georgia. The credentials of Whiteley and Farrow were presented in 
the Senate aiid withdrawn. Hill and Miller having been elected before 
the negro members were expelled, there was a decided disposition to 
seat them. 

The main fight that Bullock was making, however, was to have the 
whole thing declared provisional with a view to removing objectionable 
officers who had condemned the extreme measures of the Bullock 
dynasty, and get Congress to make the term of the dynasty begin with 
restoration to representation. It was a heavy blow when the House 
Committee reported against every act of the re-organization of the 
Georgia Legislature. It condemned the use of A. L. Harris, the seat- 
ing of the next highest candidates, and the reference of the question 
of eligibility to the Military Board. A warm discussion ensued in 
the House. And finally the action was a grave defeat for. Bullock. 
The bill was passed restoring Georgia with an Amendment of Mr. 
Bingham preventing interference with officers or prolonging terms. 
The bill went to the Senate, and the struggle over it there was long and 
severe. 

The crushing disaster in the House nerved Gov. Bullock to renewed 
efforts. The man's persistence, resources and savagery, were phenom- 
enal. His gameness was worthy of a better cause. He enlisted Forney's 
paper to champion his project, paying his establishment |4,459 for work 
and services. He had a delegation of the negro members of the Georgia 
Legislature to visit Washington, and file a protest against the Bingham 
Amendment, to whom he advanced |1,400 for expenses. He induced 
the negro Senator Revels to make a speech against it. He got up a 
large meeting in Washington. His expenditures in Washington ran to 
114,500, as elicited by the United States Senate investigating committee, 
that was appointed to look into certain charges of bribery that Avere 
made, of which he showed the committee a considerable part spent on 
private account. His hotel accounts alone were $1,868 for a few weeks, 
as testified by the proprietors of Willard's hotel. 

The gravest matter connected with this painful Georgia episode in 
the United States Senate was, that the investigating committee, Messrs. 
Trumbull, Edmunds, Conkling, Sherman and Carpenter, reported evi- 
dence showing that improper means had been used to influence the 
Senate on this Georgia measure, Mr. James Hughes swore that Lewis 



REPUBLICAN CONDEMNATION OF BULLOCK. 435 

Porter, assistant postmaster of Washington, told him that $10,000 of 
Georgia railroad bonds would be " put up " to influence the vote of 
Senator Carpenter on the Bingham Amendment. H. M. Atkinson, a 
son-in-law of Senator Tipton, swore that a man named Gibbs offered 
to give 11,000 if Tipton would vote against the Bingham Amendment. 
Two members of the committee, Stewart and Rice, dissent from the 
majority of the committee in censuring Gov. Bullock. 

This revolting matter created a profound sensation over the whole 
country. The press dealt with Gov. Bullock severely. The New York 
Herald pronounced it an " infamous attempt to influence legislation." 
The Philadelphia Age spoke of the " Georgia Conspirators." The 
Chicago 7^<imes characterized the developments as "scandalous facts," 
The Chicago Tribune, the leading Republican journal of' the North-west, 
was very pungent, declaring the connection of Forney's Chronicle with 
the affair, " disgraceful to journalism." The New York Commercial 
Advertiser, another Republican journal, thus discoursed: 

" The people of the United States are just about sick of the name of Bullock. A 
Senator remarked last week that Congress had ' Bullock on the brain.'" 

Sumner, Hamilton and Morton were the leaders on the Bullock side, 
making bitter speeches. Morton especially delivered a truculent, bad- 
spirited enunciation. Senator Hamilton of Texas, closed his speech by 
saying, that the people of the South were the " most blood-thirsty set 
of cut-throats God had ever permitted on his foot-stool." The reporter 
stated, that " Gov. Bullock of Georgia and Gov. Clark of Texas shook 
hands with Hamilton on his conclusion." The Constitution made this 
commentary upon this incident: 

" The thoughtful and fervent lover of his State sees matter for amazement in the 
affair under any possible supposition creditable to the. man. An honorable and patriotic 
spirit, giving credence to a state of public disorder that hard facts would not Jet him 
disbelieve, would mourn over the sad state of things, and seek its correction in a remedy 
that carried as little of shame to his people as possible. The exultation he exliibited 
over the mendacious expositions of the man Hamilton, finds a parallel alone in the 
ribaldry in which a drunkard might indulge over the grave of his father. 

"Let us turn the leaf over one of the most sickening pages of Georgia's history." 

Edmunds, Norton, Carpenter and Ferry made biting speeches against 
Bullock's scheme. Senator Norton said: 

" When we are told that the Ku Klux Klan are ravaging that State, the Governor of 
that State is here in the Senate chamber, lobbying and log-rolling to keep himself and 
his friends and his political party in power. Sir, let him go home ! " 

Senator Edmunds gave Gov. Bullock a severe punishment. Senator 
Ferry also used some very harsh terms in denouncing the measure. 



436 BULLOCK EETURlSrS HOME SMARTING. 

Scliurz and Trumbull followed in able speeches against ' the iniquity. 
The Senate passed, April 19, 1870, a substitute for the whole matter, 
which recited that irregularities had existed in both organizations of the 
Georgia Legislature, and declared the government of Georgia pro- 
visional to continue under military rule, but that a new General Assem- 
bly should be elected on the 15th of November, 1870. 

The bill thus changed, went back to the House. The bribery investi- 
gation in the Senate followed, holding up Gov. Bullock to the scorn of 
the whole country. Baffled and stung, smarting under the excoriation 
of the ablest Republicans in Congress, Gov. Bullock returned to 
Georgia. The Legislature convened on the 18th of April, 1870, and 
adjourned on the 4th of May, to take a recess until the 6th of July, 
appointing committees to investigate the Governor and Treasurer, the 
State Road and the penitentiary. 

The Bullock- Angier committee was Bethune, Shumate, Bell, Price 
and Darnell. 

The State Road committee was Lee, Parks, Maxwell, Phillips and 
Tweedy. 

The fact is, that in the defamation of Georgia peacefulness it was 
overdone upon the United States Senate, and resulted in horrifying 
Congress to such an extent that there was a disposition to undo not 
only the State's reconstruction, but Bullock himself. The Senate bill 
went to the House. Four substitutes were offered for it. The measure 
was accommodatingly postponed ten days on Ben. Butler's account, at 
his request, as he was called away. 

The House Reconstruction Committee consisted of thirteen members, 
of which Butler was chairman. It had four Democrats, Beck, Wood, 
Woodward and Morgan, who stood gallantly to Georgia. Our people 
owe a special debt of gratitude to Representative Beck of Kentucky, 
now Senator from that State. The committee adopted Butler's Georgia 
bill by a majority of one on the 19th of May, 1870. Gov. Bullock 
was in Washington on the 16th, having been summoned to testify 
in the bribery investigation matter. The new bill admitted the State 
at once, leaving the question of the tenure of the Legislature an 
open one, to be settled in the State and not in Congress, and gave 
the Governor the power to organize the State militia. The bill was 
the same as the acts admitting Virginia and Texas, save that the or- 
ganization of the militia was allowed. The measure hung until it finally 
passed the House on the 24th of June, 1870, declaring Georgia en- 
titled to representation in the Congress of the United States, allowing 



GEORGIA AT LAST EECONSTEUCTED. 437 

the organization of militia, but breaking the Bullock programme in this 
clause : 

" But nothing in this Act contained shall be construed to deprive the people of 
Georgia of the right to an election for members of the General Assembly of said State, 
as provided for in the Constitution of said State." 

The bill went back to the Senate, was discussed and fought over 
there for weeks. It at last was amended and passed, the amendment 
agreed to by the other branch of Congress, and on the 15th day of 
July, 1870, it was signed by President Grant. The act reads thus: 

"Sec. 1. That the State of Georgia having complied with the Reconstruction Acts 
and the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, 
having been ratified- in good faith by the legal Legislature of the State, it is hereby 
declared that the State of Georgia is entitled to representation in the Congress of the 
United States, and nothing in this or any other Act of Congress shall be construed to 
affect the term to which any officer has been appointed or any member of the General 
Assembly elected as prescribed by the Constitution of the State of Georgia. 

" Sec. 2. That so much of the Act entitled ' An Act making appropriations for the 
support of the army for the year ending June 30, 1868, and for other purposes,' approved 
March 2, 1867, as prohibits the organizing or calling into service of the militia forces 
in the States of Georgia, Mississippi and Texas, be and the same is hereby repeated." 

This ended Congressional action upon Georgia, though it failed to 
quell the restless and disturbing demon of reconstruction, which threat- 
ened and toiled for new phases of interference. 



CHAPTER XL. 

THE TWIN INFAMIES OF PROLONGATION AND FINAN- 
CIAL MISMANAGEMENT. 

The Semblance of Free Ballots — Prolongation attempted in the Legislature. — Bullock's 
Subtlety. — His Message. — Congress Set Aside. — No Election. — Akermau and Far- 
row against Bullock, — Deep Excitement. — Prolongation Killed. — The Grotesque 
Election Scheme. — Democratic Folly and Absenteeism. — Legislative Adjournment. 
— Its Obituary. — Its List of Outrages. — The Kiniball Opera House. — Frauds. — Re- 
port of Legislative Committee on Bullock's Misrule. — Proclamations. — Pardons. — ' 
Their Abuse.; — "Wrongs of State Aid. — Bonds Endorsed for Uncompleted Railroad. 
— State Bonds Over-issued. — Gold Bonds. — Henry Clews. — The State Road in ISTO 
tinder Foster Blodgett. — A Mountain of Infamy. — Wholesale Squandering and 
Thievery. — Two Millions Gone. — The Road a Refuge for Tramps. — W. L. Clark. 
— Racy Details of Plunder. — N. P. Hotchkiss- and " Rigid Economy." — Blodgett 
and his " Political Policy " of the Road. 

It might have been reasonably" supposed that the decisive action of 
Congress, made law by the Presidential sanction, would have termi- 
nated the matter in Georgia, and given quiet to the long-suffering 
State. Pkolongatiois', that most abominable of all the odious infa- 
mies of reconstruction, had been expre-ssly rebuked. Even the unspar- 
ing extremism of the day recoiled from this most antipodal graft wpon 
our free institutions, this perpetuation of dynasties afraid of the popular 
will. It is a noticeable fact that under all of the tyrannies of recon- 
struction there was an underlying attempt to preserve the semblance 
of the free ballot. Prolongation was simply the ugly, unredeemed 
spirit and practice of despotism, and it was contemptuously crushed. 
Bat Gov. Bullock and his; allies were' not to be thus thwarted. 

The struggle for this loathsome thing was transferred to the Georgia 
Legislature, and the most desperate and exciting conflict of this 
uniDrecedented General Assembly, the battle of all its battles, that 
fired more heat and made intenser rancor, was the one over prolonga- 
tion. The movement was begun immediately. Gov. Bullock proved 
himself, through the whole stormy play of his term, an exceedingly 
able manager. He was. subtle and ingenious — ^inventive in ruses, and 
as audacious as he was diplomatic in execution. He addressed a brief 
message to the General Assembly, which had convened on the 6th of 



ATTEMPT TO DEPRIVE THE PEOPLE OF AN ELECTION, 439 

July, 1870, in which he communicated the passage of the Act admitting 
Georgia, but said that Congress had adjourned without having admitted 
our Senators and Representatives. He then proceeded to say that 
section five of the reconstruction act of 18G7 made the actual admission 
of Senators and Representatives a condition precedent to the abroga- 
tion of military authority, which would therefore continue until the 
assembling of Congress in the winter. 

This cool setting aside of the recent act of Congress and attempted 
continuation in force of the old act of reconstruction, stirred a deep 
resentment. His message was signed " Rufus B. Bullock." A flood of 
jeering badinage was showered upon him for thus dodging his title. 
He had, in the first days, signed himself " Provisional Governor," then 
" Governor, " and then " Provisional Governor " again, and in the non- 
descript exigency of this last condition he ingeniously put himself down 
simple "Rufus B. Bullock;" neither "Provisional Governor" nor 
" Governor," but citizen Bullock, ruling a mongrel concern that was 
half province and half state, and yet neither the one nor the other, and 
to be kept shorn of sovereignty for the personal purposes of this Exec- 
utive and his friends. 

A measure was introduced that we should have no election. It was 
first agitated in the Senate. The State rang with denunciations of the 
wrong. Col. H. P. Farrow, the Attorney General, published a letter 
against it, thus splitting from Bullock. Chief Justice Brown resisted 
it with all of his energy. But Bullock and his friends pressed it with 
grim persistency. He and they knew it was the only way to get a con- 
tinuation of rule beyond their term. Never did men cling more stub- 
bornly to power. It was a deliberate attempt to set aside the right of 
election and prolong office at the expense of law, and in violation of 
right and every principle of our republican government; but this mat- 
tered nothing. The unholy crusade to deprive the people of the ballot 
and fasten the Bullock dynasty and legislature on the State for two 
years beyond the term for which they had been chosen, was jDersisted in 
as an alleged right under the law. 

The Senate showed its resolute partisanship by admitting a man 
named ^m. Henry, a minority candidate, in place of Senator B. R. 
McCutchen, who had died. The Senate then passed the prolongation 
wrong by a vote of 21 to 14. The papers of the State for days kept 
standing in large capital letters the prolongation senators, in a column 
headed " Roll of Infamy." The battle was transferred to the House. 
Mr. A. T. Akerman had been but a short time before (some time in 



440 PROLONGATION KILLED BY A CLOSE VOTE. 

June) appointed by President Grant, Attorney General of the United 
States in his cabinet. Col. Akerman, to his honor, rose above the 
partisan aspects of the case, and wrote a powerful and unanswerable 
opinion against prolongation, and took an emphatic view that the people 
should have the right of election in the fall. This document fell with 
resistless force upon the public. On the 11th of August, 1870, the vote 
was taken in the House, Chief Justice Brown working zealously against 
the wrong, and amid an unparalleled excitement, the measure was de- 
feated by a vote of 63 yeas to 72, nays, 12 Republicans voting with the 
Democrats. 

There never has prevailed at any time a deeper excitement than 
there was over this indefensible measure. The writer believes that if it 
had passed the House and been approved by Bullock, its enforcement 
would have been resisted and there would have been some sort of revo- 
lution. The feeling was intense. Congress and the Federal adminis- 
tration had condemned it. And Bullock, not only in the very teeth of 
the public will in Georgia but in reckless defiance of the policy of his 
own party, was pressing this lawless and revolutionary scheme of hold- 
ing over. The people would certainly have resisted its execution. 

But the trouble was not by any means over with this defeat. The fell 
spirit of reconstruction assumed protean shapes. With an exhaustless 
invention it took new forms. Prolongation was not only scotched, but 
killed and buried, and an election was a certainty. The next effort of 
Gov. Bullock was to tinker that election into suitable shape to enable 
his party to control the State. The author of the scheme was reported 
to be Associate Justice McCay of the Supreme Court, and some ascribed 
it to Mr. Akerman. Be this as it may, it was one of the most extra- 
ordinary election plans ever devised, combining the grotesque tyranny 
of a bayonet machine with the more puzzling novelties of a metropoli- 
tan packing jugglery. This beautiful piece of partisan mischief was to 
last three days. This feature was borrowed from Reconstruction. It 
allowed for the transfer around of tlie frequent voter, Tlie Governor, 
with the advice of the Senate, picked three manag-ers and the Ordinary, 
two in each election precinct, and such appointees were subject to fine 
of $100 for failure to serve. This cumbrous and original device was 
obtained from no existing human experience in elections. No ballots 
could be refused, and no voter be challenged. This reversal of all civil- 
ized laws in elections was another original astonisher. Only one man 
at a time could be at the polls, and the others must stanl off in a line 
fifteen feet distant, while stragglers must hustle away fifty feet. The 



AK ASTOUNDING ELECTION LAW. * 441 

Sheriffs were put under the absohite control of the managers. These 
managers had jDlenary powers of arrest, and also could fine Sheriffs $100 
for contempt of their imperial orders. 

Reading the details of this odd, unprecedented, despotic scheme of an 
election, one can hardly get to the point of believing that any set of 
sane men under a Republican government could solemnly have voted 
by tlie forms of legislative sanction, a plot so preposterous, fantastic 
and tyrannous — a scheme marked by such blended absurdity and viola- 
tion of principle. The battle was tough over tliis monstrosity. It 
excited derision and resentment. It was denounced as it deserved. It 
was stiffly discussed, and opposed with intense heat. Chief Justice 
Brown threw himself against it, as he did every gratuitous oppression, 
with his whole soul. But it was all unavailing, Democratic absenteeism 
and folly gave the victory to the Republicans. 

A Democrat offered a resolution that a bare majority could suspend 
the rules. Before this it had taken a two-thirds majority to suspend 
the rules. Without suspension a considerable time must have elapsed 
before the bill could have been reached in its regular order. The 
Republicans immediately saw the value of this Democratic slip, as well 
as the Democratic leaders. The inconsiderate mover requested to 
withdraw his motion, but the Republican presiding officer refused, and 
there happening to be a Republican majority the new rule was voted 
through, and the election bill promptly taken up and passed, nine 
Democratic members being absent, while the majority was only four. 
This measure became the law in spite of all opposition and the popular 
censure. 

On the 25th day of October, 1870, the House adjourned sine die, 
though the Senate continued in session until the 6th day of December, 
taking a recess until November, the 21st. The two houses had disa- 
greed about adjourning, so a resolution was passed requesting the 
Governor to adjourn the House, on the 25th of October, and the Senate 
take a recess until 21st of November, to confirm appohitraents. Thus 
even in the simple matter of a final adjournment, this body did some- 
thing out of the ordinary custom. -No deliberative body has ever 
concluded its sittings in the State under such a deep jDublic execration. 
The writer at the time in the Constitution published the following 
obituary, which expressed the popular feeling, and evinces the temper 
of that time, even among conservative men. 



442 OBITUARY OF THE EECONSTEUCTION LEGISLATURE. 

"IN MEMORIAM. 

PLAYED OUT, 

On the 25th day of October, 1870, 

The House of Representatives 

of the 

General Assemblj of Georgia for 1868, '69 and '70. 

This body 

Received its squelchmeut from the hands of 

One RcFUS B. Bullock, 

Its Master, 

Whom it served ' not wisely but too well ' 

Tor the State's good. 

Born of Despotism, 

It was a true chip of the parent block. 

IT 

Will be forever luminous in tlie 

PHOSPHORESCENCE OF ROTTENNESS. 

It lived 

But as the tool of partisan villainy. 

And its disdained dissolution 

Came most fittingly 

Through tlie agency 

Of the power that despised while using it, 

And contemptuously killed it 

The moment its subserviency 

Ceased to be 

Profitable. 

, Ransacked History 

Can show no parallel to this Hybrid 

Eor 

Corruption, 

Weakness, 

Effrontery, 

Ignorance, 

Evil Pliancy. 

It did its best and utmost of wrong faithfully, 

and wliat harm it left undone was 

what it was not asked to do. 

Criminal Speculators 

Will mourn with tender grief 

Its demise. 

it 

Had one Idea, 

That pervaded it ever and always; 

And when the most of 

Its members die. 

The winds 



LEGISLATIVE KECONSTKUCTION OBITUARY CONTINUED, 443 

Will sing it as their requiem, 

And Time will make it glitteringlj 

Infamous, 

That better thau Honor, Country or God 

They loved 

NINE DOLLARS A DAY. 

For months 

It neglected busidfess, 

Doing the work of but a few days ; 

And then in a few days, it hustled 

Through the work of mouths, 

To the State's vast 

Injury. 

Its Obituary 

Makes so heavy a draft on Language 

For words of Wickedness 

That it can never be thoroughly writteu. 

It has emulated 

Apes 

In fantastic folly. 

In ruinous aggression upon popular rights 

It has been as destructive as the 

DEVIL. 

Its monument 

Is 

An incongruous heap 

of 

Broken Laws, 

Debris of a shattered Constitution, 

Outrages upon liberty and sacred law. 

Shameless scoopings in the Public Treasury, 

Wild havoc with every interest of the State, 

Reckless trifling with the vital public credit, 

And a rubbish pile of the 

Worst Partisan Deviltry, 

That 

Political malignitj^ aided by human 

Imbecility 

Could abort. 

Its twin master, 

The Senate, 

Still holds its baneful sessions 

To carry out Executive behests. 

And 

Worry an oppressed Commonwealth. 

But 

The task of this Memorial 

Staggers the pen. 



444 INIQUITIES OF THE EECONSTRUCTION LEGISLATURE. 

Humanity 

Would be proud to erase the sad record 

Of this body. 

Failing, however, in this, 

Human nature explains to posterity 

The dread stigma 

Of this Legislature's depravity 

J3y one word — 

' RADICAL ! ' " 

This Legislature was in session 328 days, and cost the State nearly- 
one million of dollars, the accurate amoxint being |979,0o5. Its sessions 
of 1870, alone, cost 1526,891. It had at one time 84 clerks and attaches. 
The pay was put at |9 a day, and was drawn for twelve days of recess, 
as well as days of actual session, some of the Democrats, however, 
refusing to take per diem for the recess. The expelled negro members 
drew some 128,938 of pay f9r the time they did not serve. As the 
members holding their places drew per diem, there was thus a heavy 
amount of double pay made. And at every session after each recess, 
no matter how short, this thrifty body drew mileage. The mileage bill, 
during the year 1870 only, amounted to the moderate sum of $63,996.04, 
and the clerk hire $51,740. These figures make a startling record, but 
they are a consistent part of the picttire of that unparalleled body. 
Their significance may be understood by comparison. Nine years of 
Democratic legislation, from 1853 to 1862, cost only $866,385, or less 
than this single Radical General Assembly. 

State aid was granted to twenty-eight railroads, aggregating the 
pledge of the State's liability for over thirty millions of dollars to more 
than 2,500 miles of road. A sj^stem of district courts was created, 
expensive and cumbrous. The new judicial circuits, the Albany, the 
Augusta, and the Allapaha, were created. A public school system was 
organized, and Gov. Bullock apjDointed Gen. J. R, Lewis as the State 
School Commissioner. The school fund, however, to the amount of 
$327,000, was used for other pvirposes, leaving the public schools unsup- 
ported, and the teachers to be paid by Gov. Smith's administration. 
The act authorizing the lease of the Western and Atlantic railroad, 
introduced by Dunlap Scott, was passed and approved, October 24, 1870, 
and was one of the few really meritorious measures enacted. It is under 
this act that the present excellent lease was made. There were a number 
of iniquitous measures to gobble the road, but they were thwarted. 

The resolution for the purchase of the Kimball opera house was 
passed, August 19th, 1870, and aj)proved, October 25th, 1870, and the 



THE KIMBALL OPERA HOUSE PURCHASE. 445 

resolution for the purchase of the residence of John H. James, for an 
Executive mansion, was approved October 27, 1870. The first resolution 
accepted the proposition of the city of Atlanta to donate $130,000 of 
its bonds, ten acres of unoccujDied land, and an Executive mansion, free 
of cost to the State for ten years, in lieu of the existing contract. The 
State was to buy the State House from Mr. Kimball, the Governor to 
issue seven per cent, bonds running' 20 years, reserving enough bonds 
to secure the $54,500 advanced to Kimball by Bullock. The resolution 
does not mention the price to be paid by the State, but accepts Mr. 
Kimball's proi^osition, which was for $250,000 of State bonds. 

A committee reporting upon the matter stated that the original hull 
of the building cost the Opera House company that put it up, $83,000. 
Kimball paid $32,000 for it, and expended $182,167.56 upon it. Add 
the $76,871 paid for heating, light and furniture, and the whole cost to 
Kimball was $291,038.56, of which Bullock illegally advanced him 
$54,500. Kimball received $130,000 of Atlanta city bonds, said to be 
worth then, $90,000, and $250,000 claimed worth only $225,000, mak- 
ing an actual cash value of $315,000, or a clear profit to Kimball of 
$23,961.44, at the depreciated price of the bonds. Estimating the bonds 
at their face value his profit was $88,961.44. 

This whole State House matter has proven to be a source of mortifi- 
cation and trouble. Every step was marked by wrong. Gov. Bullock 
had, without authority, advanced $31,000 to Mr. Kimball in doing what 
the city of Atlanta should have done. Though rebuked by the legisla- 
tive committee and the House, Gov. Bullock repeated his unauthorized 
act, and advanced $23,500 more to Kimball on the same account. When 
the sale was made there was a mortgage of $60,000 to the North-West- 
ern Life Insurance Company from Kimball, which was not paid, though 
the titles were made, and the full amount of purchase bonds paid and 
received. This mortgage the City council of Atlanta had to pay, and 
now holds. The Mayor of Atlanta, Wm. Ezzard, gave a certificate that 
$130,000 of city bonds were due on the Opera House, the bonds to be 
paid to the holder of the certificate. Tliis certificate was untrue, in 
fact, as by an arrangement with Mr. Kimball, only $100,000 of bonds 
were to be paid. He had already received $30,000 of rent bonds, of 
which he had used $10,500, and at the purchase returned the balance, 
$19,500. This certificate, by written agreement, was turned over to 
Gov. Bullock to hold until the $60,000 mortgage was paid. The mort- 
gage was not paid and the bonds were used by Mr. Kimball against the 
contract, and in neglect of the State's interest. 



44G THE KIMBALL OPKRA HOUSE PURCHASE CONTINUED. 

But this is not all. At the time the legislature passed the reso- 
lution of purchase there were only currency bonds, and these were 
therefore the consideration. At the greater value of gold securities, 
the State would pay fully 130,000 more in them than in currency 
bonds. Gov. Bullock first gave the currency bonds to Mr. Kimball, and 
then, afterwards, the gold bonds to be exchanged for the currency 
bonds. The exchange was never made, and thiis, not only was the illegal 
payment of gold bonds made, but both sets of bonds were used by Mr. 
Kimball. 

The $54,500 advanced to Mr. Kimball by Gov. Bullock was to be re- 
tained by Gov. Bullock, under the resolution of purchase of the legisla- 
ture. This was not done. The committee of the legislature of 1872, 
E. F. Hoge, S. A. McNiel, W. H. Payne, C. J. Wellborn and John C. 
Nicholls report that the whole testimony touching the Opera House 
purchase they believe, 

" Establishes, bej-ond doubt, not only the official corruption of Gov. Bullock, but his 
venality." 

The legislature of 1872 appointed committees that made thorough in- 
vestigations of Gov. Bullock's administration. These committees were 
composed of conservative, conscientious men. The investigations were 
conducted under oath, and were full. The statement of the facts of 
Gov. Bullock's rule are taken from the official reports. 

The committee, whose report we have quoted about the Opera House, 
further state that Gov. Bullock permitted Mr. Kimball to borrow 
$255,000 in the name and upon the credit of the State, and to retain 
the money in his hands. They rejDort $776,834.09, as Gov. Bullock's 
personal special account with the Georgia National Bank, in which 
were mingled State and private money of Bullock and Kimball. They 
further report that during Gov. Bullock's administration, he paid for 
Executive orders and proclamations published in forty-two papers the 
vast sum of $143,397. Proclamations of reward would be followed by 
proclamations of pardon of the same criminal after his capture and 
payment of the reward. Proclamations of reward were published after 
the capture of the criminals. The committee reported that $49,361.75 
had been spent in lawyers' fees by Gov. Bullock. They further report 
523 cases of pardon by Gov. Bullock, including 566 persons, many 
before conviction, and some cases of brutal murderers. Some of the 
Governor's political household were engaged in pardon brokerage. 
Among the pardons granted was one to V. A. Gaskell, given in antici- 
pation of prosecution for violating section 4,402 of the Code of 1868, 



RAILROAD BOND FRAUDS. 447 

he having paid the State Treasurer money to sign certain railroad 
bonds. The committee use this language: 

" While making and encouraging- complaints to the Federal government of countless 
crimes, many of them dependent for their heinousness upon the imagination of those 
who deemed it to their interest to maguify them, Gov. Bullock wrenched opeu, with the 
resistless hand of Executive prerogative, the prison doors which had been locked up by 
the Law, and turned loose upon our people a horde of murderers, burglars and thieves." 

The abuse of the pardon power was one of the strongest charges 
against Gov. Bullock. In the matter of the unauthorized endorsement 
of railroad bonds, Gov. Bullock, according to the committee, committed 
his gravest and largest breach of official trust. And they note the 
fact that all of these illegal endorsements were done in the interest of 
the roads of which Mr. Kimball was President. The Brunswick and 
Albany railroad was the cap-stone of these frauds. The enormous sum 
of 15,210,000 of State bonds and endorsements were given by Gov. 
Bullock to Mr. Kimball on bonds of this road. The law of State Aid 
required the road to be completed to get the State's endorsement, twenty 
miles at a time. The sum of 11,098,000 of bonds were issued illegally, 
for which there was no road completed; and even where the road was 
complete, the endorsement was in advance of the work. 

The Bainbridge, Cuthbert and Columbus railroad bonds were endorsed 
by Gov. Bullock to the amount of 1600,000, yet not one mile of road 
was ever completed by the laying down of cross-ties or iron, nor was 
one dollar ever invested in the road by private parties, as the Consti- 
tution required. The Cartersville and Van Wert railroad and the 
Cherokee railroad were the same railway, and enjoyed thus a double 
installment of bonds, one of 1275,000 and the other of $300,000. 
When three and a half miles were completed the Governor, who 
inspected the road in person, accommodatingly gave Mr. Kimball his 
endorsement upon the whole road. The name of the road was chans^ed 
to the Cherokee Road, and a new set of 1300,000 of bonds was asked 
and obtained to take up the first set. The exchange was never made, 
and both sets of bonds used, as in the case of the Opera House bonds. 

In the matter of State bonds the same spirit of disregard of law and 
reckless extravagance was shown. There was needed some $300,000 
to pay the legislature, and Gov. Bullock issued two millions of currency 
bonds to raise the money by hypothecation. These bonds were issued 
under the Act of August 27, 1870. An act Avas passed September 15, 
1870, authorizing the issue of gold quarterly bonds to take up the cur- 
rency bonds and for other purposes. Gov. Bullock issued three millions 



448 • HENRY clews' famous account. 

of these bonds, largely in excess of any need. The gold bonds were 
put out, but a million and a half of the currency bonds were left 
uncanceled. Henry Clews had $800,000, and Russell Sage $530,000 of 
the dead currency securities. Mr. Kimball used $120,000 of them to 
get a loan of $50,000 from the firm of J. Boorman Johnston & Co., and 
$50,000 for a loan of $35,000 from the Fulton Bank of Brooklyn. Both 
Mr. Clews and Russell Sage, though receiving ample gold bonds to 
secure them, refused to give up their currency bonds. The committee 
says that it is forced to the conclusion that a portion of this money was 
raised for the private account of Mr. Kimball. 

Of the three million gold bonds, $1,750,000 were placed with Clews; 
$500,000 with Russell Sage to secure a loan of $375,000; $300,000 with 
the Fourth National Bank; A. L. Whiton $100,000; $350,000 to H. I. 
Kimball on the Opera House, and $100,000 to J. H. James for the 
Executive mansion. Mr. Clews presented his account. He sold 
$1,650,000 of gold bonds for $1,432,330. He had claims against the 
State of $1,489,384.04, of which $41,061.78 was interest, and $93,995.30 
commissions, making the handsome interest and commission account of 
$134,057.08 for handling less than a million and a half dollars. Of 
this account, $609,192.78 was paid on notes and drafts of Gov. Bullock 
and Foster Blodgett in violation of law, and $377,000 was paid on 
account of the State Road. The sum of $10,687 was paid by Clews to 
newspapers. Add to the enormous commissions the loss of $211,500 
upon the face value of these bonds, and we see the State out $350,000 
through Clews. 

Gov. Jenkins had negotiated three millions of bonds at a cost of 
$1,110, and with an advertising bill of only $931; selling our securities 
at ninety-five cents. When Gov. Jenkins did this, gold was $3 pre- 
mium, while when Gov. Bullock was mismanaging our finances, it was 
$1.12 premium. 

It would require a volume to detail the particulars of the mismanage- 
ment of Gov. Bullock's financial administration. It would not be an 
exaggeration to say, that there was hardly anything about it right. 
There was one unbroken continuation of violations of law and bold 
extravagance. Treasurer Angier and the Atlanta Constitution fought 
inch by inch this financial misgovernment. The bulk of the irregulari- 
ties did not come out until the long and exhaustive legislative investi- 
gation evolved them, but there was a great deal that was discovered and 
opposed, and clearly ventilated. 

There is one subject that has not been touched, that was the great 



THE HUGE STATE ROAD FEAUD. 449 

unapproachable sum of all villainies. The State road, for 1870, furnished 
a companion pretty nearly to the famous Yazoo fraud. Maj. Campbell 
Wallace had taken the road under Gov. Jenkins, and made a brilliant 
administration. He regenerated it with a masterly skill. It was jn 
ruin. He restored it. His net earnings for the year 1867 were $330,202. 
Col. E. Hulburt ran the road in 1869, commencing August, 1868, doing 
a fine business, and making regular payments into the State treasury, 
until the last month or two, when he was hampered. The treasurer of 
the road was William W. Clayton, a gentleman of large business expe- 
rience and shining integrity. In July, 1869, against Hulburt's earnest 
protest, Mr. Clayton was removed, and Foster Blodgett made treasurer. 
Hulburt was a professional railroader, and took pride in making a good 
administration, and he remonstrated that Blodgett was " not regarded 
by the people of Georgia as a man of integrity," and he believed him 
to be " an unprincipled man." 

On the first day of January, 1870, Hulburt was removed, and Foster 
Blodgett appointed superintendent of the State road, holding the 
position until the 27th day of December, 1870, lacking a few days of 
making a year. In the annals of railroading there has been no such 
travesty of railroad management. Blodgett knew nothing of railway 
superintendency. Add to this ignorance the ingenious and wholesale 
utilization of the road as a pure partisan machine, and, as can well be 
conceived, the circumstances were perfect for a stupendous botch of 
administration. But the reality surpasses any possible ideal of perverted 
handling. Results will best describe the mismanagement. 

The road was in fine order. The receipts during Blodgett's adminis- 
tration were, $1,464,737, out of which 145,000 only was paid into the 
State Treasury. Hulburt turned over to Blodgett, $109,131, making 
$1,573,868 that Blodgett had during the year. This amount, except 
the $45,000, was spent during the twelve months. Just before Blodg- 
ett's superintendency ceased, he represented to the legislature that 
the roid was in such a condition as to need half a million of repairs. 
And he left a legacy of some $600,000 of debt in round numbers, that 
was afterwards paid by the State. This made the incredible aggregate 
of ovar two millions of dollars spent in one year, with the road so run 
dov/n as to need another half million to repair it properly. 

T]ie details of this vast mismanagement are picturesque. Unauthor- 
ized offices were created. The road was packed with political em- 
ployes, and made the refuge for party tramps. In 1869 the party roll 

sho\v^ed 743 men. Under Blodgett there were 1,442 names, or an 
29 



450 PICTURESQUE DETAILS OF THE GREAT STATE ROAD FRAUD. 

increase of 699 useless officers fed at the public expense for partisan pur- 
poses. The increased pay roll was 1178,574 over 1869. Many men 
were paid who rendered no service whatever, others were members of 
the legislature, and others in other business wholly incompatible with 
any work on the road. Hundreds of thousands of dollars of legitimate 
expenses were left unpaid. The investigating committee of the legis- 
lature of 1872, reported $499,903 as due from plundering officers and 
other sources. Attachment suits for $366,274 were brought in Fulton 
Superior Court. And thirty-three indictments were found for various 
crimes, including two against Gov. Bullock, one for cheating and 
swindling, and the other for larceny after trast. 

W. L. Clark made a minority report that was a very clever piece of 
writing. It was a semi-satirical, humorous and shrewd presentation of 
the matter from a Republican stand-point. He frankly owned that a 
great number of petty frauds were clearly proven. One of the leading- 
frauds was the Tennessee Car Company swindle. Mr. E. N. Kimball 
was the manager of the Car company, and made contracts and received 
pay for some fifty-six box cars, to the amount of $42,500. No such cars 
were ever delivered, and Gov. Bullock, Foster Blodgett and E. N. 
Kimball were indicted for cheating and swindling. This was one of 
the cases which was clearly made, but Gov. Bullock was not proven 
connected with it, and was therefore acquitted. Mr. Clark surmised 
that the parties did not intend to defraud the state, but their enter- 
prises miscarried, money was needed to bridge over a chasm, and this 
questionable plan was devised for raising it. 

The main point of this sharp-witted minority report of Mr. Clark was 
the showing that Democrats as well as Republicans had shared in the 
robberies. The figures were ingeniously arranged and interesting. 
The Republican pickings in the matter of law fees were $15,480, and 
the Democratic $48,247. The printing given to Republican journals 
in 1870 were $19,103, and to Democratic papers, $32,964. Of 
$1,586,188 that he said was paid, $635,018 was traceable to Republicans, 
and $8*09,586 to Democrats. Of clearly proven fraud, however, he 
traced $113,442 to Republicans, and $50,763 to Democrats. Clark 
claimed for the Republican administration that it gave liberal rates, and 
finally took the road out of politics. But he candidly owned this in 
regard to what he calls the " record of crime and shame." 

" The examination has conclusively shown that the late superintendent was a had 
man, and utterly unworthy of the trust confided to him h)^ the Governor, and of the 
confidence reposed in him by the Kepublicans of the State. He not only defrauded the 



FURTHER RICH ITEMS OP RAILWAY MISMANAGEMENT. 451 

people of their money, but the demoralization of his example was felt throughout the 
social and business and political circles in which he moved." 

This is strong opinion to come from a Republican source. It may not 
be uninteresting to mention some of the specific matters of varied fraud 
that marked this redeemless year of railway misrule. Receipts for 
$7,296 of lard oil were forged in the name of A. J. Orme. A. L. Harris 
was paid $2,760 for a worthless railway switch. Receipts for $1,850 
in the name of L. B. Langford were forged. Large numbers of Ten- 
nessee negroes were carried free down to Atlanta to vote. Accounts for 
$5,000 for boarding hands were raised to $8,923. E. S. Nixon, local 
agent at Chattanooga, caused a freight blockade, by giving preference 
to his own freight bought on speculation. Bogus names were placed 
on the pay roll and money drawn for them. Col. Hulburt testified 
that Gov. Bullock wanted him to advance money from the State Road 
Treasury, to purchase the New Era newspajDer. And finally, in 1870, 
$7,000 of money for this purpose was raised on State road fraudulent 
passed bills. City Directories, for 1870, to the amount of $260 were 
bought. During the year 1870, a committee of the Bidlock legislature 
investigated the road, and the bill for liquor, cigars and music for this 
festive set of inquirers was only $1,650, including some fifty gallons of 
whisky, fifteen gallons of sherry, 7,100 cigars and fifty-seven dozen 
lemons. 

These unique specimens of the minor frauds will afford some concep- 
tion of the ingenuity of grotesque swindling that continuously marked 
this unequaled year of State railroad mismanagement in the wonderful 
years of reconstruction. Several humorous incidents will gracefully 
cap this rich chronicle. Mr. Blodgett stated with an inimitable humor 
that he took charge of the road to manage its " public and political 
policy." This was only surpassed in its dry wit by the response of the 
Auditor, N. P. Hotchkiss, who made a reply that became ludicrously 
historic to the question as to how he managed to save up twenty or 
thirty thousand dollars in a year or two, out of a two or three thousand 
dollars salary. Said this thrifty person — " by the exercise of the most 
rigid economy." 



CHAPTER XLI. 

THE DOWNFALL OF THE RECONSTRUCTION REGIME AND 
BULLOCK'S RESIGNATION* AND FLIGHT. 

Bullock's §25,000 Libel Suit agaiust the Atlauta Constitution. — That Paper refuses Bul- 
lock's Proclamation. — State Democratic Couventiou. — The Democratic Executive 
Committee. — Linton Stephens' Difference with the Committee. — The Election. — 
A Democratic Legislature. — Congressmen. — Howell Cobb's Death. — Chief Justice 
Brown's Noble Eulogy. — Joe Brown and Ben Hill. — Hill's Letter of Submission to 
the Amendments. — The Harsh Ordeal of Public Odium he Underwent. — Touching 
Utterances. — The Lease of the State Road. — Chief Justice Brown Resigns. — 0. A. 
Lochraueas Chief Justice. — The Kimball House. — An Historic Landmark of Recon- 
struction. — The Desperate Situation of the Bullock Regime. — Gathering Troubles. — 
Poster Blodgett Fails to get in as United States Senator. — Senator Joshua Hill. — The 
Greene County Presentments and McWhorter. — The Ku Klux Investigation. — 
Seeking the State Crucifixion. — Impending Crash. — The Brunswick and Albany Rail- 
road Tumbles. — Gov. Bullock's Resignation and Flight. — Seven Days' Preparation. 
— Benjamin Couley Sworn in as Governor. — Gov. Bullock's Aspersion of the Legisla- 
ture. — Lively Comment on the Hegira. — Gen. Toombs. — " No Bleeding Martyr, but 
a Spavined Rogue." — Bullock's Criminal Prosecution. — Requisition for Bullock. — 
His Arrest and Final Acquittal. — Review of his Administration. 

A MATTER much Commented upon at the time was a libel suit for 
$25,000, brought by Gov. Bullock against the Atlanta Constitution, to 
check that paper, if possible, in its zealous warfare upon the wrongs of 
his administration. But the suit simply evoked derision, and stimu- 
lated the paper to greater activity of opposition. This journal also 
refused to publish Gov. Bullock's proclamations, denouncing their 
extravagance. This course brought a warm fusillade from a large 
portion of the Democratic press. Not until Gov. Smith was elected as 
the Executive, did the Constitution take one dollar of any sort of pa- 
tronage from the administration. This course gave that journal a 
strong hold upon the affections and confidence of the people. 

On the 17th day of August, 1870, a Democratic convention was held 
in Atlanta. Gen. A. H. Colquitt was made President, and on the same 
day- he was chosen President of the State Agricultural Society. This 
two-fold honor, voluntarily tendered by two representative bodies, the 
farmers and public leaders of the State, was a public tribute of which 



LINTOK STEPHENS. 453 

any man could be proud, and evinced the popular appreciation of this 
worthy son of an illustrious sire. 

The convention had 300 delegates from 109 counties. Among the 
members were Thomas Hardeman, Jr., W. S. Holt, A. O. Bacon, S. A. 
Corker, P. Thweatt, Wm. M. Browne, J. S. Boynton, C. Peeples, D. 
Scott, R. E. Lester, E. F. Hoge, J. Collier, N. Tift, R. N. Ely, L. N. 
Trammell, Geo. Barnes, J. R. Randall, A. R. Wright, A. H. Colquitt, 
W. A. Hawkins, Linton Stephens, W. M. Reese, A. R. . Lamar, J. L. 
Seward, A. R. Lawton and J. Hartridge. Among these were two 
young men of promise. E. F. Hoge of Atlanta has since been in the 
General Assembly, and shown himself to be a person of substantial 
ability and decided character. James R. Randall is one of our genuine 
poets, who, as the author of " My Maryland," has won an enduring 
fame. That poem will last while the English language is spoken. Mr. 
Randall has been one of our most gifted and scholarly newspaper men, 
a writer of singular and vivid power, and at present, as one of the edi- 
tors of the Augusta Chronicle and Constitutionalist, one of the 
ornaments of Georgia journalism. 

The resolutions of the convention were drawn by Linton Stephens, 
pledging the Democracy to stand on the unchangeable principjles of a 
constitutional government, and to overthrow a corrupt state adminis- 
tration. No speeches were made, greatly to the disappointment of the 
Republicans, who hoped for some indiscreet utterance for political capi- 
tal. An Executive Committee was appointed of L. Stephens, J. Hart- 
ridge, J. T. Clarke, M. J. Crawford, J. Jackson, A. Reese, W. M. 
Browne, ajid R. A. Alston. 

Linton Stephens was elected Chairman, and R. A. Alston, Secretary. 
Judge Stephens accepted the chairmanship in a ringing letter, in which 
while he acquiesced in the prevalent idea that none but eligible men 
should run for State offices, he took the ground that for Congress some 
ineligible candidates should be nominated and elected to make an issue. 
This letter struck the Democratic leaders of the State unfavorably, 
and a hot discussion was precipitated, the majority of the press dis- 
agreeing with Judge Stephens. In a few days Judge Stephens pub- 
lished an eloquent and masterly letter defending his views, but refused 
the chairmanship because he understood there was not a quorum 
present when he was chosen chairman. Col. Clifford Anderson was 
then made Chairman. 

The election came off, and in spite of the extraordinary facilities for 
the administration to control it, the result was a sweeping Democratic 



454 JOSEPH E. BROWN AJfD HOWELL COBB. 

victory. The wrongs of Bullock's rule had been so strongly presented 
and pressed, that in many cases Republican candidates for the Legis- 
lature in the white belt were compelled to repudiate the administration. 
The following congressmen were elected: D. M. Du Bose, Thos. J. 
Speer, P. M. B. Young, A. T. Mclntyre, J. S. Bigby, W. P, Pric^ and 
Nelson Tift. But R. H. Whiteley was seated in Tift's place. The only 
Democrats of this delegation were Young, Price, Du Bose and Mclntyre. 
The year 1870 was prolific in startling events. Gen. Howell Cobb 
fell dead suddenly in New York frOm a stroke of apoplexy. His death 
shocked the State. Perhaps the most striking ti'ibute paid to him was 
by Chief Justice Joseph E. Brown in the Supreme Court. The eulogy 
upon the distinguished deceased, by the presiding officer of this august 
tribunal, was a noble attestation to the character and greatness of Gen. 
Cobb, and it was especially touching in view of the strong animadver- 
sions made by the dead in his life upon the eulogist. Referring ten- 
derly to the harsh conflicts of sentiment, Judge Brown added these 
graceful and honoring words: 

" All these differences, which grew out of conflicting opinions on public policy, in 
times of high political excitement, and producing alienation and estrangement, are 
evanescent and soon pass away. In the grave they are forgotten. And when unde? 
Divine Providence, one partj' precedes the other, for a little while to that habitation, 
which awaits all the living, they are never remembered and cherished by any honorable 
and generous survivor." 

Chief Justice Brown had made large advances in regaining the esteem 
of the public so rudely torn from him. His condemnation of Bullock's 
schemes had shown the people that his position of acquiescence in recon- 
struction was conscientiously taken for the public good as he saw it, and 
that under an overwhelming provocation of unmerited and scathing 
public odium he had stood firm against the unnecessary and gratuitous 
indignities his unwelcome political allies had sought to put upon the 
State. His great ability and dignity upon the Bench, and lustrous 
judicial integrity, had made him an ornament to the State's judiciary. 
The popular passion had begun to subside, and men were learning to 
discriminate between the reluctant Republicanism born of sincere, pub- 
lic spirit, and the partisanism begat of venal ambition and looking to 
unlicensed power and an unctuous plunder. 

It was a curious coincidence that while this distinguished and unsur- 
passable Georgian was emerging from his baptism of obloquy, another 
brilliant citizen, who had been foremost in the unsparing excoriation of 
Chief Justice Brown, was himself suffering the same political crucifixion 



BENJAMIN H. HILL GOES THEOUGH THE SHADOWS. 455 

for the same kind of public o]3inion, that had brought Brown into cen- 
sure. Hon. Benjamin H. Hill issued an address on the 8th of Decem- 
ber, 1870, to the people of Georgia, in which he took ground that the 
abhorred amendments were in fact, and would be held in law, fixed 
parts of the national Constitution. Usurpation, the most glaring, suc- 
ceeding, became law. It may have been criminal — was criminal — to aid 
in committing the usurpation; it is crime itself to break the law. His 
conclusion was, that we had a new National Constitution, with new and 
enlarged powers of government, establishing new and dijfferent relations 
between the General and State governments. And he urged the duty 
upon the Southern people to obey" the new Constitution, to protect 
negro suffrage, and to cease quarreling over the divisions on the prin- 
ciples and events which led to the existing condition. 

This address fell upon the State like a clap of thunder on a clear day. 
And for years Mr. Hill walked through the valley of shadows. He was 
lampooned, abused, and howled at. He was called Radical; accused of 
selling out to the Republicans; of changing politics with a view to 
election to the Senate, by a Republican legislature; and a thousand 
other hard criminations. For years he fought against public odium 
as Gov. Brown had done. It looked as if he was politically shelved. 
His best friends turned upon him. His ordeal was not altogether as 
severe as Gov. Brown's, but it was a harsh one, and his recovery was a 
striking instance of political vitality. He made a public speech in 
February, 1872, that contained some peculiarly pathetic sentences. 
Said he: 

" I freely state that my political life is an enigma." 

He added after in a burst of defiance: 

" I had rather be the humblest of those who would save you, and perish amid your 
curses, than be the chiefest architect of your ruin, and live forever the unworthy recip- 
ient of your deluded huzzas." ' 

There is no stranger and more suggestive instance of the instability 
of human passion and the evanescence of human prejudice than the 
savagery of proscription endured by these two remarkable men, rounded 
as it has been by an elevation so august, in a time so short. The 
coincidence continues markedly, in the fact, that in every particular 
their experiences have been identical, and that so antagonistic once, 
their accord now is complete — a conjunction of absolute diversities. It 
was a wonderful triumph for Brown to see his old foeman with him. 
But it was only the beginning of a broader political corroboration in 
a practical point of view. 



456 THE STATE ROAD LEASE. 

On the 2Gth clay of October, 1870, Gov. Bullock advertised the West- 
ern and Atlantic railroad for lease under the lease act. On the 27th 
of December, 1870, the road was leased to the present company at a 
rental of 125,000 per month for twenty years, the company giving a 
bond of eight millions of dollars with the Georgia, Central, South 
Western, Macon and Western, Atlanta and West Point, Macon and 
Brunswick, Brunswick and Albany, Nashville and Chattanooga, and St. 
Louis and Iron Mountain Railroads for security. Gov. Brown was 
elected President of the company, having resigned his position as Chief 
Justice of the Supreme Court before he made a bid for the lease, and 
having served a little over two years, renouncing ten years of his term. 
His resignation testifies conclusively to the fact that he did not desire 
office, and that place was not the inspiration of his political attitude 
upon reconstruction. 

As a Supreme Court Justice, Judge Brown maintained to the fullest 
extent his admittedly great abilities. A perusal of his decisions, cov- 
ering every topic of jurisprudence and every principle of civil and 
criminal law, shows careful discrimination, profound discernment of the 
spirit of laws, wide and accurate legal learning, and the very perfection 
of a judicial temper, impartial, equipoised and punctilious. The truth is 
that Chief Justice Brown was the very paragon of a Judge, and adorned 
the ermine as nluch as any jurist that has ever sat in the Supreme tri- 
bunal of the State. He possessed an exceptional blending of a placid 
and untiring patience with fixedness of decision and luminous legal 
acumen. 

Gov. Bullock appointed as Chief Justice in Gov. Brown's place, until 
the meeting of the General Assembly in Nov., 1871, Judge O, A. Lochrane. 
This gentleman had sustained himself upon the Superior Court Bench 
with rare success. Appointed by Gov. Brown as Judge of the Macon 
circuit at the beginning of the war, and taking his seat under heavy 
and open opposition, due to a certain jovial vein in his versatile compo- 
sition, he had handled a number of grave and novel questions with 
originality and undoubted legal power. He had upheld both the dignity 
and ability of the bench. Some attorneys at Twiggs court agreed to 
carry their case by consent to the Supreme Court to avoid his jurisdic- 
tion. With placid poise he marked and announced the case dismissed 
for want of prosecution, and had the humbled lawyers pleading for the 
restoration of their case to the docket with much earnest compliment to 
his Honor. He enforced the writ of Habeas Corpus against Confeder- 
ate suspension; he decided the conscript law unconstitutional; he refused 







^c^ 




THE DOWNFALL OF THE BULLOCK REGIME FOBESHADOWED. 457 

to recognize the government of England that did not recognize the 
Confederacy; he held that the State of Georgia had the right to a writ 
of possession for arms loaned the Confederacy, and called on Gov. 
Brown for means to enforce his order. These rulings indicate legal 
ability and inflexible decision. 

After the war he resigned, and moved to Atlanta, He was appointed 
Judge of the Atlanta Circuit, and served from August, 1869, to August, 
1870, when he resigned, to be appointed Chief Justice of the Supreme 
Court in January, 1871, 

x\mong the historic landmarks of the reconstruction is that magnificent 
building and most valuable instrument of Atlanta progress, the Kimball 
House. It was a superb hostelrie, far ahead of the growth of Atlanta. 
It was begun in April and finished on the 17th of October, and its con- 
struction was a marvel of rapid work. It cost over $600,000, and the 
agent of Henry Clews, Mr. Crosby, told the writer that $300,000 of the 
money advanced on State endorsed bonds to build the Brunswick and 
Albany railroad had been traced into this hotel. Its history is one of 
vicissitudes, litigation and strange changes of ownership. 

The year 1871 was another eventful twelve months of Georgia history, 
winding up with a most dramatic surprise. The absolutism of Radical 
rule had seen its culmination when Congress passed the law of July 
15th, 1870, for the admission of Georgia, and when under it a Democratic 
legislature was elected in December, 1870. It must be held in thought, 
in order to comprehend the situation and the starting denouement, that 
the Republican regime had before it the certainty of a full Democratic 
inquiry into matters. There had been enough open acts of wrong and 
unlawful extravagance to justify grave apprehensions of trouble for 
their authors. As was afterwards developed, there were worse derelic- 
tions concealed. From this time on the Bullock administration was in 
a fearful strain to secure the success of its projects, and in final 
triumph make temporary illegalities forgotten or justified. But it was 
an uphill business. Kimball was carrying more than mortal man could 
bear. He was President of seven railroads, and the master of a monster 
hotel. The bonds were poured out so freely as to overstock the 
market, and the load was the heavier that dimly discerned irregularities 
were battered at by the opposition, until the enterprises staggered un- 
der the growing burden of discredit. 

The situation daily became more desperate. Ruin threatened every 
project. In the pitiless stress new illegalities were resorted to, that 
failed to remedy the perils. Bullock stood gamely to his friend Kim- 



458 FOSTER BLODGETT CLOSED OUT OF THE U. S. SENATE. 

ball. Illegal endorsements were given in succession. And yet all was 
unavailing. Angier in the Treasury prompted the clue to suspicious 
matters, the Atlanta Constitution probed and ventilated them, and the 
Democratic press, both in and out of the State, kept up a lively fusillade 
and publication. And so the final crash was steadily focalizing. 

Foster Blodgett went to Washington, and tried to get admitted as 
United States Senator, on the 4th of March, 1871. The effort was 
vain. His record was ventilated fully. Senator Thurman made an 
unanswerable speech against his admission, taking the ground that he 
was elected by a Legislature that had no right to choose a Senator for 
the term Blodgett claimed. Senator Joshua Hill made a rare speech 
against his admission. It was a document full of fearful punishment 
for Blodgett and his sponsors. It was witty, satirical, caustic and 
argumentative. Coming from a Republican source, it was irresistibly 
effective. It alike pilloried not only Mr. Blodgett but the Legislature 
that elected him. A Republican delegation from Georgia, consisting 
of Conley, Harris, Tweedy, D. D. Snyder, and A. D. Rockafellow, went 
on to Congress to press Blodgett's admission for the reason that " it 
was for the welfare of the Republican party." Congress adjourned 
without seating Blodgett. 

Senator Hill introduced two measures in April, 1871, that have 
excited great interest. One was the bill for the survey of the Atlantic 
and Great Western Canal, and the other a pet project of Col. W. P. 
Price to convey the United States mint building at Dahlonega, Ga., to 
the trustees of the North Georgia Agricultural College — an institution 
that has done a great amount of good, and is one of the most valuable 
educational seminaries in the State. Gen. Young also introduced in 
the House, a resolution for a post office building. We now have it. 

Perhaps nothing could bettor show the downward drift of Gov. 
Bullock's administration in the popular opinion, than certain present- 
ments of the Grand Jury of Greene covmty, in March, 1871, of which 
ex-Speaker McWhorter was a member of the one, and signer of the 
other, censuring Bullock's " wasteful expenditures of the public money 
and his wicked and heartless abuse of the public credit." Nor 
was Bullock without the leverage to help him, given by the incessant 
Republican agitation of the " Southern outrage " crusade. In Con- 
gress a committee was engaged in perpetual investigation of Ku Klux 
enormities. This was the stock in trade of extreme Radicalism. It was 
a striking evidence of Bullock's waning influence with the national 
leaders of his own party, that his contributions to this wretched campaign 



THE BULLOCK DYNASTY GIVES WAY. 459 

of calumny availed him nothing. He issued a detestable proclamation 
of rewards for an imaginary batch of hideous Ku Klux outrages. The 
slanderous pronunciamento under the Executive impress was advertised 
broadcast at the public expense, disseminating its envenomed poison 
everywhere. In July, 1871, he wrote a letter to Congressman Scott, on 
the condition of Georgia, rendering a bad account of the afflicted old 
commonwealth, that had fallen into the cruel hands of political Philis- 
tines. Gen. Gordon went before the Ku Klux committee, and endeav- 
ored to neutralize the mischief. 

It was an appalling criminality for men with the prestige of author- 
ity giving them weight, and with every incentive of State patriotism to 
conserve the interest and foster the fame of Georgia, deliberately seek- 
'ing to re-crucify the State, their own mother. But the power to harm 
was rapidly diminishing. The reign of evil was passing away. The 
Bullock rule was swiftly drawing to a tragic close. There came out 
whispers of Kimball's embarrassment. Gov. Bullock went away, and 
was gone nearly three months. Finally the irrepressible Angler gave 
notice that he would pay no warrants not signed by a resident Gover- 
nor, as the law requires. The State road mismanagement was givdng 
out a noisome odor. The Treasurer of the road was arrested. A com- 
mittee of citizens. Judge Hammock, Dr. Redwine and Judge Collier 
were appointed to examine the State road books. A large array of able 
counsel, led by Gen. Toombs, volunteered in the investigation. 

The first note of an impending general crash came in the disintegra- 
tion of the huge enterprise known as the Brunswick and Albany rail- 
road, the recipient of a double State aid, and an indistinguishable com- 
pound of equity and fraud. Claims poured upon it, which were not 
met. The Superintendent, J. A. Burns, dropped it and left. The road 
was seized by the Governor. This was after the middle of October. 
Every one felt that the end was approaching. The radical edifice began 
to shiver. The portents were unmistakable. The conclusion was at 
hand. But it must be confessed the finale took an unexpected shape. 
When it was announced that Gov. Bullock had fled the State, leaving 
his resignation, it was like an overwhelming electric shock. The sur- 
prise over, one flashing note of universal rejoicing resounded over the 
State. 



460 GOVERNOR bullock's RESIGNATION AND FLIGHT. 

The minutes of the Executive Department, show that on the 23rd of 
October, 1871, the resignation was written and reads as follows: 

"•Executive Department, J 

Atlanta, Georgia, October 23, 1871. ) 
" To Whom it May Concern — Greeting : 

" Be it known, that good and sufficient reasons, me thereunto moving, I do hereby 
resign tlie office of Governor of this State, to take effect on Monday next, the 30th dav 
of October, in the year of our Lord, 1871, and on that day and date, deliver over to the 
Hon. Benjamin Conley, President of the Senate, the Executive powers of the Govern- 
ment, until the election and qualification of a Governor, in the mode prescribed by 
paragraph IV., Article IV., Section 1 of the Constitution of this State. And the Secre- 
tary of the Executive Department will enter the foregoing of record in the Executive 
Minutes, and place the Capitol building. Executive records, Documents, Seals, and 
Mansion in the control of the said Benjamin Conley, upon his taking the oath of office 
prescribed by Paragraph V., Section I., Article IV. of the Constitution. 

" KUFUS B. BULLOCK, Governor." 

On the 23rd of October, 1871, the Executive Minutes show that R. H. 
Atkinson, Secretary of the Executive Department, says that he trans- 
mitted, by direction of Governor Bullock, this resignation to the Hon. 
D. G. Cotting, Secretary of State, to be filed in his office. On the 
30th day of October, 1871, at 3 o'clock p. m., seven days after the resig- 
nation, and after Mr. Atkinson's claimed transmission of the same to 
Mr. Cotting, the Executive Minutes show that Mr. Cotting thus 
addressed Hon. Benjamin Conley, President of the Senate: 

" Sir : — I have at this moment been placed in possession of the enclosed communica- 
tion, from the Hon. R. B. Bullock, being his resignation of the office of Governor of the 
State of Georgia, said communication beiue: transmitted to me through the hands of 
Col. R H. Atkinson, Secretary of the Executive Department. 

•' I hereby give you notice to repair to the Capitol, in Atlanta, within ten days of the 
date hereof, and take the oath of office, as Governor, before any Judge of the Supreme, 
or Judge of the Superior Court, otherwise it will be my duty to consider you as having 
resigned, and I shall proceed to inform the Speaker of the House of Representatives." 

The Executive Minutes show that on the same day, the Hon. 
Benjamin Conley, President of the Senate, took the oath of office, and 
was installed as Governor, by Chief Justice O. A. Lochrane. 

Though the resignation was seven days made before announcement, 
no whisper of it got out. It was managed with wonderful secrecy, and 
when it was given to the public, Gov. Bullock was out of the State, 
and Mr. Conley acting Governor. The Washington Patriot stated 
that Gov. Bullock admitted to a United States Senator, that he did not 
like the course politics were taking, and he feared impeachment. There 
is no doubt that Gov. Bullock apprehended impeachment, and it was a 



SEVERE COMMENTARY UPON GOVERNOR BULLOCK. 461 

subtle stroke to resign, before the new Legislature met, and not only- 
escape this, but devolve the State government upon Mr. Conley, instead 
of the President of the new Senate. 

Gov. Bullock wrote a letter from New York giving his reasons for 
resignation, in which he took a parting and malicious blow at the State. 
He stated that a majority of the House of Representatives had pledged 
themselves to vote for articles of impeachment against him without in- 
vestigation, and that the Senate had determined to unseat a sufficient 
number of Republican Senators to secure his conviction without regard 
to the truth and validity of the charges. He also charged that the peo- 
ple of Georgia had recently denounced or ignored the Constitution of 
the United States. This letter created a deep indignation against the 
fugitive, and the General Assembly by solemn resolution branded it 
as false and defamatory. 

The resignation of Gov. Bullock evoked earnest attention over the 
whole country. The comment was uniformly unfavorable, and some of 
it stinging. The New York World said he was 

" No bleeding martyr, but a spaviued rogue." 

The Boston I^ost declared that he 

" Preferred speedy slaughter by his own act, to the more painful fate — a living Bar- 
becue iu fact." 

William Markham, one of the most pronounced Republicans in 
Georgia, was reported in the press to have said of Bullock: 

"His whole administration has been in violation of every principle of honor, and dis- 
graceful to the Republican party, and regardless of the interest of the people of the 
State." 

Gen. Toombs expressed, perhaps, the justest judgment upon Gov. 
Bullock's administration in these words: 

" He certainly deserves to be impeached. He has committed a hundred offenses, any 
one of which is sufficient to convict him. The trouble with the fellow is that he don't 
know half the time when he does wrong. He does not understand the law nor the duties 
of his position." 

In 1872, when Gov. Smith was the Executive, and the bond investi- 
gating committee discovered that the City bonds of Atlanta pledged 
for the pa}Tnent of the $60,000 mortgage upon the Opera House had 
been abstracted from the State, leaving the mortgage unpaid, a warrant 
drawn by Gen. Toombs charging Gov. Bullock with the larceny of these 
bonds was issued, and upon it a Requisition was made upon Governor 
Hoffman of New York for Gov. Bullock, Col. John B. Cumming being 
the State's agent. Gov. Hoffman objected to the affidavit. Gen. 



4G2 bullock's extraordin^ary career. 

Toombs drew another one, very lengthy and technical, and a new 
Requisition was issued, Col. Gumming reaching Albany Saturday, 
March 30, 1872. Gov. Hoffman still objected. Gov. Smith sent a tart 
telegraph, expressing the opinion that Gov. Hoffman was quibbling. 
On Tuesday Gov. Hoffman issued his warrant for Gov. Bullock's arrest, 
and Col. Gumming proceeded to Albion, New York, to find his game 
gone, and a broken down horse in the stable. From this time on he 
was hiding out, avoiding arrest. 

The Atlanta Constitution had this editorial written by the writer at 
that time, that expressed the sentiment of the good people of Georgia : 

" The career of Bullock is a fine instance of extraordinary alternations of human 
vicissitude. 

" Bubbled to the surface amid the convulsions of political disorder and social turmoil, 
he rode for a while on a despotic pre-eminence as a stranger Executive of the proud 
State of Georgia. The absolute supremacy of his power and his cool disdain of tram- 
mels for three years constitute a picture of bold, evil rule not often seen, and admirable 
in its malicious and tyrannical consistency. The man made and unmade Legislatures, 
toyed with the State's sacred sovereignty like a wortliless bauble, swayed the judiciary, 
and scattered the people's money witli the lavish liberality of a prince, and the reckless 
caprice of a munificent madman. 

" He preserved his gorgeous deportment amid it all, arrayed like a monarch, imposing 
in presence, smiling and affable, the princely, imperturbable and benignant patron of 
thieves and adventurers. 

" His abdication came like a lightning stroke in the very zenith of his power. Down 
the metallic deity fell with a long descent and a dull thud. Governors have played the 
game of justice over the highcockolorum fugitive, and to-day sees him a miserable 
skulker from the offended law ; and an outcast from home, friends, society and govern- 
ment." 

In 1876, Gov. Smith made a successful attempt to ai'rest Gov. 
Bullock, sending Col. O. P. Fitzsimmons, recent United States Marshal 
of Georgia. Gov. Bullock gave bail easily. The case lingered for a. 
vear or two in the courts. Gen. L. J. Gartrell was his leading counsel. 
On the final trial, the proof connecting him criminally with the frauds 
on the State was not sufficient, and he was acquitted. 

In estimating Gov. Bullock's administration, the time has hardly 
come to do it exact justice. It has been too recent. It was an event- 
ful one all through. It was rancorous, turbulent, revolutionary. It 
was in antagonism to the good people of the State.. It was frightfully 
bad. And yet the times were conducive to much of the wrong. Bul- 
lock was warped by provocation, by necessity, by desperate stress, by 
unprincipled connections, by horribly evil covmsel. He was naturally a 
clever, amiable, correctly disposed person. He started wrong and never 
got right. 



A CRITICAL ESTIMATE OF GOV. BULLOCk's ADMINISTRATION-. 463 

He had to contend with an opposition that was sensitive and soured, 
•that had been harried and was resentful, whose chivalry and honor were 
both inflamed almost to madness by believed outrage, that he justified. 
He had neither tact, statesmanship nor congeniality with the people of 
Georgia. He represented a party, composed mainly of newly enfran- 
chised negroes and foreign adventurers, that pressed an odious public, 
policy. He was the agent of a disagreeable mission. He not only did 
not lighten its severities, but he increased them. At best, he must have 
evoked dissatisfaction. He did the worst that could have been done, 
and he drew execration. He resented it, and the conflict between him 
and the people became reckless and unsparing on both sides. 

It was a desperate conception that he carried through, to uptear 
accomplished reconstruction, because his power was not as absolute as 
he wished. His very success in the doing of this iinspeakable wrong, 
made the way easy to every species of Executive dereliction, since 
Congress, in the caprices of reconstruction tyranny, seemed willing to 
commit any enormity and approve any crime at the behest of its loyal 
Southern dynasties. Had the certainty of responsibility been sure, 
many risks of transcended authority would not have been taken. 

But be the temptation what it may. Gov. Bullock's term was contin- 
uously worthy of censure. It grew in its criminality. It was unbrokenly 
evil. Every step was marked by personal scheming, disregard of nat- 
ural feeling, wasteful extravagance, violations of law and wanton 
attempts to degrade the State's autonomy. These are hard words. 
But they are coldly deserved. The simple, undeniable official facts 
justify them. And not the least censurable feature of this painful 
episode of evil, was that it was successfully achieved by the vile weapon 
of State defamation under the hypocritical pretext of the public 
interest. 

Honest men enough at the North were made to believe that the 
Christian people of Georgia were such a set of piratical law-breakers 
and brutal conspirators against legitimate Federal authority, as to 
demand the very dissolution of government, and the substitution of an 
armed anarchy for the protection of society and obedience to Federal 
power. The whole rule of Gov. Bullock, in the writer's judgment, was 
crime — against the State, the Nation, and humanity. That rule fitly 
ended. It went out in disgrace and amid public rejoicing. And it 
will live in the cool, clear future as the darkest era of Georgia history. 



CHAPTER XLII. 

THE FINAL ACT OF JOYOUS STATE REDEMPTION. 

The Legislature of 1871. — An able Body. — Its vast "Work. — Its Personelle. — L. N. Tram- 
mell. — James M. Smith. — Prolongation Again. — Gov. Conley and Bullock's Term. 
— Democratic Moderation. — President Trammell's Patriotic Sacrifice. — Election. — 
Conley's Term. — Its Good and Bad. — Democratic Convention. — James M. Smith 
Nominated and Elected Governor. — The Republican Perplexity. — Gov. Smith's 
Inauguration — The Public Joy. — Foreign Comment. — The New York World ou 
Georgia. — Obituary on Georgia Radicalism from tlie Atlanta Constitution. — Ex- 
Gov. C. J. Jenkins' Superb Letter. — He Restores the Great Seal of the State. — 
The Dark Period of Reconstruction Rule. — The Fateful Decade from Secession to 
Complete Restoration. — An Era of Red Terror and Black Misrule. — The Proud 
Spectacle of Regenerated Georgia. 

The Legislature convened on the first day of November, 1871, two 
days after President Benjamin Conley, of the Senate, took Bullock's 
place as Governor. This body was an unusually able one, and it 
assembled under circumstances of unspeakably grave public import. 
Its work was incalculably important, and while it made some mistakes, 
its general action was able and patriotic. Twenty-two of the old Senators 
held over and twenty-two new ones were elected. Among the new ones 
were some very strong men. In fact, nearly every one of the new Sen- 
ators was a public man of recognized power in popular leadership. 
Among them were R. E. Lester, John C. Nichols, L. C. Hoyle, B. B. 
Hinton, R. Jones, Charles C. Kibbee, T. J. Simmons, E. Steadman, 
William M. Reese, W. S. Erwin, M. V. Estes, George Hillyer, James 
R. Brown, and L. N. Trammell. 

T. J. Simmons has been President of the Senate, and is now Judge of 
the Macon Circuit. A tall, fine-looking gentleman with heavy blonde 
whiskers, a most genial person, Judge Simmons has been a valuable 
and successful public man. He has never been beaten. Judge William 
Reese was an ornament to the Bench and an incomparable legislator. 
Clear, positive, practical, honest, he has had great weight in every delib- 
erative body in which he has served. George Hillyer is now Judge 
of the Atlanta Circuit, and fast building into an enviable reputation 
as a jurist. James R. Brown is a brother of Gov. Brown, and has 



THE LEGISLATURE OF 1871. 465 

many of the strong characteristics of his more famous kinsman. He 
is now Judge of the Blue Ridge Circuit, and both in the legislative 
chamber and upon the bench has been marked by fine practical sense, 
thorough courage and immovable honesty. 

Hon, L. N. Trammell was unanimously elected President of the 
Senate, by a voice vote, without even the formality of a written ballot. 
This was a deserved tribute to Mr. Trammell, and no gentleman has 
ever sustained himself as a presiding officer with more parliamentary skill 
and personal dignity. His administration was simply perfect. Quick, 
impartial, firm, courteous, thoroughly versed in parliamentary law, he 
governed the deliberations of the Senate with consummate tact. 

The House also had some marked men on its roll. There was John 
W. Wofford, W. H. Payne, Isaac Russell, Emanuel Heidt, W. D. An- 
derson, E. D. Graham, R. W. Phillips, Morgan Rawls, Dunlap Scott, 
M. R. Ballenger, E. F. Hoge, Henry Jackson, J. C. Fain, R. L. Mc- 
Whorter, W. E. Simmons, Garnett McMillan, Geo. F. Pierce, J. W. 
Murphy, G. W. Bryan, W. P. Johnson, H. W. Riley, S. E. Field, J. M. 
Smith, J. F. Pou, L. J. Aired, M. H. Bunn, J. H. Guerry, J. B. Gum- 
ming, Claiborne Snead, C. B. Hudson, J. C. Dell, John I. Hall, J, W. 
Renfroe. Of all these bright gentlemen, perhaps there was none of 
them more brilliant than Garnett McMillan. He possessed a fervent, 
flashing mind. He died several years after. W. E. Simmons was a 
person of unusually strong intelligence. W. H. Payne was a man of 
cool, substantial caliber. George F. Pierce has been almost continu- 
ously since in legislatures and conventions, and has an oratory almost 
equal to his gifted uncle. Bishop Pierce. He is now Solicitor of one of 
the judicial circuits. 

W. P. Johnson was a son of H. V. Johnson, and a young man of 

bright brain. J. W. Renfroe has since been State Treasurer for five 

years, making a wonderful administration. Claiborne Snead is now 

Judge of the Augusta Circuit, and a young man of uncommon jDower. 

One of the most notable men in this body was John I, Hall, who has 

been Judge of the Flint Circuit. He has been a warm friend of Gov. 

James M. Smith. Judge Hall has been one of the cleverest political 

managers in the State, with a singularly practical vision of the public 

temper, and a wary, shrewd use of political opportunities. A very 

promising young man was Henry Jackson, eldest son of Gen. Henry 

R. Jackson, who has figured so brilliantly in Georgia History in the last 

quarter of a century. Whether as a lawyer or legislator, Capt. Henry 

Jackson has been a marked young man. He has been Reporter of the 
30 



4G6 THE BATTLE FOR THE GOVERXOr's OFFICE. 

Supreme Court for nearly ten j'ears, making as -efficient an official as 
the lamented Thos. R. R. Cobb, whose daughter he married. 

The House organized by the selection of James M. Smith as speaker. 
Col. Smith had been a gallant officer in the war, and a member of Con- 
g'ress. He was a person of solid, powerful build, with a square resolute 
face, and an appearance of rugged strength that betokened the type of 
his mind. A self-made man, originally a blacksmith. Col. Smith, who 
afterwards became Governor, was a strong and rising character. He 
was an able lawyer and an effective political speaker. At the time of 
his election as Speaker, he was in a law co-partnership with Col. P. W. 
Alexander, the famous war correspondent, " P. W. A." Col. James D. 
Waddell was elected Clerk of the House. 

The important question that confronted the Legislature was, who 
should be Governor, Benjamin Conley, President of the last Senate, whose 
term had expired, and who was no longer a senator or president, or L. 
N. Trammell, who was the President of the existing Senate ? The Con- 
stitution devolved the duties of Governor upon the President of the 
Senate. The Democrats claimed that when Mr. Conley ceased to be 
President of the Senate, he had no right to act as Governor, and when 
Mr. Trammell became President of the Senate he became endowed with 
the right to discharge the Executive duties. That this was the law 
the best lawyers agreed, and it was the legal solutiofi of this very vital 
issue. 

Gov. Conley not only claimed the right to be Governor, but he main- 
tained that he should serve as Executive for the whole balance of Gov. 
Bullock's term. Prolongation had been the Republican theory, and it 
was pursued in this instance fearlessly. It was a fitting and picturesque 
termination of reconstruction rule, that it should be marked by this 
battle for the Governorship^ this contest for the executive authority. 
There never has been a finer piece of political moderation than the con- 
duct of the Democrats in this emergency. Nor has there ever been a 
loftier exhibition of patriotic self-sacrifice than the action of President 
Trammell in foregoing his undeniable right to step into the august hon- 
ors of the executive office. 

In a spirit of conciliation and conservatism, admirable and conclu- 
sive in falsifying the slanderous aspersions upon democratic peacefulness, 
the Legislature permitted Gov. Conley to hold until an election, and 
passed a bill to have an election on the 3d of December, 1871. Gov. 
Conley vetoed the bill. But it was passed over his veto. The Repub- 
licans made a prodigious noise over this measure, and denounced it as 



GOVERNOR CONLEy's ADMINISTRATIOIST. 467 

revolutionary. But it was all in vain. With a quiet firmness, the 
Democratic policy was carried out, and the work of State regeneration 
proceeded to its complete consummation. 

Gov. Conley's administration was a very great improvement on Gov. 
Bullock's. He did some commendable things. He did some acts for 
which he was severely censured. He stopped immediately Gov. Bul- 
lock's extravagant proclamation business. He paid out some 125,188 
of the contingent fund in the two months and twelve days of his 
incumbency. He also pardoned Foster Blodgett for all possible charges 
against him growing out of the State Road administration. For these 
two acts he received much popular animadversion. He had several 
lively conflicts with the Legislature. He vetoed a bill reducing legisla- 
tive pay to seven dollars from nine; another continuing the session five 
days beyond the constitutional forty days; another repealing a Bullock 
law remitting the payment of poll tax for the past three years; another 
repealing the District court law; another repealing the India rubber 
twentieth section of the appropriation act under which Gov. Bullock 
had spent hundreds of thousands of dollars on every species of claim; 
and another authorizing an investigation of our bonds. 

These were all party battles, and were made by Gov. Conley to press 
Republican strategy. The tussle between Conley and the Democrats 
became right animated. He was game and personally honest, but he 
was an uncompromising partisan, and struck the democracy every hard 
blow that he could. No charge of inconsistency could move him. He 
had prolonged hundreds of days in the Bullock Legislature, but yet he 
vigorously stormed over the alleged outrage of Democratic prolonga- 
tion of five days to wind up business. He took |9 a day for 320 days, 
.but condemned Democratic extravagance that wanted 17 a day. He 
was scored roundly with these inconsistencies, but it made no difference. 
He pounded away vigorously upon the Democrats, and he gave them 
a deal of trouble, and kept them actively retorting. 

The Democratic convention to nominate a candidate for Governor, 
met in Atlanta, on the 6th day of December, 1871. There were 372 
delegates from 134 counties. Among the delegates were Barney Hill, 
T. G. Holt, C. C. Kibbee, M. Rawls, R. T. Fouche, J. C. Fain, T. M. 
Peeples, W. E. Simmons, A. D. Candler, G. F. Pierce, B. B. Hinton, 
H, L. Benning, M. Blanford, L. F. Garrard, P. W. Alexander, A. R. 
Lamar, L. J. Aired, J. C. Nicholls, J. T. Clarke, J. B. Cumming, C. F. 
Crisp, C. W. Hancock, C. J. Wellborn, I. E. Shumate, J. A. W. John- 
son and William M. Reese. This was the first political appearance of a 



4G8 GOV, JAMES M. SMITH ELECTED AND INAUGURATED. 

very brig-ht young man, C. F. Crisp, son of a distinguished theatrical 
actor. Mr. Crisp is now Judge of the South-western Circuit, and is a 
rising jurist. 

Hon. Juhan Hartriclge was elected Chairman of the Convention. The 
contest was between Herbert Fielder, Gen. W. T. Wofford and Col. 
James M. Smith. Fielder and Wofford withdrew, and Smith was 
unanimously nominated. A new Executive Committee was appointed, 
consisting of Clifford Anderson, E. F. Hoge, J. B. Cumming, C. W. 
Styles, J. C. Dell, J. H. Hunter, C. C. Kibbee, W. O. Fleming, A. R. 
Lamar, H. Buchanan, A. D. Hammond, J. I. Hall, G. F. Pierce, J. D. 
Mathews, G. McMillan, W, E. Simmons, J. T. Burns, and C. D. Mc- 
Cutchen. 

The Republicans finally declined to run a candidate. Col. H. P. Far- 
row published a letter afterwards, giving an interesting account of the 
Republican perplexity. A caucus was held at the capitol, consisting of 
J. Johnson, John S. Bigby, J. R. Parrott, Madison Bell, R. L. Mott and 
others. The Bullock administration was the incubus. There seems to 
have been an entire repudiation of Bullock's rule. They " were in no 
way connected with the Bullock ring." Foster Blodgett's resignation 
as Chairman of the Executive Committee was received, and James At- 
kins was nominated for Governor. Col. Atkins declined. Among the" 
phrases vised in this Republican caucus were such as " the shameful 
administration of Gov. Bullock;" "fled the country dishonored, yet 
' unwept, unhonored and unsung '! ' " and " betrayed in every essential 
particular the confidence of the party." 

James M. Smith was elected Governor, the fact that there was no 
opposition causing a light vote, only 39,705; and Gov. Conley in his 
message transmitting the ballots to the General Assembly, with some 
bitterness, but incorrectly, claimed that the smallness of the vote dem- 
onstrated that the people of Georgia did not desire an election to fill 
the unexpired term of Gov. Bullock. The Governor elect resigned his 
place as Speaker, and Jos. B. Cumming was elected in his place. 

On the 12th day of January, 1873, Gov. James M. Smith was inau- 
gurated amid universal rejoicing. The Representative Chamber was 
packed. Gov. Smith was accompanied by the State officials and Judges, 
Gen. Toombs, Gen. Colquitt, ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown, P. W. x'Vlex- 
ander and others. His inaugural was a concise, earnest address, that 
was fully applauded. He used this expression: 

" l\ecun'iii<^ to the occasion which has hi-ouglit us togetlier to-day, it cannot escape 
the most careless observer, tliat we liave assembled under circumstances of an extraor- 



Georgia's redemptiox. 4G9 

dinary character. The late Governor, wliose unexpired terra of office I have been chosen 
to fill, is a voluntary fugitive from the State of his adoption. During his brief incum- 
bency there has been an addition of untold millions to the public debt. He has left the 
finances of the State in the utmost confusion and disorder." 

No words can convey the depth and fervor of the public joy over this 
restoration of a rule resting on the free choice of the people. Over the 
length and breadth of the commonwealth welled up one universal, deep- ' 
souled acclaim of gladness. There was a double satisfaction in the 
event, the end of misrule and the inauguration of good government. 
The despotism of the bayonet was gone, and it seemed as if we had, 
after an unspeakable pilgrimage, reached the promised land. 

Nor was the rejoicing confined to Georgia. From every part of the 
Union came back to u§ congratulations and the responsive echoes of 
our delight. Some of the comments were very striking. The New 
York World in particular made the event the subject of some reflections 
that contain a profound philosophy, and well merit quotation. Said 
this journal: 

" Georgia, more than any of the Southern states, has suffered from the process of 
reconstruction, and her present deliverance is an ample proof of how futile that process 
has been. All the powers of the Federal Government — the armj^, the treasury, the 
courts — have been exhausted to keep lier in a certain position, and at the first election 
we find her escaping out of that condition and assuming a position of her own. Had it 
been some powerful Northern state, like New York, or Massachusetts, or Illinois, that 
had been time and again bound hand and foot, and yet burst its bonds almost in the 
instant they had been completed, the wonder would not be great ; bvit that a beaten and 
impoverished commonwealth like Georgia has risen superior to the whole strength of the 
Administration is something amazing. It shows how little real root there is in centrali- 
zation, and how fully able a State is to cope with the Avhole Federal Government when 
that Government is prostituted to party ends. Nothing that Congress could do — nothing 
that the President could do — has been able to keep this State in that vassalage to which 
Congress and the President bent all their energies to reduce her. It has. been impossible 
to keep the cork under water, whatever the superimposed force. No less tlian seven acts 
of Congress were leveled at Georgia ; no less than threB times was her civil establish- 
ment superseded b^'- martial law ; and the end of it all is that the State is to-day just 
where it was in 1866 — in absolute and entire control of her own people. The recon- 
structed legislature is gone, the reconstructed judiciary is gone, the reconstructed Gov- 
ernor is a fugitive thief, the bayonets are gone, the laws are inoperative, and, in the 
language of the ring, the State, after an infinitude of punishment, comes up to the 
scratch smiling and knocks its antagonist put of time." 

If the public happiness was great over the exhilarating spectacle, that 
one of Georgia's own sons, by her own untrammeled suffrages, sat in 
her honorable Executive seat, there was an equally profound sense of 
relief, that the dismal reign of Radical misgovernment had ended forever. 



470 OBITUARY OF GEORGIA RADICALISM. 

The writer at that time gave expression to the popular feeling in the 
following editorial article in the Atlanta Constitution, which a general 
reproduction in the State press attested to be the public conception of 
the defunct reconstruction dynasty, and which, though. written in the 
haste of rapid preparation and with the over-coloring due the feverish 
times, presents the truth: 

" OBITUARY. 

GEORGIA RADICALISM. 

Perished through its own corruption, 

12 M., Jauuary 12th, 1872, 

In Atlanta, Ga., 

In the Representative Chamber of the General Assembly, 

And by the free ballots of the virtuous pe«ple it outraged. 

The detestable body of 

Georgia Radicalism. 

It was aborted 

January 30th, 1868, 

Of the horrible rape of State Sovereignty 

By tlie brutal Bayonet. 

It lived three years, eleven mouths and twent}-; seven days, 

A ghastly thing 

Of ceaseless, infinite, unnamable 

Villainy. 

It debauched the 

State's Chief Magistkacy 

Into a hissing term of loathsome scorn, 

And a glaring by-word of ignominious reproach. 

It clutched in its leprous grasp the 

State's Pure Judiciary, 

And bedraggled it in slime * 

Until its spotless ermine was as black and offensive. 

As Radicalism's own adored Africa. 

It transformed the 

State's Great Legislature 

Into a howling pandemonium of indecency and plunder, 

An unconvicted penitentiary of thieves, blackguards and felons, 

In which a few good men 

Made the large majority of its members 

More conspicuously infernal by the tremendous contrast. 

Politics it reduced to a scientific scheme of 

Political Harlotry. 
Hypocritically making a hobby of Education, 

It Stole 

Every dollar of the State Educational Fund. 

lu the name of justice, 

It turned loose the imprisoned convicts 



OBITUARY OF RADICALISM CONTINUED. 47] 

Of the whole broad State, 

To recruit its corrupt ranks and create crime. 

It ascribed this crime to the virtuous people, 

To perpetuate its power 

By making such purposed disorder 

A diabolical pretext 

For the overthrow of State government. 

And the interference of national despotism 

To crucify the commonwealth 

Fov the Radical benefit. 

It made the State 

A HELL, 

In practice for its own certain destination. 

It pounced its ra^'enous claws 

On the State's giant property, its great railroad, 

With the rabid rapacity of a hungry hyena, 

And its plan of gobblement will glare 

Through the accumulated rottenness of ages 

An unequaled model for all 

Big and bold-schemed bandits. 

If it had a single virtue. 

Concentrated microscopic partiality 

Has failed to find it. 

Malice knows no crime it has not committed, 

While it has enriched 

The catalogue of Satan 

With its new and devilish devices 

Of Evil. 

To the State's honor 

Be it eternally said 

That it found little State stuff. 

Vile enough for its use. 

It imported 

Its scamps from the moral North, 

And the hegira. 

Of its gorged buzzards home 

Under the law's lash. 

Leaves little of its organism 

Save the deluded masses 

Of its despised, robbed and ignorant 

Africans, 

Who rue its rule. 

And curse its existence. 

It spewed all the good men from its association. 

And left them sick, shocked and stranded 

On the great rock 

Of a remediless political blunder. 

But we cannot hope to do it justice. 



■ii'Z THE RECONSTRUCTION RULE. 

Words are unequal to the task. 

What evil it did not do 

Was not from Avant of venom 

But of phjsical capacity. 

The hottest torture 

It will know in the flames 

Of its inevitable home will be 

Its own uuappeased malignity, 

Its hungry disappointment at unaccomplished crimes. 

To sum up its record 

It has broken every law, 

Violated every decency, betrayed every trust, 

Injured every interest, hurt every industry, 

Wronged every citizen, neglected every duty. 

Committed every crime, omitted every virtue. 

It has done falsehood, theft, hypocrisy. 

Slander, perjury^ oppression, blasphemy, 

Murder, treason and sacrilege. 

Hereafter among Shame's penalties. 

The most stinging blazonry of Scorn 

Will be the mere fact 

That a man was 

Of it. 

Its short career constituted 

Georgia's Dark Days. 

Its downfall 

Makes up a joy and a blessing 

As bright and^blissful 

As its rule was dark. 

And language cannot convey that. 

Its epitaph 

No time can obliterate 

From the hearts of future 

As well as present generations. 

It is this : 

CURSES ON ITS MEMORY." 

It may well be conceived that a rule that drew such contemporaneous 
expression of conservative opinion had been black and heavy indeed. 
On the 30th day of January, 1868, Gov. Jenkins was removed by Gen. 
Meade. On the 4th day of July, 1868, Gov. Bullock assumed to be 
Chief Magistrate as Provisional Governor. On the 21st day of July, 
1868, he was sworn in to the Executive trust. On the 30th day of Oc- 
tober, 1871, he resigned. And on the 12th day of January, 1872, Gov. 
James M. Smith was installed as the Executive. From the 30th day of 
January, 18G8, to the 12th da}'- of January, 1872, of this never-to-be 



EX-GOV. JENKINS RETURNS THE GREAT SEAL OF STATE. 473 

forgotten epoch of a foreign and hostile rule, it was four ye^rs lacking 
eighteen days. 

One touching act of restored sovereignty needs record to complete 
the picture of joyful State redemption. Ex-Gov. Charles J, Jenkins, 
with the conclusion of military domination, returned from his long exile 
and gave back to the custody of a lawful Executive the great Seal of 
State, and certain executive papers that he had taken with him. The 
letter of ex-Gov. Jenkins, in discharging this agreeable duty, is a paper 
of exc[uisite diction, lofty sentiment and noble dignity. There is no 
document among the great records of this or any other State or Govern- 
ment to surpass this superb emanation of an exalted and patriotic states- 
manship. It presents the chronicle of the abhorred rape of our State's 
sovereignty, and his own dutiful efforts to protect the commonwealth 
from ignominy, in fitting language and an heroic spirit. Breathing the 
sentiment of liberty and law, sjoeaking a broad devotion to the princi- 
ples of a constitutional government, imbued with the heroism of martyr- 
dom for the right, and maintaining in lofty words the obligations of 
personal honor and official responsibility, this great enunciation of the 
noble Jenkins was alike an immeasurable rebuke to the evil dynasty it 
followed and a glorious inauguration of Georgia's regenerated majesty. 

This peerless paper thus characteristically concluded in words deserv- 
ing forever to live: 

" The removal of the books and papers was simply a cautionary measure for my own 
protection. Not so with the seal. That was a symbol of the Executive authority, and 
although devoid of intrinsic material value, Avas hallowed by a sentiment which forbade 
its surrender to unauthorized hands. Afterwards, whilst I was in Washiugton, vainlv 
seeking -the interposition of the Supreme Court, a formal, written demand was made 
upon me by General Ruger for a return of these articles, with which I declined to com- 
ply. The books and papers I herewith transmit to your Excellency, that they may re- 
sume their place among the archives of the State. With them I also deliver to you the 
seal of t!ie Executive Department. I derive high satisfaction from the reflection that it 
has never been desecrated by the grasp of a military usurper's hand, never been prosti- 
tuted to authenticate official misdeeds of an upstart pretender. Unpolluted as it came 
to me, I gladly place it in the hands of a worthy son of Georgia — her freely chosen Ex- 
ecutive — my first legitimate successor." 

Counting the years from the 19th of January, 1861, the day of seces- 
sion, to the 12th of January, 1872, which witnessed the complete restora- 
tion of the wandering star of Georgia to the orbit of the Union, a period 
of eleven years lacking one week, and we see what must ever be the 
most stupendous era of her history in its events and changes. The mind 
fairly reels in the retrospection of this turbulent decade. It is such an 



474 Georgia's fateful career from secession to redemption. 

historic picvture as the future chronicler will dwell upon with wonder and 
awe, and portray with a pulsing pen. 

Starting from an unparalleled prosperity and progress in a sunny 
peace, the lordly craft, cut from its moorings by its own friendly hands, 
shot into the fiercest storm of human annals. There was no extreme of 
woe, blood, wreck, ravage, anarchy, misrule, despotism and shame that 
it had not suffered to the very dregs. War was terrible; peace proved 
more so. Failure seemed the culmination of ignominy; fortune showed 
the mistake. An evil destiny fatigued its invention in the supplement 
of grotesque dishonors it swarmed upon a shattered commonwealth. 

The story of shade, blight and rancor can never be exceeded. To see 
a community of a million of people tossed for eleven long years in such 
a drift of mad event is something touching, and full of awe. It looked 
as if a dark fate delighted in expending its endless catalogue of hor- 
rors upon one poor republic. The unconquerable vitality of a fine state- 
hood was shown in this iron ordeal. Like a repressed giant, the spirit 
of our free people was indomitable and asserted itself with resistless 
force. As soon can the untamable wind be cribbed, as to curb the 
aspiring life of a manly breed of men. 

It was a decade picturesque with red terror and black misrule. It 
piled woe after woe upon the State. It furnished prodigally every 
experience of human suffering, and every fantastic phase of misgovern- 
ment. But through it all, a Christian citizenry carried its honor, its 
spirit of freedom, its integrity and its religious civilization, sacredly 
preserved, and the very second that marked the withdrawal of the rude 
grasp of repressive .power saw the proud and instantaneous spectacle of 
a re-established State nationality, erect, perfect, and august, th'e very 
incarnation of an enlightened jDopular sovereignty — Regenerated 
Georgia. 



CHAPTER XLIII. 

GEORGIA'S FAMOUS EXPURGATION OF FRAUDULENT 

BONDS. 

Ex-Gov Joseph E. Brown's Emergence froni Odium. — His Opposition to Bullock's 
Schemes. — The Seeley Trick Rebuked. — The State Road Lease. — Gov. Brown Re- 
solves to Fight a Duel with Gen. Toombs. — The Correspondence. — Oilicial Changes. 
—J. G. Orr.— Gov. Smith's Staff.— P. W. Alexander.— J. W. Warren.— T. M. 
Norwood Elected United States Senator. — The Great Bond Question. — The Bond 
Committee, Simmons, Hall and McMillan. — Report. — Statement of Bonds. — The 
Bonds Rejected. — The New Legislature. — Its Personelle. — T. L. Snead and his 
Bond Compromise. — A Measure of State and National Agitation. — Letters of 
Leading Georgians upon it. — The Constitution of 1877 Settles the Bond Matter 
Finally. 

It wa.s a significant fact that ex-Gov, Joseph E. Brown accompanied 
Gov. Smith to be inaugurated. The long and painful separation from 
his former political allies was coming to a fitting close. It was destined 
to be still a long time before he came back to the full political fellow- 
ship that was due to his sincerity of conviction and thorough courage. 
While in no way had the merited bitterness against the .venal recon- 
structionists abated, the public mind was discriminating, and men occu- 
pying Gov. Brown's position were getting a corrector judgment. Gov. 
Brown sturdily antagonized the wrongs of the Bullock regime, and he 
effectively opposed the iniquitous attempts at additional gratuitous re- 
construction* acts for Radical partisan purposes. No man was more 
devoted to the best interest of Georgia than he, and while he was for 
acquiescing in inevitable hardship, he was the last man in the State to 
seek the imposition of superfluous ignominy upon the people. 

A man by the name of Isaac Seeley sent out a circular urging that 
affidavits be gotten up to show that voters were denied the right to 
vote by challenges for non-payment of taxes, and if necessary. Repub- 
licans must challenge each other at the polls. The object of this swin- 
dling trickery was to manufacture a foundation for Congress to pass an 
act to prevent abridgment of voting by the assessment of taxes. This 
was one of the innumerable Radical schemes for controlling the State 
through Congress that were so ingeniously used in that day. Seeley 
sent a circular to Gov. Brown, who, in an open letter, exposed and 



4T6 THE STATE ROAD LEASE. 

denounced the villainy, and declared that the wisest thing Congress could 
do was to sweep from the statutes the last vestige of political disability. 

The battle over the State road was hard fought, and a striking 
triumph for Gov. Brown. A rival company, composed mainly of At- 
lanta citizens, had sought to lease the road, but had been defeated by 
Gov. Brown's company. The most determined effort was made to break 
up the lease. The papers were filled with the subject. It was brought 
before the legislature. A joint committee was appointed to investi- 
gate and report upon the fairness or unfairness of the lease, composed 
of Senators Wm. M. Reese and A. D. Nunnally, and Representatives 
G. F. Pierce, Geo. M. Netherland and C. B. Hudson. The inquiry was 
exhaustive. Every possible witness was examined under oath. Ma- 
jority and minority reports were made. There were extensive discus- 
sions. The fight was full of very hot blood and a deep conflict of 
moneyed interest. The purpose to break the lease was resolute and acri- 
monious. There was no tendency to compromise, but the fullest deter- 
mination to fight it out on both sides to the bitter end. 

The legislature finally sustained the lease by an overwhelming ma- 
jority, and Gov. Brown had reason to be proud of his victory. He had 
the best metal of the State pitted against him. His management of 
the long conflict was a model of cool temper, sleepless vigilance and 
masterly force. It was curiously illustrative of the disrepute into which 
the expelled- Bullock regime had fallen, that the heaviest burden the 
Seago Company, as it was called, had to carry, was the connection with 
it of Foster Blodgett's name. There is an interesting feature of this 
memorable lease that deserves mention. Nearly all of the original lessees 
have sold out their shares, and yet the practical anomaly is seen of the 
new owners, being unable under the lease law to control their property, 
which remains under the management of the first lessees, who alone are 
liable to the State, and with whom alone the lease contract was made, 
and who by the statute are made the directors of the company for the 
whole period of the lease. 

We now come to a strange episode in Gov. Brown's life. He seemed 
destined to have every possible experience that falls to man. The 
drama of his career was a complete catalogue of surprises and alterna- 
tions. He had been from boyhood a member of the church, a devout, 
pious Baptist, a man of prayer, a pillar of his denomination. His life 
was practically Christian. It was a powerful set of circumstances that led 
him deliberately to prepare to enter into a duel under the Code. Yet 
this he did, and Gen. Robert Toombs was his antagonist. No one contem- 



THE DUEL BETWEEN BROWN AND TOOJIBS. 477 

plated the idea for a moment, that Gov. Brown would determine iipon 
such an act, so foreign to his life and character. But in the long- years 
of political proscription and personal abuse, a nature constitutionally 
combative, had become fired by a keen sense of injustice at the savage 
invective, that while much abated, still fusilladed him with considerable 
vigor from several quarters. Gen, Toombs, with a capacity for scath- 
ing characterization, had made Gov. Brown a special object of attack. 

That Gov. Brown should resolve to check the current of vituperation 
was not an uiniatural conclusion for a man of his inherited belligerence 
and stern temper. He made up his mind in his quiet way, to go to the 
field and fight. He secured Col. James Gardner as his second, and had 
every arrangement made to push this issue to extremes. The corres- 
pondence tells the whole story, \Vhich is permitted to speak for itself. 
The duel did not come to a meeting, owing to a hitch that will be seen 
in the correspondence, but it is none the less true that Gov. Brown had 
made up his mind to fight the duel. And it was a strange result, testi- 
fying loudly to the inconsistency of the best human nature that Gov. 
Brown's resolution to fight not only did him a wonderful amount of 
good with the ungodly, but as they felt he had long suffered great in- 
justice and wrong it pleased his Christian friends, whose moral and 
religious ordinances he proposed to violate. The meekest people like 
pluck and spirited resistance to wrong. Gov. Brown remained in his 
church rela,tions, not only not injured by his war-like episode, but with 
an increased respect and an enlarged church influence. 

The cause of the difficulty was the following private letter, published 
by the Griffin JS'eios, on the 27th of June, 1873, to a gentleman of that 
city: 

"Washington, June 19th, 1872. 

"Dear Sir: I do not know the heirs of Mitchell, and do not know whether tliey are 
men, women or children, and certainly made no allusion whatever to them in the speech 
referred to, and I will add that I have no doubt that if they had any rights to tlie prop- 
erty referred to, they were stripped of the largest portion of their rights, as well as the 
State. 

" The journals of the Legislature show, that in the face of a direct offer of one 
hundred thousand dollars for a quit-claim deed to the property in dispute made hy Gen- 
eral Austell and others, and of the unanimous opinion of all the lawyers employed in 
tlie case by Bullock, except one, that the title of the State was clear, the Legislature 
accepted the offer of thirty-five thousand dollars from Lochrane, Kimball and Brown, 
who engineered the bill through the Legislature in the name of the Mitchell heirs. 

"The term ' orplians of Mitcliell ' was applied to them in derision of the pretenses, 
under which the people were stripped of their property for the use of these ' orphans.' 

"This action of the Legislature was the result of bribery, pure and simple. The 



478 GOVERNOR brown's denunciation of Too:srBS. 

acceptance of the tliirty thousand dollars in lieu of the hundred thousand offei-ed under 
the circunnistances contained in the journals is conclusive proof of that fact. 

" I did state further, that as far as my knowledge extended, all of the public plunderers 
who pretended to be Democrats, from Tammany Hall down to the smallest petty lar- 
ceny thief on the State Koad, were Greeley men, and so is the fact. 

" The spoliators of every party in this countrj' dread nothing so much as the return 
to power of the State liights Democratic part}' of the United States. Tliat party is 
the terror of all the enemies of the public by whatever name they may be called. 
" I am very respectfully, your ob't serv't., 

"R. TOOxMBS." 

Gov. Brown made this reply in the Constitution of July 3, 1872: 

"Atlanta, Ga., July 2, 1872. 

" Editors Constitution : My attention has been called to a letter published in the Griffin 
Dailt/ Neivs, signed R. Toombs, in reference to the passage of the resolution of the 
Legislature of 1870,. compromising the litigation between the heirs of Samuel Mitchell 
and the State of Georgia, in which Gen. Toombs uses the following language : 

" ' The Legislature accepted the offer of $35,000 from Lochrane, Kimball and Brown, 
who engineered the bill through the Legislature in the name of the Mitchell heirs. The 
term ' orphans ' of Mitchell was applied to them in derision of the pretenses under which 
the people were stripped of this property, for the use of these ' orphans.' This action 
was the result of briberj' pure and simple. ... I did state further that as far as my 
knowledge extended, all the public plunderers who pretended to be Democrats, from 
Tammany Hall down to the smallest petty larceny thief on the State Road, were 
Greelej' men, and so is the fact.' 

" Now if Gen. Toombs intends by his language to say that I have been guilty of 
bribery in ' engineering ' this bill through the Legislature, I pronounce his statement 
an infamous falsehood and its author an unscrupulous liar. 
• " Very respectfully, 

"JOSEPH E. BROWN." 

Judge Lochrane published an aggressive and denunciatory rejDly to 
Gen. Toombs, in which he argued the facts, and thus concluded : 

" Too long have the interests of Georgia been cursed by the bewildering folly of 
Toombs. May the God of justice interpose to save the State from the further infliction 
of his pestilential influence, and as the State has heretofore been spared his precedent, 
may Providence, in the future, spare her the curse of his parallel." 

This very neat piece of abuse is given, as in Gen. Toombs' reply there 
is some clever counter-crimination. The contest between these two was 
merely wordy. The difficulty with Gov. Brown was a serious affair, and 
he meant fight, and conducted the correspondence to that end. Gen. 
Toombs sent Col. John C. Nicholls on the 9th of July, 1872, to Gov. 
Brown, to informally inquire if he would give Gen. Toombs satisfaction 
under the Code. Gov. Brown, in a very polite, but as he considered it 
a very positive conversation, gave the assurance plainly, as he thought, 
that he would give satisfaction when called on by Gen. Toombs. After 



GENERAL TOOJIBS' REPLY. 479 

Col. Nicholls retired Gov. Brown at once telegraphed his friend, Col. 
Gardner, at Augusta, requesting him to come to Atlanta by the first 
train. Col. Gardner arrived on the early morning train of the 10th. 
Gov. Brown called on him immediately, and gave him a full statement 
of the interview between him and Col. Nicholls. Col. Gardner told him 
his only mistake was, that he did not have all communication on the 
subject conducted in writing — that if Col. Nicholls should have misun- 
derstood him, or should give a different version of the conversation, it 
might be unfortunate. Col. Gardner then advised Gov. Brown to see 
Col. Nicholls without delay, and agree in writing, what was said in the 
interview. It was early in the morning, and Gov. Brown at once in- 
quired of the hotel-keeper for Col. Nicholls' room. But he was informed 
that Col. Nicholls had left the previous evening for his home in Southern 
Georgia. He was also informed that Gen. Toombs had left very early 
that morning for his residence in Washington, Ga., and curiously enough 
Col. Gardner was assigned to Gen. Toombs' vacated room. As neither 
Gen. Toombs nor Col. Nicholls were in Atlanta, it was not then in his 
power to see Col. Nicholls to reduce the conversation to writing, nor to 
communicate it immediately in writing to Gen. Toombs. Col. Gardner 
then advised him to reduce the conversation just as it occurred to writ- 
ing, and forward it by express immediately to Gen. Toombs, at his 
home, so that there could be no dispute about its receipt by him. This 
Gov. Brown did, and sent the written statement to Gen. Toombs by the 
express of that day, and took the receipt of the express company for 
the communication, which he was informed by the expressmen was 
promptly delivered. 

This communication, so far as it relates to the interview between Col. 
Nicholls and Gov. Bi'own, is copied into Gov. Brown's card to the public, 
dated July 17, 1872, and need not be inserted here. The address and 
the memorandum referring to Col. Gardner's advice to see Col. Nicholls, 
and have the conversation reduced to writing immediately, are omitted. 

On the 16th of July, Gen. Toombs published the following article in 
the Atlanta Sim, dated the 11th. 

[From the Sun.} 

" Washingtox, Ga,, July 11, 1872. 
" To the Editors of the Sun : A brace of ex-Chief Justices, of this State, honored 
me with their notice and vituperation in The Constitution of the 3d instant. There were 
a trio of these chevaliers d'industrie engaged in the transactions referred to. The third 
member of the firm (Mr. H. I. Kimball) is absent from the State, I suppose, 'from cir- 
cumstances beyond his control.' These assaults excite no surprise. 

" Since the adjournment of that band of public plunderers whom General Terrv and 



480 GENERAL TOOMBs' REPLY. 

Bullock installed as the Legislature of Georgia iu Octolier, 1870, I have devoted much 
of my time and strength in endeavoring to secure the persons of these accomplices in 
guilt, and to preserve the evidence of their crimes from destruction, until the criminal 
laws could be enforced against them, and a ' free parliament of the people ' could as- 
semble to aid the administration of justice, and wrest from the grasp of the ajjoilers so 
much of their ill-gotten gains as might be within the reach of law or legislation. 

" These efforts have not been wholly unavailing, and I trust I have been able to render 
some small service to some of the very able and efficient committees Avhom the Legisla- 
ture have charged with the consummation of this great work. My small portion of the 
work has excited the deepest enmity of the whole gang of spoliators against me. I 
accept it as some evidence that I have not labored wholly in vain. 

" It is worthy of notice in the beginning, that not a single statement made by me iu 
the publication to which they refer, is denied by either Lochrane or Brown. They do 
not deny that they, in connection with Kimball, engineered through the Legislature the 
resolution ceding the Railroad Park property in Atlanta, in the name of the heirs of 
Mitchell; nor that the Legislature accepted thirty-five thousand dollars from their 
clients in the face of a responsible offer of one hundred thousand dollars for a quit-claim 
deed to the same property ; nor that this action of the Legislature was the result of 
bribery, pure and simple ; nor that the acceptance of the thirty-five thousand dollars in 
lieu of the one hundred thousand dollars offered under the circumstances contained in 
the journals, is conclusive of that fact. Here are the specific charges contained in my 
letter, and the proof referred to, to sustain them. 

" I shall dismiss the reply of Lochrane very summarily. Treachery, mendacity, 
venality, servility to Bullock and the Radical gang, rottenness in and out of office since the 
surrender, has so strongly stamped his character, that nothing he could now say — no new 
falsehood he might utter, and no new crime he might now commit would, iu the least 
degree, affect his public reputation or his private character where he is known. 

" He boasts of buying a large portion of the Park propert}^, and of large amounts 
expended in its improvement, when I know that since that purchase, if purchase it be, he 
has been compromising his honest debts for about thirty cents on the dollar ; and if the 
money for the improvements came out of his purse, it must have been acquired by his 
practices under color of his profession, or his malpractices on the Bench. 

"Ex-Chief Justice Brown denies neither of the statements which I affirmed. He con- 
tents himself with quoting from my letter, and then adding : ' Now if General Toombs, 
by this language, intends to say that I have been guilty of bribery in engineering this 
liill through the Legislature, I pronounce his statement an infamous falsehood, and its 
author an unscrupulous liar.' 

" He quoted the language, and therefore knew I did not ' say ' so. If he felt in doubt 
about the intention — the construction of the language — he might have asked for an 
explanation. The propriety of this course is so obvious that no gentleman could fail to 
perceive it. Brown preferred hypothetical denunciation, the usual dodge of a vulgar 
poltroon, and played his characteristic role. He is extremely technical : ' (/' General 
Toombs intends by this language that / have been guiltj^ of briber}^ in engineering tliis 
bill through the Legislature,' etc. I think the probabilities are very mucli against 
Brown's being personally engaged in tlie bribery. I tliink he is too cunning and skill- 
ful a lobl)yist to run any such unnecessary risks, especially witli such experts as Kimball 
and Lochrane, aided by Blodgett, assisting him iu tlie work of engineering the bill 
through the Leirislature. 



GENERAL TOOMBS' REPLY. 481 

" The plain history of the case, and the examination of the journals of the Legislature 
(the evidence to which I referred) will fully vindicate the correctness of my opinion of 
the transaction. 

"In 1842, Charles Mitchell, with the view to secure the location of the depot of the 
road on his laud, donated, in fee simple, by deed of warranty, five acres of land to tlie 
State for ' placing thereon the necessary buildings which may hereafter be required for 
public purposes at the terminus of said road.' The State entered, occupied and held 
undisturbed possession of this property for nearly a quarter of a century. 

" In 1867, Brown and Pope brought suit for the heirs of Mitchell for the park portion 
of the property. No action was ever had on this suit; but in 1868, the case was cariied 
before the Legislature, and the claim rejected. It there slept until Bullock got another 
reconstruction act through Congress, and he and General Terry had, by fraud and force, 
ejected a large number of the true representatives of the people, and replaced them with 
a sufficient number of his own pliant and corrupt tools to render powerless the honest 
men whom he could get no pretext for ejecting. 

" The State being thus prostrate at the feet of the usurpers and plunderers, Bullock, 
their chief, with a corrupt Judiciary of his own appointment, with a venal Legislature, 
sounded his bugle and called his clans to the sacking of the Commonwealth. 

"Lochrane was among the very first to obey the call. In July, 1870, he put in the 
rejected claim of the heirs of Mitchell, in a proposition to Bullock, to give him the 
whole of the property in dispute in the suits, except a strip of land two hundred and 
forty feet wide, between Lloyd and Pryor streets, where the depot then and now stands, 
for thirty-five thousand dollars. This property was estimated then to be worth between 
three hundred thous.ind and four hundred thousand dollars, by some of the best citizens 
of Atlanta. The proposition was referred by Bullock to the counsel he had employed 
to defend the State's interests. Mr. AVilliam Dougherty, Judge Collier, Mr. Hoyt, 
Judge Hopkins and Mr. Nunnally, of the counsel', met, consulted, and except Nunnally, 
unanimously decided that the title of the State was clear and unquestionable, and directed 
one of their number so to report to the Governor. 

" Judge Hopkins differs with Messrs. Dougherty,. Collier and Hoyt as to the other 
facts, but agrees that the title of the State was clear. 

" Bullock sent in Lochrane 's proposition, with a false statement, as was his habit, 
of a material fact in the case. Tliis message was received on the 13th of October, 1870, 
referred to a select committee of both houses the same day, and on the next day was re- 
ported back Avith a recommendation that Lochrane's proposition be accepted. The 
counsel for the State had no notice of the meecing of the committee, and were not pres- 
ent, except Nunnally, who favored Lochrane's proposition, and Judge Hopkins, who sug- 
gested to Bullock a compromise, ' on such terms as the relative vantage ground of the 
two parties will justify.' Lochrane represented the Mitchell heirs. 

" This report was made the special order of the day for the I7th of October. It was 
taken up on that day. Mr. Candler, on the 1 4th, having moved to request the Governor 
to send in the opinions of the counsel for the State, his resolution, on motion of Mr. 
Speer, was laid on the table. 

"On the I7th Mr. Candler moved a substitute reciting the offer of General Austell 
and others, to bid one hundred thousand dollars for a quit-claim to the Park, and pro- 
viding for its acceptance and putting the property up at auction with that upset bid. 

" Mr. Bradley offered as a substitute to the whole a resolution to give the heirs of 
Mitchell the right to sue in the courts of the State for the property, which substitute 
31 



482 GENEKAL TOOMBs' EEPLY, 

was rejected, and the substitute of Mr. Candler was also rejected by one vote ; and the 
report was then adopted by 22 to 11 votes. 

" The Chairman of the House Committee, on the 4th of October, made the same joint 
report to the House. It was taken up on the 20th, and Mr. Hall moved the adoption of 
the Senate's report as a substitute for his own. 

" Mr. Scott then submitted the olier of General Austell and twelve other citizens of 
Atlanta, to pay one hundred thousaud dollars for the State's quit-claim deed to the prop- 
erty within ninety daj-s after date ; and offered a resolution providing for commissioners 
to put up the property at public auction ; and providing further, that if the commis- 
sioners failed to get a bid of one hundred thousaud dollars for a quit-claim title to the 
property, the Governor should be authorized to accept the proposition of the Mitchell 
heirs for thirty-five thousaud dollars. This proposition was rejected by a vote of 49 to 
73, and the Senate's substitute was adopted. 

" Such is the record upon which I formed the opinion that the action was the result 
of bribery, pure and simple. I did not suppose that all Mdio voted for the bill were cor- 
rupted. Some men were doubtless misled. Others, influenced by other than corrupt 
motives, but it is clear that the managers of the scheme of plunder profited by their 
betrayal of the public trust. 

" The record is complete. The state's title was settled by the judgment of the 
Supreme Court ; was clear and indisputable, in the opinion of four of the leading counsel 
of the State. 

" Tlieir opinions were suppressed by a direct vote of the Senate. The friends of the 
bill refused to permit the claims to go before the courts for trial, though counsel fees to 
the amount of fifteen thousaud dollars were paid to defeud the titles. Thirty-five 
thousaud dollars was accepted from the Mitchell heirs for a property in lieu of one 
hundred tliousand dollars offered by others, without the pretense of a reason therefor 
being found on the record — except Jackson's letter to BuUorfk — which property, within a 
few days after the consummation of tliis wickedness, with all the cloud of this corruption 
hanging over it, brought at public outcry over two hundred thousand dollars. 

'• Gov. Brown does not deny that he aided in lobbying this measure through the Legis- 
lature. He was present in the Senate when the bill was before it, as was also Lochrane, 
Kimball aud Blodgett ; aud he was justly rebuked on the floor of the Senate by Mr. 
Candler for his conduct in this matter. 

" Lobbying is a crime — a misdemeanor at common law ; a crime intensified by his 
high judicial position. 

" But there is yet a still graver charge than lobbying against the ex-Chief Justice. 
Before these occurred, the case of Thornton and others vs. Trammell and others, came 
before the Supreme Court. It was a case really against the Western and Atlantic Eail- 
road, for the Dalton depot, and involving the same principles. The counsel for tlie Road 
objected to Brown's sitting iu that case, on the ground that he was employed in the 
Mitchell heirs' case, which was undecided. See 39th Georgia, 208. Brown stated 'that 
in that case, the language of the deed is different, and / have turned over the case with the 
obligation of the fee to the other counsel. Under these circumstances,' he was adjudged 
by the other Judges competent to sit on the case. 

" He did sit, dissented from the court, but gave no opinion. He weakened the opinion 
all he could by his dissent, but gave no opinion himself. 

" Was that statement of Brown true ? If so, he eitlier had no claims on the Mitchell 
heirs for fees, or he afterwards contracted for and accepted fees while on the Bench. If 



GOVERNOR brown's REPLY. 483 

not true, he sat in a case in the decision of which he was interested, and decided in his 
own favor. 

" It is a high crime in the highest judicial officer of the State to bring his influence to 
bear in any way to control the action of the Legislature. His very position may control 
tliose who have suits before him. The ordinar}^ criminal may be in his hands. He ma^' 
have power to save from just punishment for his crimes even tlie victim of his own per- 
fidious debauchery. . " R. TOOMBS." 

To this article of Gen. Toombs Gov. Brown made reply on the 17th 
of July, 1872, the day after its publication: 

" TO THE PUBLIC. 

"Atlanta, Ga., July 17, 1872. 

"Editors Constitution : — As Gen. Toombs has thought proper to appear again in print 
before the public, while a personal issue was pending between him and me, Ihaveaverv 
simple reply for him. In his card, dated the Wtli instant, and published on the IQtk, he 
refers to me as resorting to the usual dodge of a vulgar poltroon. 

" This man, having been branded by me as an unscrupulous liar, fancied, perhaps, that 
he had sufficient courage to defend his personal honor, or perhaps he thought he could 
safely play the role of a bully. Accepting, therefore, the position of the injured party, 
and feeling no little concern about my church relations, he sent a friend to me to inquire 
if I held myself amenable to the code of honor. I replied as follows : 

" Col. J. C. Nicholls entered my office, on the morning of the 9th instant, and said, ' I 
desire to see j'ou a moment privately,' when the following co);iversation occurred : 

" Nicholls — ' I have come in behalf of G'en. Toombs to make an inquiry of you.' 

" Brown — ' Well, sir, I will hear you.' 

" Nicholls — ' On account of your church relations, Gen. Toombs does not know 
whether you hold yourself amenable to the code, and while I admit this is an irregular 
proceeding in behalf of Gen. Toombs, I make the inquiry.' 

" Brown — ' It seems to me, this course is extraordinary. Gerf. Toombs has nothing 
to do with ray church relations. If he desires to send me a communication, I am ready 
to receive it at any moment. I have conferred with a friend who does not reside in 
Atlanta, but I will telegraph him at once, and respond to a communication, if made, 
after referring it to him, without unreasonable delay. Are you Gen. Toombs' friend in 
this matter 1 ' 

" Nicholls — ' I am not, in that sense. I expect to have nothing whatever to do Avith 
the matter. I only come to make this inquiry, at Gen. Toombs' suggestion. He may 
desire a little time, as he will have to get a friend who resides out of the State, for he 
does not wish to complicate his friends in the State.' 

" Brown — ' I shall not trouble persons out of the State. I have a friend in the State 
who will serve me.' 

" Nicholls — ' I would like to know whether you hold yourself bound by the code 1 ' 

"Brown — ' Say to Gen. Toombs distinctly, that I am ready to receive any communi- 
cation that he desires to send, and if I don't respond properly, he knows his remedy.' 

" Nicholls — ' What I have done in this instance is simply an act of friendship to Gen. 
Toombs, because he requested it. I expect to take no part in any unpleasant affair 
between vou and him.' 



484 COLONEL J. C. NICHOLLS'S VERSION. 

" Brown — ' Say to Gen. Toombs I hold myself ready to give liim any satisfaction 
which may be due him, or to which he is entitled as a gentleman.' 

" This language is in Gen. Toombs' possession in writing, over my own signature To 
be certain that he received it as uttered, it was sent to him, on the 10th, after he left 
Atlanta, by the first express to his home at Washington. 

" This code-of-honor gentleman left Atlanta the day after this language was uttered. 
He responds in the newspapers. I leave the public to judge who is the poltroon, and 
whether Gen. Toombs preferred newspaper artillery to heavier metal. 

"JOSEPH E. BROWN." 

The following publication by Col. Nicholls, giving his version of the 
interview, was published on 19th of July, 1872: 

"Atlanta, July 18, 1872. 
" Gen. Robert Toombs, Atlanta, Ga. : 

"Dear General : — A card is published this morning in the Constitution and Sun, over 
the signature of Joseph E. Brown, which purports to give the verbiage of a conversation 
had with me on the 9th instant. 

" This statement of the conversation is substantially untrue. 

"Gov. Brown states that he was advised to see me 'and have me to agree in writing 
what occurred.' He failed to follow the advice. He has not approached me on the 
subject. 

" As Gov. Brown has seen fit to pursue this extraordinary course, I feel that it is due 
to you and to myself, that you publish my statement of the conversation. 
" Sincerely your friend, 

"JNO. C. NICHOLLS." 

" A STATEMENT OP THE MATERIAL PACTS OF A CONVERSATION HAD 
WITH JOSEPH E. BROWN ON THE 9tH INSTANT. 

" I said : ' I call on you in behalf of Gen. Toombs to ascertain if you are responsible, 
in the way usual among gentlemen, for the language contained in your card of a recent 
date ? ' 

" He replied, ' I am responsible for my language.' 

"I then said, ' Gen. Toombs desires to know if you will give him satisfaction under 
the code. If he should address a note to you demanding a meeting, will you meet him 
in the usual way f ' 

"I explained that, whilst the inquiry was perhaps made in an informal manner, yet it 
was thought to be warranted by his well known position in the church. To this he 
bowed assent and answered : 

" ' If Gen. Toombs addresses me a note, I will consult with a friend, and then reply 
to it. I will answer your inquiry when he submits it in writing.' He declined to 
answer the question more directly. 

"In my opinion, from the language and manner of Gov. Brown, he will decline to 
answer the inquiry in the affirmative, if submitted by you in writing. I am impressed 
with the conviction that it is his purpose to use a formal call, to your injury, under the 
constitution of this State. 

[Signed] "JNO. C. NICHOLLS. 

" To Gen. Robert Toombs." 

To this Gov. Brown made the following reply, concluding this episode, 



GOV. brown's final PEKSONAL card against gen. TOOMBS. 485 

which excited a profound interest at the time and a large amount of 
discussion: 

<i J.Q ^jj^ PUBLIC. 

"Atlanta, Ga., July 20, 1872, 
"Editors Constitution : I have read the card of Col. Nicholls, published iu your paper 
yesterday. Between him and myself there seems to be a conflict of memory as to the ver- 
biage and purport of the interview. But General Toombs cannot shield his poltroonery 
in that way, for he could not mistake the language over my own signature, sent him by 
express, and doubtless received by him, before he penned his last card published five 
days afterwards. 

" Col. Nicholls, in his card, referring to my own of the previous day, says, ' Gov. Brown 
states that he was advised to see me, and have me to agree in writing what occurred.' 
This statement nowhere appears in my published card, but it does appear in a memo- 
randum appended to my version of the interview, which was sent to Gen. Toombs by 
express. The proof is conclusive, therefore, that my written statement was received by 
Gen. Toombs. 

" The verbal report of a conversation would never be the guide to a proud brave man 
as to what his honor demanded, when he had in writing before him, the pledge that he 
would receive, if he called for it, the satisfaction due a gentleman. 

"JOSEPH E. BROWN." 

Very fortunately a meeting did not take place, and two very valuable 
lives were spared, while the State was saved the spectacle of two ven- 
erable and distinguished Statesmen in a life and death encounter. Col. 
Nicholls erred in supposing that Gov. Brown did not mean to go to the 
field. And the public universally credited to Gov. Brown the firm pur- 
pose to fight. 

Commenting upon this matter, " H. W. G.," in an exceedingly clever 
sketch of these " two masterful men," as he felicitously calls them, thus 
speculated on the result of a meeting: 

" While I join with all good men in rejoicing that this duel was arrested, I confess 
that I have been wicked enough to speculate on its probable result — had it occurred. In 
the first place, Gen. Toombs made no preparation for the duel. lie went along in his 
careless and kingly way, trusting, presumably, to luck and a quick shot. Gov. Brown, 
on the contrary, made the most careful and deliberate preparation. He made his will, 
put his estate in order, and then clipped all the trees in his orchard practicing with the 
pistol. Had the duel come off — which fortunately it did not — Gen. Toombs would have 
fired with his usual magnificence and his usual disregard of rule. I do not mean to im- 
ply that he would not have hit Gov. Brown ; on the contrary, he might have perforated 
him in a dozen places at once. But one thing is sure — Gov. Brown would have clasped 
his long white fingers around tlie pistol butt, adjusted it to his gray eye and sent his 
bullet within the eighth of an inch of the place he had selected. I should not be sur- 
prised if he drew a diagram of Gen. Toombs, and marked off with square and compass 
the exact spot he wanted to hit." 

Gen. Toombs had made grave charges in his card against the parties 



48G GOV. brown's letter to the public. 

connected with the compromise of the case between the state and the 
Mitchell heirs, which Gov. Brown was not willing to rest under without 
a statement of the facts in refutation of the charges. He was, how- 
ever, advised by his friend, Col. Gardner, that he could not address any- 
further communication to Gen. Toombs on the subject, but that 'he 
could with propriety address a communication to the public, giving all 
the important facts in the case. He then addressed to the editor of 
the Constitution, the writer then filling that position, the following 
publication, which is given to complete the record of this noted contro- 
versy that filled at that time so large a share of public thought: 

"Atlanta, Ga., August 5, 1872. 
" Editor Constitution : 

" I noticed, a few days since, an abstract in your editorial of the evidence taken before 
the Committee appointed by the General Assembly, known as the ' Bullock Committee,' 
in which reference is made to l^ie property in Atlanta, known as the Mitchell property, 
or park, in front of the Kimball House. It seems some testimony was taken before the 
Committee, which led them to conclude that there had been fraud, or improper influence 
in the settlement of the case, between the heirs of Mitchell and the State of Georgia. 

"As I was one of the original counsel who brought the action for the recovery of this 
property ; and of the portion then held by the city of Atlanta ; and as I and my part- 
ner, Messrs. E. Waitzfelder & Co., of New York, purchased over $50,000 worth of the 
property at the sale, after the compromise had been made, and paid that amount in 
cash ; and as we are now constructing a building on a portion of it, at a cost of about 
§27,000, I feel that my interest is such as to justify me in taking some notice of any- 
thing that relates to the title of the property. 

" I was applied to, while practicing law with Judge Pope, prior to the time when I 
went upon the Supreme Bench, to bring suit in behalf of the heirs of Mitchell for the 
recovery, not only of the park property, lying between the passenger shed and Decatur 
street, but also of the property lying between the passenger shed. and Alabama street, 
on the other side, running from Lloyd street up to Whitehall. 

" Of this property, the square of five acres, bounded by Alabama, Decatur, Lloyd and 
Pryor streets, was originally conveyed by Samuel Mitchell to the State of Georgia, 'for 
placing thereon the necessary buildings which may hereafter be required for public pur- 
poses at the terminus of the State Road.' In the same deed Mitchell conveyed, for the 
use and purposes of said road, a space in breadth wide enough to answer for a right of 
way for the road, to be designated by the engineer for said purpose, through his lot, 
witli the privilege of taking and using timber, stone a)id gravel, being, on said space, 
necessary for the construction of said road. In other words, he conveyed to the State 
a right of way through his lot, upon which to locate the Western and Atlantic Eailroad, 
with five acres at its terminus, for a location of the buildings required for public pur- 
poses at its terminus. Some time thereafter Mitchell also conveyed to the Macon and 
Western Railroad the land bounded as it now is, by Alabama, Whitehall and Pryor 
streets on three sides, and tlie Western and Atlantic Railroad, or its riglit of way, on 
tlie fourth, (except the corner that had been sold off, and which is now occupied as 
James' bank building and contiguous buildings,) which lie conveyed to said road for rail- 
road purposes exciusivelij. The state located, in connection witli the railroad companies, ' 



GOVERNOR brown's LETTER TO THE PUBLIC. 487 

the general passenger shed, upon the portion of the laud granted to her, and also located 
the road upou the right of way tlirough Mitchell's lot to said car shed, aud also located 
such buildiugs as were, at the time, thought necessary upon other portions of tlie five 
acres. 

" Subsequeutly it was ascertained tliat the location where the park now is, was not 
well suited for purposes of the road, and that it had no special use for the portion of 
ground lying between tlie car shed and Alabama street, and a contract was made between 
the State, represented by the proper officer of the Western aud Atlantic Railroad, aud the 
Macon and Western Railroad, by which the State swapped to the Macon and Western 
R. R. the portion of land conveyed to her by Mitchell, lying south of the car shed down 
to Alabama street, for a piece of land belougiug to the Macou aud Western Railroad, 
where the present freight depot, platforms, etc., of the Western and Atlantic Railroad 
now stand. And the Western aud Atlautic Railroad has located upon the piece of 
ground which it received from the Macou and Western Railroad in excliange for the 
portion of land conveyed by Mitchell to the State, its depot, platforms, etc., so that the 
State got for the portion of laud conveyed by Mitchell the land upon which her depot, 
platforms, etc., now staud. She also got a location for a passeuger shed, aud for all 
tracks necessarj^ for the working of the road. 

"After the swap between the Macon and Western Railroad aud the Western and 
Atlantic Railroad, by which the Western aud Atlautic Railroad got the land she needed 
for her depot, the Macon and Western Railroad located its depot upon the laud which 
it received from the State in exchange, aud upou the laud conveyed to it by Mitchell. 

" lu 1859, the State having no further use for the Park property for any railroad pur- 
pose, an act was passed by the General Assembly, authorizing the city of Atlanta 
to enclose and beautify it as a park. Thus the matter stood at the close of the war, 
when it was found that the freight depot, tracks, and probably turn-table of the Macon 
aud Western Railroad, located on the Mitchell property, near the car-shed, obstructed 
Pryor street, and was a great nuisance to the city, if rebuilt, and kept up there ; and it 
was agreed between the City and the Macon and Western Railroad that they would 
exchange lauds, and in carrying out that agreement the Macou aud Western Railroad 
couve^-ed, by (juit claim (for she would not give a Avarranty), the portion of the land of 
the Mitchell property, which the State had swapped to her for the lands where the 
Western and Atlantic Railroad Depot now stands ; and the portion of land conveyed to 
her by the Mitchell heirs, embracing the vacant space south of the Railroad, between 
Decatur aud Lloyd streets. The Macou and Western Railroad then moved her depot 
out to its present location, and thus the matter stood when the Mitchell heirs applied to 
me and my partner to bring suit for the property. The State had received all the 
benefit Avhich she desired or could -need for railroad purposes under Mitchell's grant. 
She had her tracks located upon the right-of-way, and she had her passenger shed upou 
the property, aud she had her freight depot upou the land which she had received in 
exchange for a portion of the property ; aud she surely could have no further claim to 
the property which she had exchanged for other lands upou which to locate her depot. 
But she had no use whatever for the Park property, for the purpose for which it was 
originally conveyed to her, nor had she pretended to use it for any such purpose for some 
eight or ten years previous to the complaint made by the heirs. 

" I refused to bring the action until I had carefully examined the authorities, which I 
took time to do, and satisfied my own mind very clearly, that if the law were admin- 
istered, there could be no doubt of the right of the heirs to recover back not only the 



488 GOVKRXOR brown's letter to the public. 

propert\' conveyed to the State, for railroad purposes, and abandoned by her for that 
use, but tlie property conveyed to the Macou and Western railroad for railroad pur- 
poses exclusively, and also abandoned by her for railroad purposes when she exchanged 
it to the cit\'. 

"After a careful examination of the authorities, I advised the heirs that in my 
opinion, they had a right to recover, and the firm of Brown & Pope was employed to 
bring the action, with the understanding that we associate Judge Pittman, and Col. 
Bleckley, Mr. Dougherty or Mr. Hill with us. We did afterwards associate Judge 
Pittman and Col. Bleckley, and the action was commenced. 

" I predicated my opinion as to the rights of the heirs, upon the fact that the property 
had been conveyed by their father for a specific and particular use, and for no other use, 
and when the State and the Macon and Western Eailroad Company found that they 
}io longer needed the property for that use, and abandoned it, that it reverted to the 
donor ; upon the principle that if I convey land to a religious congregation for the pur- 
pose of erecting a church upon it, and for no other purpose, and the congregation should 
abandon it for that purpose, and sell it to A. B. who locates a doggery upon it, 
this would be in violation of the contract under which the congregation held the prop- 
erty, and it would revert to me as the donor. Or, take the very case itself, suppose after 
Mitchell had made the conveyance to the State of Georgia, giving the right of way 
through his lot, and five acres at the end of it for a location for the necessary buildings, 
&c., the engineer of the road had changed its location entirely and had run it to another 
terminus, not touching Mitchell's lot, and had never used it for railroad purposes. Would 
it be contended that the State would have a good title to the property ? Surely not. Then 
suppose after its location upon Mitchell's land, it had been kept there for five years and 
for some good reason the Road's location had been changed and thrown entirely off the 
lot, why would it not, in law, equity and justice have reverted to Mitchell, on the ground 
of its entire abandonment for the purposes of the grant ? If so, and the State used all 
slie needed of it for railroad purposes and swapped a portion that she did not need 
for the proper location of her necessary buildings elsewhere, and abandoned another 
portion that she did not need for the purpose of the grant and turned it over to the 
city for a park, why, upon the same principle would it not revert to the donor or his 
heirs ? I might give very numerous cases from the books sustaining tliis doctrine which 
is founded not only in sound law, but iu the broad principle of natural equity; but I- will 
not 'enlarge upon this point. 

" Thus the matter stood, pending the litigation, when I went upon the Supreme 
Bench, and I turned over the case, and subsequently the obligation for the fees, so far 
as I was concerned, to Judge Lochrane, who was then practicing law, and under it, he 
represented me. And while I was upon tlie Bench, the heirs of Mitchell becoming im- 
})atient witli the delay of a long, tedious litigation, and being broken up by the war, and as 
I am informed, very poor, after having conferred together, concluded to apply to the Leg- 
islature to order the I'e-conveyance of tlie Park property, the jiortion which the State 
did not need for railroad purposes, to them, as an act of justice ; and a memorial was 
brought before the General Assembly asking a re-conveyance. This was met by the 
determined opposition of Gov. Bullock and Col. Ilulbert, tlie then superintendent of the 
road, who went so far as to bi-eak the park fence and run a short track out into tlie park 
and locate a few cars to stand there to repossess the property for raih'oad purposes, though 
all could see at once, that this was simply intended to make the a])pearance of railroad 
use, when it was not in fact needed for any such purpose. The case was brought before 



GOVERNOR BROWN S LETTER TO THE PUBLIC. 489 

the General Assembly and referred to a special committee of five from the Senate and 
nine from the House, composed of a majority of Democrats from each house, with a 
Democratic Chairman from each. 

" The superintendent of the road, who actively opposed the re-conveyance to the 
heirs, appeared before the committee as the Journals show, and submitted evidence 
against the proposed re-conveyance. Having considered the question, the committee, 
through their Democratic Chairman in each House, submitted a unanimous report in 
the following language : 

" ' The committee to whom was recommitted the claim, of the heirs of Samuel 
Mitchell, after having had the same .under consideration, with the facts for and against 
the claim, unanimously recommended the passage of the bill now before tlie Senate, 
reconveying the property claimed.' The bill came up on its passage in the Senate and 
was defeated by two majority. Kext morning a motion was made to reconsider it and 
lost by one majority. On the final vote it stood for and against the heirs, as follows: 
Democrats, for, 10; Republicans, for, 8; Democrats, against,?; Republicans, against, 
12. So that a committee composed of a majority of Democrats, with a Democrat as 
Chairman from each House, unanimously recommended the reconveyance of the park 
property to the Mitchell heirs without s. dollar of compensation, and they were sustained 
in the Senate by a majority of Democrats voting for it, while the majority of Republi- 
cans voted acainst it. 

" After this action, the heirs of Mitchell through their counsel, proposed a compro- 
mise to the City Council for the portion of laud held and claimed by them under the 
conveyance from the Macon and Western railroad, for which suit had been brought. 
The matter Avas very thoroughly canvassed, and the compromise was finally agreed 
upon, by which the heirs conveyed to the city the portion of land lying between Piyor 
street and Whitehall, which was included in the grant from Mitchell to the Macon and 
Western road, and one hundred feet along the side of Pryor street, fronting on Ala- 
bama street, of the property originally conveyed by Mitchell to the State, and by the 
State conveyed to the Macon and Western road, and by that road to the city. And the 
city agreed to convey to the Mitchell heirs the balance of the property which had been 
originally conveyed to the State, and by her conveyed as aforesaid, from the line of said 
one huudred feet down to Lloyd street, being the property between the present passen- 
ger shed and Alabama street, extending to Lloyd street. 

" In the meantime, pi-ior to the compromise between the heirs and the city, the 
Superinteudent of the Western and Atlantic railroad, with the assent of the Governor 
and the otiier railroad companies interested, had located the new passenger slied, and 
had gone forward with the construction of it until there had been probably more than 
Si 00,000 expended. This new passenger shed was not placed upon the original location 
of the shed which existed prior to the war, but for the convenience of the roads, in 
running the tracks into it, it was so located that about one-fourth of it was upon the 
land originally conveyed by Mitchell to the State, and afterwards conveyed by the State 
to the Macon and Western road, and subsequently conveyed by the Macon and Western 
road to the city, and which the city had agreed to convey to the Mitchell heirs, but to 
which she did not make a deed until after the compromise with the State, though a 
contract of compromise had been agreed on between the heirs and the city. 

" Pending these transactions the counsel for the Mitchell heirs mentioned to me that 
they had determined to propose a compromise to the State in reference to the park 
property. I inquired into the then status of that matter, and was informed that some- 



490 GOVEKNOR brown's LETTKR TO THE PUBLIC. 

time in the previous spring Mr. Kimball had conduded to purchase all the conflicting 
titles to the property, and had made a contract with the heirs to purchase their right, 
and had taken a deed from them and paid them some money •, intending also to pur- 
chase the State's right, whatever it might be, and the part to which counsel might be 
entitled under their contract with the Mitchell heirs. But finding difficulties in extin- 
guishing all the outstanding titles, he soon after re-conveyed it to the heirs and subse- 
quently, by a contract between him and them, became their agent to take cliarge of the 
matter, and effect, if possible, a compromise with the State, which he was then attempt- 
ing to accomplish. And he desired the aid of their counsel in its consummation. I 
asked what it was proposed the heirs should pay the. State for her claim to the laud, and 
was informed that they proposed to pay the Western and Atlantic railroad $35,000 
toward the construction of the new depot. My opinion was, at the time, that this was 
more than the heirs ought to pay. I regarded their's as the better title, and said if it 
were my case I would never consent to pay $35,000 for a compromise with the State. 
But it was insisted that the heirs were anxious to realize as much as possible, and that 
they did not wish to wait for an almost interminable litigation, and that they preferred 
that course. I made no further objection and the matter was brought before the Leg- 
islature, I think, by a memorial prepared by theif counsel ; but Mr. Kimball, who was 
their agent under the contract with them, had the active mauagemeut of the matter. 
After the case was submitted, I felt an interest in their success, because I believed their 
claim a just one, and while I took no very active part in the matter, when approached on 
the subject, I always said I believed their proposition was a liberal one, and that the 
State ought not to hesitate to accept it. 

" I felt fully justified in saying this much, for the reason that I M'as the original 
counsel consulted in the case, and they seemed to have relied much upon my judgmeut, 
and though I was upon the beuch, under the laws of the State, I could in no event pre- 
side in the case, and therefore felt at perfect liberty, so far as the case was concerned, to 
confer with the heirs or their counsel in reference to their case, and to give them any 
advice which, in my judgment, would promote their interest. But I know of no unfair 
or illegal means used by any one to carry the bill through tlie Legislature. 

" A proposition was submitted by Gen. Austell and others to give $100,000 for a quit- 
claim title- to the property. It was my opinion at the time, and the opinion of counsel 
for the Mitchells, that this proposition was not intended in good faith, but it was only 
thrown in to embarrass the settlement between the heirs and the State — as Austell 
owned property fronting the park and wished it kept open. It was submitted in such a 
shape that I was satisfied the parties could not be compelled to carry it out if the com- 
promise had failed between the State and the heirs. 

" But I was equally well satisfied, if it was made in good faith, that, in a pecuniary 
point of view, it was the interest of the State to accept the proposition of the heirs and 
reject that of Austell and his associates, for the following reasons : First, there could 
be no question about it that the land upon wliich one-fourth of the passenger shed, a 
very extensive structure, as already stated, which cost about $150,000 at the time of its 
completion, stood upon the land which the State had conveyed away to the Macon and 
Western railroad, and which, in the compromise between the city and heirs, was then 
controlled by the heirs, and if the compromise had not been made with the State there 
could have been no question as to that ])art of it, that the State could have been ejected 
from it, as she had previously sold it for other land for the location of her depot — which 



GOVERNOR brown's I.ETTER TO THE PUBLIC, 491 

would have compelled the removal of the entire car shed. This would have been at a 
very heavy loss and expense to the State. 

" In addition to this, I think there is no room for doubt, even if I am wrong as to the 
right of the Mitchell heirs to recover bacli the park property from the State, on account 
of her having abandoned it for railroad, purposes, that they did have the right, holding 
that provision of the deed to be a covenant and not a condition, to restrain the State or 
her vendee by an action of covenant, or otlier proper proceeding, from using it for any 
other purpose than for the original purposes of the grant, to-wit : railroad purposes. 
And if the State could, in no case, use it for any other purpose, Austell and In's com- 
panions, as grantees of the State, standing in her shoes, would be bound by the like 
covenant, and they too could he restrained from making any other use of it. 

The decision of the Supreme Court of the State of Georgia, in the case of Thorn- 
ton vs. Trammell, 39 Ga., 202, where a question arose upon a grant made to the Western 
and Atlantic railroad, in the city of Dalton, for the location of a depot — though the 
language of the deed was different from that made by Mitchell — held, that it did not 
contain a condition, and that the grantor could not recover it back ; but tlie Supreme 
Court, Warner, J. delivering the opinion, recognizes fully the right of the grantor to 
enforce the covenant contained in the deed. Numerous authorities might be quoted to 
sustain this doctrine, that where a conveyance is made for a specific purpose, and the 
language of the deed is not such as to make a condition subsequent, the party convey- 
ing may, by action of covenant, restrain the grantee from violating the contract and 
appropriating it to other uses. 

" AVhat then would have been the result if the proposition of Austell & Company had 
been accepted 1 Suppose we admit for the argument that the heirs had no right to 
recover the property back. It was very ^lear that they had the right to restrain tlie 
use of it for any other purpose ■ than railroad purposes ; and it was so situated, 
that it could not be of any use for railroad purposes. The result must therefore have 
been that the property would have remained unimproved, and the State, the County, 
and the city must have lost the taxes which they will perpetually receive from it when 
it is built up. As the result of the compromise, already, the city has sold off a small 
portion of the pi'operty conveyed to her by the heirs, to John H. James, who has 
expended in the purchase and the erection of a building upon it, about $75,000. And 
upon the park property there has been expended, in buildings, largely over a hundred 
thousand dollars. There are, therefore, over $200,000 of improvements already placed 
upon the property, as tlie result of the compromise, upon which the taxes are annually 
paid to the city, county and State ; and when all the balance of the property is built up, 
including the portion to which the city's title was quieted, and the portion to which the 
title of the heirs is quieted, there will probably be a million of dollars' worth of im- 
provements to be taxed annually. In a few years this will pay the difference between 
the $35,000 proposed by the heirs, and the $100,000 proposed by Austell & Co. And 
after the difference is made up, the property will remain perpetually subject to 
taxation, and will in the end pay to the State many times the difference. Therefore, in 
a pecuniary point of view alone, the proposition made by the heirs of Mitchell was 
much the better one for the State, and was so regarded by intelligent members of the 
General Assembly. 

" But in addition to this, the heirs agreed to convey to the State all the portion of the 
property necessary for a passenger shed, including the part formerly sold by the State 
to the Macon and Western Eailroad, and to which she had not a shadow of title. 



402 GOVERNOR brown's LETTER TO THE PUBLIC. 

thereby quieting the title to the depot or passenger shed, including the part of it. to 
which no one can contend she had a right prior to the compromise. She has, therefore, 
in addition to her large income from increased taxes, saved the expense of a lawsuit and 
the necessity of removing the depot off the land owned by the heirs, or of delivering it 
up to them ; and the whole matter is amicably adjusted. 

" But suppose the quieting of the title to the depot building, and the taxes on the 
improvements made and to be made upon the property had not even equaled the 
$65,000 difference between the two propositions, should uot an enlightened and liberal 
Legislature have justlj^ concluded, as the Democrats did at the former session of the 
same Legislature, that, as the father of these heirs has given the State all she needed 
for railroad purposes, including the right of way through his laud, and the location for 
a passenger shed, and the property which she had swapped for the present site of her 
freight buildings, and the State had no sort of use for the balance of it for the purpose 
intended by the donor, and his heirs were left poor, that it was magnauimous and 
proper to return the balance, not needed, to them, as an act of justice and propriety, 
without regard to the pecuniary bid that venal speculators might have thought proper 
to interpose in the way of such an act of justice and magnanimity. This was the view, 
as already stated, which the majority of the Democrats had taken at the previous ses- 
sion. And if they then thought it just to return it without compensation, surely it is no 
evidence of bad faith in them and their associates, at a subsequent session, to agree to 
re-convej' it for the sum of $3.5,000. They might well have made tliat discrimination 
in favor of the heirs of him who had donated to the State property that is uow worth 
a very large sum, and which is in daily use by the Western and Atlantic Railroad, when 
all must admit the portion returned had been abandoned, so far as the purposes of the 
graut are concerned, by the donee. 

" The above statement gives the substantial facts, so far as they interest the public, 
in the case of the compromise betAveen the State and the Mitchell heirs, and will, I 
trust, satisfy all unprejudiced minds, that, so far as I or the other counsel are concerned, 
we have done them no injustice, but have conferred upon them a substantial and valua- 
ble benefit. So far as the State is concerned, she has received, as a donation from 
Mitchell, all the laud she needed for the original purposes of the grant, and, in addition 
to that, has received the further donation of $35,000, in cash, towards the construction 
of the passenger depot, while she has surrendered only the portion»o£ the property for 
which she had no earthly use, for the purposes contemplated, either by her or Mitchell, 
at the time of the conveyance. It is clear, therefore, that the injustice and wrong wliich 
have been charged in this transaction, exist only in the diseased imagination of persons 
controlled by passion, prejudice and vindictiveness towards the parties at interest. 

" JOSEPH E. BROWN." 

It is not inappropriate to say, that in nothing' has there been a more 
striking change in popular sentiment than in the general condemnation 
of dueling that now prevails. There has grown up steadily a strong 
public opinion against this practice, and a man of character and family 
can refuse to accept the arbitrament of the Code without loss of stand- 
ing, as was the case years ago. 

Many changes took place in the State government. Col. IT. P: Far- 
row resigned as Attorney General. Col. N. J. Hammond, Supreme 




■^"^^^ J.C.B„are4<mi euUagoB^t; 



t^^My //y^^^^Z-^-i- 



AN IJSTERESriNG WAR INCIDENT OF OAPT. HENRY JACKSON. 493 

Court reporter, was appointed Attorney General. Captain Henry 
Jackson resigned from the Legislature and became Reporter of the 
Supreme Court, a position which he continues to fill with marked in- 
dustry and ability. Both Gen. Hood, in his " Advance and Retreat," 
and Jefferson Davis on page 340 of vol. 2, of his " Rise and Fall of the 
Confederacy," relate a unique incident of Henry Jackson at the battle 
of Sharpsburg, not giving his name, which we supply. Gen. Lawton 
was commanding EwelFs Division, September 17, 1862, and had relieved 
Hood's Division in Stonewall Jackson's line. The Federals made a 
desperate endeavor to break through; corps after corps were hurled 
against the heroic division. Gen. Lawton sent his only remaining staff 
officer, Lieutenant. Henry Jackson, then a youth of seventeen, to Gen. 
Hood for assistance. It was a curious and typical demonstration of the 
polite chivalry of our Southern boys, that in this grim strife Lt. Jack- 
son dashed up to Gen. Hood, saying, " Gen Lawton setids his cojnpli- 
onents with the request that you come at once to his support." Lt. 
Jackson conducted Hood's division to its place. Gen. Lawton and his 
horse were shot down, and the gallant and ceremonious aid had his 
General borne from the field, though several men were struck in so do- 
ing. Chief Justice Lochrane resigned from the Supreme Bench, and 
Gov. Smith appointed Associate Justice Hiram Warner as Chief Justice, 
January 19, 1872, and filled the vacancy made by the promotion of 
Judge Warner, by the appointment of Judge W. W, Montgomery, 
February 8, 1872. Gov. Smith appointed Professor J. G. Orr, State 
School Commissioner. This was a most admirable selection. A gentle- 
man of erudition, energy, sleepless zeal, crystal purity and integrity and 
fine organizing capacity, Mr. Orr has in the nine years of his continuing 
incumbency seen the Public School system flourish and grow under his 
able direction, until its former unpopularity has been wholly changed 
and its sterling benefits are everywhere admitted. 

Gov. Smith offered the place of Attorney General to Col. P. W. 
Alexander, but that gentleman declined it, and became, as a Secretary 
of the Executive Department, Chief of his civil staff, a place he filled 
with tact and ability. Gov. Smith selected as the additional Secretary 
of the Executive Department, Major James W. Warren, who was also 
continued in the same responsible position by Gov. Colquitt, and has 
served continuously for ten years. Major Warren was editor of the 
Columbus Times. One of the most vigorous and polished writers in 
the State, industrious, aceuj'ate, reliable, possessing a charming genial- 
ity of nature, and a quiet rich humor. Major Warren has discharged the 
delicate and responsible duties of his position with grace and ability. 



494 THE BOND INVESTIGATION, 

The legislature elected Hon. Thomas M. Norwood, United States 
Senator. Mr. Norwood presented his credentials to the Senate on the 
4th day of December, 1871, and on the 19th day of December he was 
admitted to his seat, and the final blow given to the Senatorial hopes 
of Foster Blodgett. 

The legislature had many vital questions before it, but the most 
important was the bond matter. Senator Thomas J. Simmons and 
Representative John I. Hall, both introduced bond bills, and finally a 
measui"e was passed that required the registration of all bonds to sift 
out the bad from the good, under a temporary suspension of interest. 
A bond committee was appointed, consisting of Thomas J. Simmons, 
John I. Hall and Gamett McMillan, to conduct this bond investigation. 
The .committee gave public notice, December 12, 1871, and began its sit- 
tings in Atlanta, March 1, 1872, holding session until May 1, 1872. 
The committee visited New York and held an extended session there. 
Voluminous depositions were taken in Europe. An attempt was made 
to get Gov. Bullock before the committee. The papers contained a 
paragraph narrating an alleged joke of his, that he had received two invi- 
tations to meet the Bond Committee and Col. Cumming with his requisi- 
tion, that he could not visit both, and rather than offend either by accept- 
ing the other's invitation, he would do the kind thing and see neither. 

Col, C. C. Kibbee gave valuable assistance in the investigations of 
our bond troubles. A gentleman of public spirit, a lawyer of ability 
and discrimination, and a legislator of uncommon qualifications, careful, 
searching and devoted to the public interest, Col. Kibbee made an envi- 
able reputation in the General Assembly. Col. Thomas L. Snead was 
of great aid to our bond committees, and opened up a vein of informa- 
tion that would have probably been inaccessible but for him. Every 
obstacle was thrown in the way of the committee in New York. It was 
afterwards discovered that they were tracked day and night by skilled 
detectives employed by the bond-holders to watch and trap them. At- 
tempts were made to drive them into complaisance. And it was a right 
creditable fact that this body of gentlemen, unaccustomed to the seduc- 
tions and tricks of the metropolis, should have carried through their diffi- 
cult mission so successfully and in such skillful avoidance of the perils 
set for them. 

The committee investigated fully and made an unusually able report. 
The following table covers their statement of the bonded liability of 
Georc-ia, showing^ the increase under the Bullock rule to have been over 
Twelve Millions of dollars. 



THE BOND COMMITTEE S REPORT. 



495 



Consolidated Statement of the Public Debt of Georgia, {including endorsed bonds of this 
State,) on the first day of November, 1871, showing date of issue and maturity of 
bonds. 



AVhen Issued. 


When Due. 


Amount. 


1841 and 1866 


1871 

1872 

1873 

1874 

1878 

1879 

1880 

1881 

1886 

1887 

1888 

1890 and 1894 . . . 

:e JULY, 1868. 


$ 154,500 
730,000 
137,000 
251 500 


1842 and 1852 


1842 and 1843 


1844 and 1848 


1858 


100 000 


1859 


200,000 
200 000 


1860 


1861 • 


100 000 


1866 


3,764,000 
1 65 000 


1867 


1868 


268,000 
6,380,000 


1870 . 


Grand Total of State Bonds . . . 


$12,450,000 


INDORSED BONDS, INDORSED SIN( 

To Brunswick & Albany Railroad 


$3,300,000 
600,000 
600,000 
300,000 
275 000 


To Macon and Brunswick Railroad 

To Cartersville & Van Wert Railroad 


To Alabama & Chattanooga Railroad . 


' 


464,000 
194,000 


Grand Total Indorsed Bonds . , . 


$5,733,000 
12 450,000 




Bonds 






$18,183,000 



The committee reported in favor of declining to recognize the illegal 
bonds. The report elicited a full and able discussion. The truth is, 
that the Georgia bond issue became a national question. The holders 
of the illegal bonds made every effort to stem and prevent the con- 
demnation of their securities. The Northern press teemed with articles. 
The incorrect brand of " repudiation " was applied to the proposed 
action and the State threatened with utter destruction of her credit. 
The distinction between the " repudiation " of an honest debt and the 
refusal to recognize an illegal clajm, was purposely confused. Perhaps 
the strongest speech made in favor of throwing over the fraudulent 
securities was by the Hon. A. O. Bacon. His portrayal of the Bullock 
Legislature was a very graphic picture, and his argument against the 
bad bonds was masterly and conclusive. 

The Legislature declared the following bonds to be void: 

Gold Bonds in Clews' hands, ........'. $102,000 

Gold Bonds, second issue to B. & A. R. R., 1,880,000 

Currency Bonds, 1,500,000 



496 THE LEGIST.ATURE OF 1873. 

Endorsement B. & A. R. R., $3,300,000 

Endorsement Bainbridge C. & C. R. R., . . ^ 600,000 

Endorsement Cartersville & Van Wert R. R., 275,000 

Endorsement Cherokee R. R., 300,000 

$7,957,000 
The bond question was still agitated. The new Legislature of 1873 
tackled the subject again. Of this body Hon L. N. Trammell was 
elected President of the Senate, and Hon. A, O. Bacon Speaker of the 
House. Among the new Senators were Joseph A. Blance, John W. 
Wofford, W. H. Payne, J. G. Cain, J. M. Arnow, W. A. Harris, S. J. 
Winn and H. W. Mattox. In the House were J. J. Turnbull, C. A. 
Nutting, J. H. Hunter, J. B. Jones, G. A. Mercer, Henry H. Carlton, 
W. D. Anderson, E. F. Hoge, Clark Howell, W. F. Calhoun, George 
F. Pierce, Patrick Walsh, J. C. Dell, Allen Fort, F. M. Longley, J. C. 
Clements, H. D. McDaniel, C. S. Du Bose. 

Mr. Nutting was the author of the bill for the issue of the twelve 
hundred thousand of eight per cent, bonds. Mr. G. A. Mercer was an 
able young lawyer of Savannali, and ayoung man of an unusually clear 
mind and smooth elocution. Dr. Henry H. Carlton was the author of 
the bill establishing the Geological Bureau, one of the most valuable 
measures of the century. He was a strikingly handsome gentleman, 
and a forcible and ornate speaker. Hon. Patrick Walsh was, and still 
is, the editor and proprietor of the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, now 
the Chronicle and Constitutionalist. This was the first appearance in 
public life of Mr. Walsh, who will be a very large figure in Georgia 
politics, and to whom further reference will be made hereafter. Allen 
Fort took immediate stand as a young man of mark. F. M. Longley 
has been judge of the Superior Court, and is a solid young lawyer. 
J. C. Clement became Senator, and is now a member of Congress, 
with as much promise of usefulness as any young man in the State, 
H. D. McDaniel has been repeatedly sent to the Senate since, and has 
meritedly earned a reputation for substantial judgment and integrity. 
Col. Thos. L. Snead of New York came before this General Assembly 
,with the following Bond compromise : 

" The proposition which I have submitted to the Governor, on the part of certain 
holders of Georgia bonds, is simply this : 

If the State will agree to pay to the holders of the State bonds which have been 
declared null and void, the sums which these holders have, actual!}^, and in perfect good 
faith advanced upon or paid for tliese bonds (that is to say, about $1,500,000 and interest), 
these parties will guarantee that such action of the State will completely re-establish 



SNKAD'ri BOND COMPROMISE. 497 

the credit of Georgia, and enable it to borrow, at seven per cent, per year, all the money 
wliich it may need. 

They also desire that the Legislature shall declare the readiness of the State to carry 
out its promises as to the indorsement of the first mortgage bonds of the Brunswick and 
iUbany Railroad Company and the Ciierokee Valley Kailroad Company, so far, and only 
so far, as the State is now constitutionally and lawfully bound by such promises; when 
these companies shall have complied witli all of the requirements of the Constitu ion 
and laws of Georgia, and shall have also completed their respective roads. 

If the State accepts this proposition, it will have to issue about $1,600,000 seven per 
cent., currency bonds to the holders of the outstanding gold and currency bonds, who 
undertake to thereupon return to the Treasurer for cancellation — 

S 1,830,000 gold bonds and interest, equivalent to . $2,450,000 

Currency bonds 1,500,000 

Guaranteed bonds of the Bainbridge, Cuthbert and Columbus Railroad . . 600,000 

Guaranteed bonds of tlie Cherokee Valley Railroad 300,000 

Guaranteed bonds of the Cartersville and Van Wert Railroad 275,000 

Guaranteed bonds of the Brunswick and Albany Railroad 3,300,000 



$8,425,000 

Which includes every bond that has been declared null and void. 

This proposition is made on the part of banks and capitalists, who own more of tb3 
valid bonds of Georgia tlian of its discredited — one of them alone (Mr. Russell Sage) hold- 
ing over $1,000,000 of good and acknowledged bonds, while he owns only $50,000 of 
those which have been declared null and void. 

In tliis matter I represent the foreign as well as the American bond-holders, and am 
authorized to express the acquiescence of the holders of any one of the discredited bonds 
in the proposed settlement. 

TIIO.MAS L. SNE AD,' Agent of the Bond-holders. 

Atlanta, February 12, 1873." 

This proposition was fully agitated and discussed. It created a deep 
interest and was presented to the public sense in every possible aspect. 
The editors of the Atlanta Constitution, E. Y. Clarke and I. W. Avery, 
addressed a circular letter to the leading men of the State asking their 
views on. this matter. The responses made an interesting and vivid 
series of letters, presenting the important subject from every possible 
point of view. Ex-Gov. J. E. Brown, Major Campbell Wallace, Col. 
James Gardner, Col. John Screven, T. P. Branch, Col. George Hazle- 
hurst. Senator T. M. Norwood, Judge David Irwin and Hon. John E. 
Ward advocated compromise in some shape. Gen. H. L. Benning, Gen. 
R. Toombs, John II. James, Wm. II. Hull, Ben H. Hill, Col. Wm. M. 
Wadley, and Herbert Fielder opposed any compromise. Politicians, 
law^^ers, bankers, railroaders and business men were thus consulted and 
gave a remarkable variety of opinion. Lawyers Brown, Norwood, 
Irwin and AVard were in conflict with lawyers Toombs, Benning, Hill 



498 LEADING OPINION ON THE BOND COMPROMISE. 

and Fielder. Railroaders AVallace, Screven and Hazlehurst differed 
with railroader Wadley. Banker Branch opposed Banker James. 

Mr. Hill took the novel and daring position that none of the Bullock 
bonds were valid because the Bullock government was the creature of 
Federal authority and had no right to bind the State, and the United 
States. government should pay these Bullock claims. If, however, the 
Bullock rule was recognized as valid, then the claims of innocent 
holders of These bonds should be recognized. The State ought to have 
referred the holders of the Bullock securities to the Federal govern- 
ment, and helped them push the claim. 

Mr. W. H. Hull thought the void bonds should not be paid. He had 
tried to buy new State sevens in New York, and could not get them 
for less than ninety cents. The bonds were null, and the State's credit 
was not affected. ' Col. Wadley endorsed Mr. Hull's views. Maj. C. 
Wallace urged the compromise. The bond trouble was affecting the 
State's credit and all private enterprises. 

Gov. Brown's letter was an exhaustive review of the whole subject, 
covering its legal and business features. His idea was that the equities 
of these bonds should be recognized. Some of them were good, and 
where the State had received the benefit of the money invested in 
them, the right thing was to assume the obligation. And he urged 
that the courts should be opened to test the matter. 

Gen. Benning declared the only question to be whether the State's 
credit was affected injuriously. Our credit was not hurt. As for 
borrowing money he did not wish the State to do it. Col. Gardner 
had first opposed the bond compromise, but upon investigation changed 
his mind. Bullock was de facto Governor, and the State's agent. The 
State must stand up to the acts of its agent so far as the innocent bond- 
holders had an equitable consideration. The State had enjoyed increase 
of property through these enterprises, and should pay for it. 

Gen. Toombs contended that all of these bonds lacked the vitality of 
popular consent, and were not in conformity with law or constitution. 
The public credit was undoubtedly injured souie. The bonds would be 
a constant source of lobby agitation. His idea was to stand by the 
law, and make a new constitution killing the bonds and stopping lobbying 
for them. John H. James declared it untrue that the State's credit was 
hurt. Georgia bonds were selling well. He had tried to buy some at 
87 1-2 cents and could not. There was no use for the State to give away 
this money and add to the taxation. 

Senator T. M. Noi'wood thought that all money actually loaned the 



THE BOND COMPROMISE REJECTED. 490 

State should be refunded. He did not think the State's credit injured, 
though the bond-holders were trying to hurt it to force a compromise. 
He advised delaying action. Herbert Fielder thought if the innocent 
holders of Confederate war bonds could stand it to lose, the holders of 
the Bullock fraudulent bonds deserved no more consideration. The 
bonds were clearly illegal and should not be paid. We had to bear the 
consequences of a bad government. T. P. Branch thought that every 
practical enterprise was injured by this bond complication. He favored 
making the compromise and paying it by taxation. 

Judo-e David Irwin's letter attracted much attention. He ur^ed that 
the matter should not be closed without an investigation, and the void 
bonds should be rejected, but all just equities shovdd be recognized ac- 
cording to the facts. Hon. John E. Ward said there were two difficul- 
ties. The State should not act under any menace to her credit, and a 
general compromise like the one offered recognized the bad as well as the 
good claims. The just course was for the State to give parties a chance 
to show just what their equities are. 

The press of the State were equally divided with perhaps a small ma- 
jority against the compromise. The writer took the position that while 
the bond committee had investigated the legality of th6 bonds, it had 
not examined into the equities, and they should not be condemned with- 
out an investigation. There were Brunswick and Albany Railroad 
bonds that had been signed by Treasurer Angier, who opposed Gov. 
Bullock's irregularities, and these bonds had been sent to Europe and 
negotiated in Germany at a good value. There seemed to be a valid 
equity in such bonds as these. The legislature would do nothing with 
this compromise. In 1877 the constitutional convention carried out 
Gen. Toombs' idea, and incorporated in the constitution a prohibition 
against the fraudulent bonds and a clause against lobbying. 

Judge O. A. Lochrane, in 1872, was the attorney for some two mil- 
lions of the rejected bonds, and made a strong effort to get them paid. 
He is still hammering away upon it, and the last move is said to be an 
amendment to the Federal Constitution, to allow States to be sued for 
such obligations. The State has never suffered by her bond action, and 
her securities stand the peers of any in the civilized world. 

This General Assembly re-districted the State under the new appor- 
tionment of representation in the Congress of the United States result- 
ing from the census of 1870. Georgia gained one Representative in 
the Federal Congress, and the State, which had been divided into eight, 
was cut up into nine districts. An interesting incident occurred in con- 



500 HON. A. H. STEV^EXS AND THE EIGHTH DISTRICT. 

nection with the new apportionment which is a very valuable piece of 
underlying history, and not only demonstrates how grave public matters 
often have a curious personal inspiration, but also the strong esteem in 
which one of our most remarkable public men is held. Major E. D. 
Graham was chairman of the committee on apportionment. He says 
that Hon. Alex. H. Stephens called upon him, and in his peculiai-ly shrill 
voice requested that Taliaferro county in which he resided might be 
placed in the Eighth District, that he did not desire to direct the dispo- 
sition of any other county, but that he wished his own county to re- 
main in the Eighth. The concession was cheerfully granted, though it 
disordered the regularity of number, and brought the three northern dis- 
tricts in the sequence of 7 — 9 — 8. But for this, the district in which 
Mr. Stephens lives would have been numbered " 9 " in its order. 

It was presumed that the distinguished Commoner, Mr. Stephens, 
was prompted by a natural desire to preserve the numerical designation 
of the district which he had made so famous. He was not then in Con- 
gress, but was elected in 1873 to fill the vacancy occasioned by the 
death of Ranse Wright. Taliaferro county, in 1843, was in the Seventh 
District, though there were then eight districts. In 1851-2 the eight 
districts were reorganized and Taliaferro county was placed in the Eighth 
District, and until the retirement of Mr. Stephens, just before the war, 
that district was represented by him. It was natural that he should 
wish to retain the familiar and honored number that he had so brilliantly 
illustrated. And it was a graceful compliment to his services and fame 
that his desire should have been respected. 



CHAPTER XLIY. 
THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOV. JAMES M. SMITH. 

The Eepublican Revolt in 1872. — Horace Greeley.— Alexander Stephens and the Con- 
stitution. — Delegates to Baltimore. — The Greeley Electoral Ticket. — Stephens' 
Straight Fight. — The Laud Scrip Fund. — The Georgia Memorial Association. — The 
State Geologist. — Department of Agriculture. — Judge J. T. Henderson. — Great 
Western Canal. — John B. Gordon elected United States Senator — A Lively Battle 
of the Ballots. — A. H. Stephens for Congress. — The Great Seal and ex-Gov, C. J. 
Jenkins. — A Beautiful Incident.— Gov. Smith's Administration. — His Misunder- 
standings. — Jack Jones and his Painful Episode. — The Double Bond Payment. — 
John W. Renfroe. — His Fine Administration. — A Controversy. — Dr. W. H. White. 
— New Congressmen. — Hon. B. H. Hill. — Dr. Feltou and his Independent Fight in 
the Seventh District. — Emory Speer. 

During the year 1872 there was a lively time in Georgia over national 
politics. The Liberal Republicans revolted from the Radical party and 
nominated Horace Greeley for President. The Northern Democracy 
determined to support Greeley instead of running a Democratic candi- 
date. This policy evoked a fierce controversy in the Democratic ranks, 
North and South, but especially South. The Stephens brothers and 
Gen. Toombs opposed it bitterly. Alexander H. Stephens was editing 
the Atlanta Sun, and wrote daily against it. Linton Stephens and 
Gen. Toombs made strong speeches against it. Mr. Stephens declared 
he would not support Greeley. A stiff discussion ensued between Mr. 
Stephens in the /Sun and the Atlanta Constitution, under the writer, 
which continued for months. The Constitution urged support of the 
National Democracy. A convention was called June 26th, 1872, at 
Atlanta, and there Avere 424 delegates present from 135 counties. 
Albert R. Lamar was made President. 

Among the delegates were Gen. Toombs, B. H. Hill, A. LI. Colquitt, 
Thomas Hardeman, Warren Akin, J. Hartridge, Linton Stephens, H. L. 
Benning, A. R. Wright and others. It was one of the strongest con- 
ventions ever held in Georgia. The resolutions sent delegates to the 
Baltimore Convention untrammeled to do the best for the party. This 
was a clear defeat of the Stejohens policy. The delegation consisted of 
H. L. Benning, Julian Hartridge, A. R. Wright, T. Hardeman, C. T. 
Goode, A. H. Colquitt, J. B. Gordon and I, W. Avery from the State 



502 THE STATK ELECTIONS IN 1872. 

at large. As the names were read out Gen. Toombs was heard to 
exclaim audibly — " Packed — By God." 

At Baltimore Greeley was nominated, and the Cincinnati platform 
adopted, the Georgia delegation voting against the platform. On thv. 
24th of July, 1872, another State Democratic Convention was held. 
Thomas Hardeman was. made President. The convention was an im- 
mense body, having G24 delegates from 136 counties, and including all 
of our public leaders, nearly. The resolutions endorsed the Baltimore 
Convention, recognizing the exigency of the times, which required 
the nomination cf Greeley and Brown and pledging their support. The 
Liberal Republicans asked that Col. T. P. Saffold be put on the Elec- 
toral ticket, but this was not done. 

The Electoral ticket nominated consisted of Wm. T. Wofford, H. L. 
Benning, Washington Poe, Julian Hartridge, H. G. Turner, R. N. Ely, 
W. J. Hudson, J. M. Pace, H. R. Casey, J. N. Dorsey, E. D, Graham. 
Gov. Smith was re-nominated for Governor. Judge Linton Stephens 
had died, and the Convention paid a noble tribute to this illustrious 
Georgian. The brief eulogy upon him by Geo. F. Pierce, Jr., was an 
exquisite bit of elocjuence and taste. 

Mr. Stephens fought Greeley's nomination sturdily. The clash 
between him and the Constitution, under the writer, continued to the 
close. He supported the Straight movement with Charles O'Conor as 
the Presidential candidate. A Straight Convention was called and had 57 
delegates from 23 counties, which put out an O'Connor electoral ticket. 
The Republicans held a convention of 272 delegates from 77 counties, 
with John S. Bigby as chairman, which nominated Dawson A. Walker for 
Governor, and put out a Grant electoral ticket, composed of A. T. Aker- 
man, B. Conley, A. W. Stone, J. Johnson, W. B. Jones, W. W. Merrell, 
J. R. Griffin, J. F. Shine, C. D. Forsyth, G. S. Fisher and C. A. Ellington. 

The election resulted as follows: Greeley 75,89G; Grant 62,485; 
O'Connor, 3,999; total vote, 142,370. Greeley's majority over Grant, 
13,411; over O'Conor, 71,895. Gov. Smith was re-elected the Execu- 
tive over Walker by 58,444 majority. Gov. Brown suppoi'ted Gov. 
Smith and voted for Greeley. The following Congressmen were elected: 
Morgan Rawls, R. H. Whitely, Phil. Cook, H. Ri Harris, J. C. Free- 
man, James H. Blount, P. M. B. Young, Ambrose R. Wright and H. 
P. Bell. Greeley was defeated for President, though he carried 
Georgia. He died before the day for casting the vote. There was 
much speculation as to how tlie Georgia Electoral college would vote. 
The electors curiously enough split up as follows: 



THE LAND SCKIF FUND. 503 

•Gen. Benning, Washington Poe and Col. Hudson voted for Greeley 
for President. 

Gen. Wofford, Col. Hartridge, Mr. Ely, Col. Pace, Col. Dorsey and 
Major Graham voted for B. Gratz Brown for President. 

Col. Turner and Dr. Casey voted for ex-Gov. C. J. Jenkins for 
President. 

Gen. Benning, Mr. Poe, Col. Hudson, Dr. Casey and Col. Turner 
voted for Gratz Brown for Vice-President. 

Col. Hartridge, Col. Pace, Col. Dorsey, Mr. Ely and Major Graham 
voted for Gen. Colquitt for Vice-President. 

Gen. Woiford voted for Gen. N. P. Banks, of Massachusetts, for Vice- 
President. 

The new Democratic Executive Committee, appointed by Col. Harde- 
man, was John L. Harris, Warren Akin, Nelson Tift, J. H. Christie, J. 
C. Nicholls, J. H. Hunter, PI. Fielder, T. M. Furlow, E. H. Worrell, J. 
C. Wooten, J. S. Boynton, T. G. Lawson, Augustus Reese, J. B. Jones, 
T. S. Morris, J. B. Estes, I. W. Avery and L. N. Trammell. Col. 
Hardeman was elected Chairman, and I. W. Avery, Secretary. 

Among matters of general interest was the Land scrip fund. By act 
of 1862, Congress gave each State 30,000 acres of land for every Sen- 
ator and Representative. Georgia's part was 270,000 acres. The fund 
v^as to be used in endowing an agricultural college in five years. By 
act of 1872 further time was given. The Legislature of Georgia, in 
1866, accepted the donation, and authorized the Governor to apply for, 
receive, and sell these lands. Gov. Conley, in his term, obtained and 
sold them for ninety cents per acre to Gleason F. Lewis, of the West, 
for $50,000 cash, and the balance in eighteen months, making 1243,000 
realized. Some of the States realized four and five dollars an acre. 
Gov. Smith had to organize the college by the 2d of July, 1872, or the 
land scrip would have been forfeited.' Many of the cities applied for 
the fund. He finally gave it to the State University at Athens, insti- 
tuting " The Georgia State College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts." 
The interest alone can be used. The principal was invested in Georgia 
State bonds. The first 150,000 Gov. Smith used in buying Georgia 
bonds at ninety cents, thus adding $5,000 to the fund. 

The Georgia Memorial Association, under charge of Mrs. ]\Iary A. 
Williams and Miss Mary J. Green, had most faithfully used the |4,0C0 
given to remove the Confederate dead. A cemetery was established 
at Marietta, and 2,393 bodies removed, principally from the battle 



504 THE GEOLOGICAL AND AGRICULTUEAL DEPARTMENTS. 

grounds of Chickamauga and New Hope Church, There are also local 
Confederate Cemeteries at Resaca, Atlanta and Griffin. 

During Gov. Smith's administration two departments of incalculable 
State benefit were established. The office of State Geologist was created 
by Act approved February 27, 1874, and Gov. Smith appointed Dr. 
George Little to the place August 10, 1874. The Department of 
Agriculture was created by Act approved February 20, 1874, the act 
passing the House by the vote of Speaker Bacon, and on the 26th of 
August, 1874, Gov. Smith appointed Dr. Thomas P. Janes State Com- 
missioner of Agriculture. The State Geologist held office until re- 
moved by the Governor or the office was abolished, received $2,000 
salary, and was allowed two assistants at $1,200 each. The sum of 
$10,000 yearly was appropriated, for five years. The Commissioner 
of Agriculture held office for four years, received $2,000 salary and was 
allowed a clerk at $1,200. The sum of $10,000 was appropriated for 
the annual expenses of the Department. 

Dr. Little was an accomplished Geologist, and his work of survey 
proceeded vigorously. He made a large collection of minerals and 
woods. He had up to 1879, when the appropriation ceased, completed a 
survey and maps of nearly half of the State. He had developed the 
mineral resources of the State, inducing the investment of hundreds of 
thousands of dollars of foreign capital. The legislature of 1879 failed 
to make a further appropriation. The office was not abolished, Dr. 
Little is still State Geologist, but there being no money appropriated 
the geological survey has ceased. The wagons and surveying tools 
have been sold, and the magnificent collection of geological specimens 
is in charge of the Commissioner of Agriculture. 

The Department of Agriculture was successfully established by Dr. 
Janes. It proved to be a great practical benefit. Its distribution of 
seeds, its introduction of new ideas, its valuable reports and publica- 
tions, and its inspection of fertilizers preserving farmers from frauds in 
commercial manures, have been of large utility to the farming vocation, 
the basis of all of our prosperity. Dr. Janes was a zealous worker, and 
he accomplished much good. In 1878 he was re-appointed by Gov. 
Colquitt. He resigned his place in September, 1879, and on the 24th 
day of September, 1879, Hon. John T. Henderson was appointed by 
Gov. Colquitt as the Commissioner. 

Mr. Henderson's administration of the office has been most brilliant. 
Taking the position when there was for some reason a good deal of pub- 
lic opposition to the Department, he has popularized it in the general 



HON. JOHN T. HENDERSON, COMMISSIONER OF AGRICULTURE. 505 

esteem. He has exhibited nerve, tact, discrimination and capacity. 
He had a battle with the fertilizer manufacturer's that tested his pluck 
and decision conclusively. He fought their analyses, and under acri- 
monious demonstration from them, persisted in his reforms until he had 
revolutionized and graded up the standard of artihcial manures. He 
was instrumental in getting up a National Convention on this subject. 
His enterprise has been sleepless, and his labors judicious and admi- 
rably directed. The Department is on a solid basis, and its usefulness 
yearly increasing. The receipts from the inspection of fertilizers last 
year, were $76,232.03, and the expenses of the department $12,171,81, 
leaving a handsome balance of $64,060.23 that went into the State Trea- 
sury. One of the new projects of Commissioner Henderson is the 
establishment of an experimental farm. It will be a progressive move- 
ment that would benefit the State. And under the present able com- 
missioner it would be a success. 

Gov. Smith was instrumental in May, 1873, in calling a convention of 
Governors and delegates in the interest of the Georgia and Great West- 
ern Canal. Tiiree liundred members were present, including Gov. John C. 
Brown of Tennessee, President of the Convention, Gov. Silas Woodson of 
Missouri, and Gov. T. A. Hendricks of Indiana, from the Eighth District. 

Two notable events in the year 1873 were the election of Gen. John 
B. Gordon United States Senator from Georgia by the General Assem- 
bly, and tlie election of Hon. Alexander H. Stephens as the Representa- 
tive in Congress from the Eighth District. 

Gordon's victory was a signally striking one. He had for competitors, 
Hon. A. H. Stephens, Hon. B. H. Hill, Hon. Herbert Fielder and Hon. 
A. T. Akerman. The friends of these gentlemen threw themselves 
vigorously into the canvass. Gen. Gordon and Mr. Hill both made 
speeches. Mr. Stephens was in Atlanta, and his quiet, effective influ- 
ence was seen in the ardent rallying of his admirers in his favor. 

The triumph of Gen. Gordon was one of which any man could be 
proud. He had an unparalleled array of competitors, the most popular, 
gifted and veteran public lea^ders in Georgia — men around whom clus- 
tered peculiar considerations of public support. Mr. Stephens in par- 
ticular had been a public idol, maintaining in a long career an unbroken 
series of political victories. He had been elected Senator after the war 
and was not admitted. It seemed a proper thing to return him again. 
He was handicapped, however, by his decided disagreement in the 
presidential campaign with tlie bulk of the party. 

On the first joint ballot Gordon received 84 votes, Stephens 71, Hill 



506 JOHN B. GORDON'S EXCITING ELECTION AS U. S. SENATOE. 

35, Akerman 14, Fielder 8. Mr. Stephens' vote was remarkable in view 
of his contest with his party, and could have been evoked by no other 
man under the same circumstances. He grew in strength in succeed- 
ing ballots. For a time it was thought he would be elected. Upon the 
disintegration of Hill's and Fielder's votes Gordon swept to victory. 
On the fourth ballot Gordon had ninety-five and Stephens seventy-five, 
necessary to elect one hundred and seven. On the fifth ballot Gotdon 
ran to one hundred and one, and Stephens seventy-six, when men began 
to chano'e, amid as wild an excitement as ever existed in a deliberative 
body. Three of Gordon's men broke to Stephens, Mattox, Brantley and 
Scott. Nine of Hill's men followed to Stephens. Two of Akerman's 
men added themselves to this growing tide. Two of Stephens' men, 
Peabody and McClellan, rushed to Gordon to give variety to the battle. 
Nine of Hill's men followed suit. Three of Akerman's joined this cur- 
rent. Baker of Bartow, with commendable impartiality, changed from 
Stephens to Gordon, and then back to Stephens. Watt did the same. 
Dorsey, not to be outdone, plumped from Hill to Stephens and then 
from Stephens to Gordon. Lee of Appling shifted from Gordon to 
Stephens, and then back to Gordon. The confusion and excitement 
were simply indescribable. Everybody was at fever heat. The gal- 
leries were packed with spectators, with a large sprinkling of ladies. 
At one time it was said by some investigating arithmetician who traced 
out the changing phases of the ballot, that Mr. Stephens was elected by 
one majority. The transfer of ballots was so swift and mixed that 
men were in perplexity, but amid the torrent of confusing changes 
Gordon went up steadily until the ballot was announced, Gordon one 
hundred and twelve, and Stephens eighty-six, and in a hurricane of 
shouts, the atmosphere variegated with the tossing hats, Gordon was 
declared elected. 

It was a large clutch of honor for the young Gordon to have won 
this high trust, and the whole State was pleased. He had in the war 
carved his way to fame with the sword, rising to continental reputa- 
tion. He was a fine representative of the chivalry and patriotism of 
the South. Endowed with a clear mind, a strong honor, and a pulsing 
public spirit, backed by a rare physical vigor. Senator Gordon became 
a marked figure in the national councils, and gave an administration of 
his exalted trust, both useful and brilliant. 

The next day after the election the Atlanta Constitution raised Mr. 
Stephens' name for Congress. Gen. Toombs announced that Mr; 
Stephens would " stand " for Congress in the Eighth District, and the 




GEN. JOHN B. GORDON, £x-U. S. Senator. 



SUPKRU TRIBUTE TO CHARI.KS J. JENKINS. 507 

numerous aspirants dropped out and down, and the " Commoner," as he 
was felicitously called, was returned to Congress, where he still continues 
to give the countiy his services. Forty years ago he had been elected 
to Congress. For sixteen consecutive years he had served, his stout 
heart and large brain, in a weak frame, battling manfully for the rights 
and interest of the whole country. Retiring voluntarily from public 
life, he emerged from his privacy to become the second officer of the 
Confederate government. After thirteen years absence he returned to 
the seat in Congress he had vacated, the representative of the princi- 
ples, thoughts and policies of the best school of American statesman- 
ship. The event was a notable one, and created national comment and 
congratulation. 

This Legislature elected as State House officers, Col. N. C. Barnett 
Secretary of State, Col. John Jones Treasurer, and W. L. Goldsmith as 
Comptroller General. Col. Barnett and Col. Jones had both been 
removed from office by Gen. Meade, and their election was the sponta- 
neous tribute of the representatives of the people to these officers for 
their fidelity to the State's interest. 

A very interesting incident of Gov. Smith's administration was con- 
nected with ex-Gov. Charles J. Jenkins. Hon, J. B. Cumming intro- 
duced a resolution, which passed and was apj)roved August 22, 1872, 
authorizing the Governor to have made and present to Mr. Jenkins a 
fac-simile of the great seal of State that he had taken with him when 
removed from office, with this additional inscription: "Presented to 
Charles J. Jenkins by the State of Georgia," and this kgend, " In, 
Ardids Fidells.'''' 

Gov. Smith had the gold copy made, and in July, 1873, he transmittetl 
it to ex-Gov. Jenkins through the hands of Mr. Cumming, the author 
of the resolution, in a suitable letter. The formal presentation of this 
testimonial of a republic's gratitude, this State recognition of fidelity 
to her honor and prosperity, was certainly an event of beautiful signifi- 
cance. The letter of ex-Gov. Jenkins, in reply, was like everything 
else emanating from his brain, a document of grace and power. The 
exquisite elegance of diction, the rare propriety of sentiment, and the 
strong tenor of vigorous thought that mark this letter, make it a paper 
to be read with admiration and treasured in remembrance. This senti- 
ment deserves preservation: 

" My position is that there is now no cause for despondency ; that the wrongs and 
oppressions we have endured resulted from administrative abuses, not from structural 
thauges in the s^overuraeut. This distinction should be kept constantly in view. In a 



508 GOV. smith's controversies. 

complex government like our own, the political powers divided between the general and 
State governments, let it never be conceded that a power once usurped is thenceforth a 
power transferred ; nor that a right once suppressed is for that cause a right extinguished ; 
nor that a Constitution a thousand times violated becomes a Constitution abolished; nor 
finally that a government prostituted by two or three consecutive administrations to purposes 
of tyranny and corruption must thereafter be regarded as a government revolutionized." 

Brave, noble words these were, that rang over the length and breadth 
of the State, giving truth and inspiration to every wearied champion of 
constitutional government. 

Gov. Smith's administration was firm and able and made him very 
popular. He concluded his fragment of Bullock's time, and entered 
upon his regular term of four years amid the general and earnest favor 
of the people. His whole administration, nearly as an entirety, was a 
. beneficial and capable one. There were, however, two matters that 
occurred that marred the harmony of his regime. There was an aggres- 
sive quality in his temper that developed itself, and that was productive 
of many personal misunderstandings, and created an unnecessary oppo- 
sition. He was unfortunate enough to get up some very grave conflicts 
of statement with several distinguished gentlemen in the State upon 
the delicate subject of their appointment to office. Whatever may have 
been the merits of these controversies, they made hostility to Gov. 
Smith. Ex-Gov, H. V. Johnson was the most prominent of the persons 
with whom Gov. Smith had these by no means beneficial differences. 
Gov. Johnson considered that Gov. Smith had promised to put him on 
the supreme bench, and Gov. Smith denied it, and the issue drifted into 
quite an unpleasant correspondence. Such incidents made an opposi- 
tion disproportioned to what might be supposed their legitimate effect. 

At the expiration of Dr. Angler's term as Treasurer in 1872, as has 
been stated. Col. John Jones, Treasurer under Gov. Jenkins and who had 
been removed by Gen. Meade, was elected to this office. The election was 
unfortunate for himself and for Gov, Smith. He had earned an unusual 
reputation, and was en'deared to the people by his striking experiences. 
" Honest Jack Jones " was his enviable designation. It Avas a cruel thing 
that such a character, so uncommon and priceless, should have been sacri- 
ficed, with every undeniable purpose to merit its continuance, and with 
the fact of integrity untouched. Charges of loose management became 
general, and the alleged payment of duplicate securities was formulated 
upon the public thought. The Legislature of 1875 put a committee at 
work to investigating the Treasurer's office. This committee reported 
a bad state of things existing in that office, and resolutions were passed 
censuring the Treasurer, instructing suit against that officer and his 



THE STATE TREASURY. 509 

sureties for money illegally paid by him, and authorizing the Governor 
to appoint a competent person to aid the Treasurer in doing all things 
necessary for the State's interest. Dr. James F. Bozeman was selected 
as the official to do this important duty. The choice was admirable. 
Dr. Bozeman proved himself a careful, capable, patient, honest financier, 
tracing out the difficult problem of our confused State finances to an 
unerring conclusion. 

The whole episode was a painful one. It involved a Democratic 
official who had peculiarly strong claims upon the party. Yet the inves- 
tigation was made with a resolute thoroughness that marked the differ- 
ence between a Democratic and the Reconstruction administrations. A 
Democratic rule probed and punished its own derelictions. The Repub- 
lican regime had shielded its offenders. 

Gov. Smith decided upon examination that the Treasurer's bond 
was insufficient, and on the 15th day of November, 1875, he issued an 
Executive order requiring a new bond. This the Treasurer failed to give, 
and on the. 26th of November, the Governor declared the office vacant 
by operation of law. From the 25th of November until the 4th of 
Deceinber, the Comptroller acted as Treasurer under the Executive 
appointment. On the 4th of December, 1875, Gov. Smith appointed 
and commissioned as State Treasurer, Hon. John W. Renfroe, who 
served the balance of Col. Jones' term, and in 1877 was elected and 
served for the full term of four years to 1881. 

The administration of Col. Renfroe through its entirety was a signally 
able one. He had been for years the tax collector of the large county 
of Washington, and had made a marked reputation for efficiency, skill 
and promptness. His collections were thorough and his returns a model 
of book-keeping. He took the treasury chaotic, disordered and unsys- 
tematized. He made it methodical, clear and smoothly running. He 
had something more than good steady business ways. He possessed 
genuine and original financial ability, blending, in a singular degree, 
nerve, judgment and fertility of resource. He held the many reins of 
State money interest with a firm hand and an intelligence equal to any 
emergency. He was economical and managing, saving the State in 
every possible manner. 

It was a most fortunate selection. The State's credit steadily went 
up under his financial direction. Ho negotiated large amounts of bonds 
at less cost than any other Treasurer. And with all his strict discharge 
of his duties ho was uniformly polite and accommodating, and won a 
universal regard by his courtesy and spirit to convenience people. 



510 THE DOUBLE. PAYMKNT OF BONDS. 

The irregularities in the Treasurer's office and the changes of adn.in- 
istration startled and shocked the public mind. There has never been 
such a demonstration of popular sympathy as followed Col. Jones in 
this unfortunate calamity. The proof of an inefficient management was 
irrefutable. But the public clung to the idea of his integrity, with a 
touching tenacity. Great losses to the State were proven, but the gen- 
eral thought maintained the good intentions of old " Jack Jones." 

Stunned, dazed, fluttering in his helplessness, and in dreamy doubt 
of a disaster that he scarcely comprehended, and which he fought with 
all the gallant consciousness of honesty, the old man reeled under the 
terrific loss of his cherished repute, and finally as the evidence accumu- 
lated overwhelmingly to show an incompetent and careless management, 
he bowed his head in mute anguish. The iron ordeal of an unpitying. 
inquiry went on. 

Civil suits were instituted. Months were spent by an auditor. Col. 
John M. Pace taking evidence. The trial ran far into Gov. Colquitt's 
administration, and finally, on the 23rd day of May, 1879, a judgment 
was obtained against Col. Jones and his sureties, John T. Grant and C. 
A. Nutting, for $96,000. The counsel for the State were the Attorney 
General, Col. N. J. Hammond, and the following lawyers employed by 
Gov. Smith, Gen. Toombs, McCay & Trippe, Willis A. Hawkins and 
Wm. T. Newman. Col. Jones had for his leading counsel, Hon. B. H. 
Hill. Mr. John T. Grant offered $35,000 cash in settlement of his lia- 
bility which was accepted by Gov. Colquitt upon the advice of the 
State's entire counsel. 

This most unpleasant affair was an injury to Gov. Smith's adminis- 
tration. Henry Clews & Co. had paid, during the administration of 
Gov. Bullock, the entire bonds falling due in 1870 and 1871. These 
bonds were reported paid by the bond committee in 1871, as also by 
Gov. Conley in his message, and in his first message to the legislature 
as Governor in July, 1872, Gov. Smith had mentioned the bonds due in 
1872 as the first bonds needing attention. Of the redeemed bonds of 
1870 and 1871 Col. Jones had paid a second time, $149,250 with $24,- 
782.15 of interest. These bonds had never been canceled by Henry 
Clews, but were sold at public auction in New York on one day's notice, 
for $18,625 to J. D. Hayes, the Misses Clews and Chittenden and Hub- 
bard. - Somebody presented them at the State Treasury and Col. Jones 
paid them. He had no clue to the person who got the money. After 
that payment Gov. Smith passed his warrant to Col. Jones for these 
bonds. And whether rightly or wrongfully the public held it a matter 



CONGRESSIONAL CONTESTS. 511 

for censure in the otherwise excellent financial administration of Gov. 
Smith. 

Gov. Smith had pressed a controversy upon the writer in connection 
with the authorship of a newspaper letter, attacking him savagely, written 
by a Mr. Cowart. And in this controversy the writer entered fully into 
this double bond payment, and charged upon Gov. Smith a grave 
neglect of duty. The controversy which brought to light more clearly 
the facts of this bond mistake, demonstrated the tendency heretofore 
alluded to in Gov. Smith to provoke unnecessary antagonisms. It is 
due to Gov. Smith to say that the full extent of condemnation to which 
he should justly be subjected is simply such oversight of the fact of 
payment as would have prevented his signing a warrant for these bonds. 
The bonds had been paid. The money could not have been recalled. 
No human suspicion could attach any blame to Gov. Smith for the 
double payment. These are milder views of Gov. Smith's share of 
blame than the writer entertained at the time of the very tart corre- 
spondence in 1876, and are given in justice to both parties. 

In 1876 an event occurred that attracted very much attention. Dr. 
W. H. White, who has since died, a gentleman from Iowa settling in 
Atlanta, was the successful originator and instrument of a large excur- 
sion of western citizens to the South, that went a great way to break 
down the ignorant bitterness existing between the sections, and which 
has proved so great a barrier to national reconciliation. Dr. White was 
a public-spirited citizen of energy and enterprise, who deserved the 
esteem he held among our people. 

The death of Gen. Ambrose R. Wright and Thomas J. Speer, mem- 
bers of Congress, was followed by the election of Hon. A. H. Stephens 
and Col. Erasmus W. Beck to fill the vacancies. In November, 1874, 
the following gentlemen were elected to Congress, viz. Julian Hartridge, 
Wm. E. Smith, Philip Cook, H. R. Harris, Milton A. Candler, James 
H. Blount, Wm. H. Felton, Alex. H. Stephens and Garnett McMillan. 

In the nominations of Col. Candler and Col. McMillan there had been 
prolonged, exciting and stubborn contests. McMillan beat Hon. B. H. 
Hill in the convention in a conflict that excited State interest. Col. 
McMillan soon died, and Mr. Hill was nominated and elected May 5, 
1875, to fill the vacancy, and from that time has been in Congress. The 
most remarkable, and in some respects romantic, congressional contest, 
was the one in the 7th District, which resulted in the election of Dr. 
William H. Felton as the Representative, which revolutionized the pol- 
itics of that District, which introduced a new and powerful factor in 



512 PARSON FELTON. 

the public matters of the state, and made the quiet old Seventh Dis- 
trict the scene of political strife so turbid and active as to focalize the 
gaze and the speculation of the whole people. 

Some several vv^eeks before the Democrats held their nominating con- 
vention, Dr. Felton had taken the field as an Independent Democratic 
candidate, on the general ground of the trickery of the convention 
system, w^hich, he argued, disappointed instead of enforcing the popu- 
lar will. He was a tall, slender, gray-haired Methodist preacher, with 
a singularly effective eloquence and a very subtle power in reaching and 
controlling his hearers. The people of mountain sections seem to have 
a natural proclivity to that loose wearing of political trammels that 
makes party independentism easy. It is a curious geographical fact 
that, in the 7th and 9th Congressional Districts, both mountain coun- 
tries, the Independents have been most active and successfuL 

Dr. Felton made a steady headway. His wife, a very comely lady, 
fearless, positive, managing, a born politician, a vigorous writer, and a 
tireless worker gave him a wonderful co-operation. Together they 
inaugurated a revolution that swept the District, made it the focal bat- 
tle-field of the State, and planted independentism in State politics for 
years to come. The placid parson became the central figure of public 
matters. 

The convention nominated Hon. L. N. Trammell as the Democratic 
candidate for Congress. Dr. Felton attacked the fairness of his nomi- 
nation and his political record. Trammell met him squarely, hammer- 
ing down his assaults. They met in debate several times, and Dr. 
Felton declined to discuss with him longer. The disaffection in the 
Democracy of the seventh so perceptible gave serious trouble to the 
party all over the State. There were elements of discord at work that 
seemed uncontrollable. With a deft tact and consummate ability the 
clever parson used the chance. It was immaterial who was the nominee, 
the opposition to nominations existed. Whether Dabney, Lester or 
Trammell, it was the same _ breeding repulsion to convention work. 
Trammell was an unexampled manager, full of resources, and a watch- 
ful, masterly, political leader. 

Col. Trammell wrote to the Executive Committee putting himself in 
their hands for the party good. It was a generous abnegation. The 
committee proposed to Dr. Felton that both retire and let the party 
settle the contest in some way. Dr. Felton declined. The committee 
decided that Col. Trammell must continue the fight. There was then 
every chance for the nominee. Trammell could have made the victory. 



DR. FELTON DEFEATED AT LAST. 513 

But there was treachery in our own ranks. Realizing it, Col. Trammell 
determined that it should not be ascribed to him that the party was 
divided, and peremptorily withdrew. Col. Wm. H. Dabney was nomi- 
nated. The battle became hotter still. The schism grew, the rancor 
intensified, the struggle deepened in bitterness. Outsiders who were 
invited to come in and take a hand were warned off. The District 
seethed like the witches' cauldron in Macbeth. It was a red-hot time, 
full of accelerating fury. 

Col. Dabney was an irreproachable gentleman and a fine lawyer, able 
and earnest. But Dr. Felton went for him. Dabney lacked personal 
magnetism and political strategy, and was not a match for Felton, We 
have never had a man in Georgia politics that has been so dangerous an 
assailer of personal records as this plausible preacher. He struck 
deadly blows. He held religious service on Sunday, and spoke politics 
on week days, and played perilous work generally with personal ante- 
cedents. His hold on the people was something marvelous, and could 
not be shaken. He inspired a tenacity of attachment in his followers, 
amounting to fanaticism. 

He defeated. Col. Dabney by over 200 majority. He ran again in 
1875, and Col. Dabney was pitted against him, and he got an increased 
majority running to 2,462. The Republican vote went solid for him. 
In 1878 George N. Lester was nominated, and made a lightning race, 
full of fire. But Felton came in again with a majority of 1,350. It 
looked like the parson Avas invincible, and Independentism supreme. 
The contagion had spread. In the 9th, in 1878, a handsome, glittering, 
young man, showy, eloquent, ambitious, Emory Speer, who in 1876 had 
been defeated, slipped in over Col. J. A. Billups, the nominee, by a 
small majority, which in 1880 he swelled to over 4,000 in a tug with H. 
P. Bell. 

But Dr. Folton's victory over Col. Lester closed his extraordinary 
series of successes, and in 1880 a sturdy, clear-headed, even-tempered 
young man, who had been first in the House of Representatives and 
then in the Senate from Walker county, entered the race and left the 
gallant parson behind. This sensible individual, Judson C. Clement, took 
a new tack. He would have no stock in a personal contest. He made 
a quiet elevated canvass, dignified, devoid of personality, soothing the 
asperities of an angry division, and treating Dr. Felton and his follow- 
ers with a uniform personal courtesy, and when the vote was counted, 
to the surprise of the State, and with somewhat of a shock to the par- 
son, Clement was declared elected. 
33 



514 EMORY SPEER. 

The defeat of Parson Felton has left his youthful and brilliant young 
colleague, Emory Speer, the leader of the Independents — a critical and 
perilous pre-eminence. He has shown, like the Parson, an able brain 
and a steady head, a thorough self-reliance and a shrewd mastery of the 
masses. It cannot be seen that Dr. Felton made any blunder to evoke 
defeat, but fell through in the reaction from a species of revolution and 
under the natural subsidence of men into customary and familiar polit- 
ical grooves. It remains to be tested whether the gifted young Speer 
can avoid the fate of his wise old colleague, and maintain outside of 
party lines that personal supremacy, which, while it utilized Democratic 
disaffection and a handy Republican balance of power, yet demonstrated 
an undeniable genius for leadership. 




c^.^^ 



fi-^v*^ 



SUPREME COURT OF GEORGIA. 



CHAPTER XLV. 

GOVERNOR ALFRED H. COLQUITT, AND HIS MAGNIFICENT 

MAJORITY. 

The Popular Thought Points to Alfred H. Colquitt for Governor. — His Long Declen- 
sion. — Gen. L. J. Gartrell. — H. V. Johnson. — John H. James. — Thomas Hardeman 
Retires. — Gen. Colquitt's Character. — The State Democratic Convention. — The Col- 
quitt Caucus. — Weil and Wright. — An Amusing Episode. — Colquitt's Nomination 
and the Enthusiasm. — The Republicans put up Jonathan Norcross. — Colquitt's Easy 
Election and Vast Majority. — Tilden and Hendricks. — The Texas Banner Won. — Tlie 
Congressional Delegation Re-elected Entire. — Ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown. — Gregg 
Wright's Witty Article on Brown. — Gov. Brown's Service in Florida. — Changes on 
the Supreme 13ench. — James Jackson and Logan E. Bleckle3% — Martin J. Crawford. 
— Alex. M. Spear.— The Legislature of 1877. — A. O. Bacon, Speaker. — R. E. 
Lester. — E. P. Howell. — Patrick Walsh. — Gov. Colquitt's Splendid Financial Message. 
— His Practical Economy. — The Bankrupt Railroads. — Gov. Colquitt's Able Dis- 
position of Them. — B. H. Hill Elected United States Senator. — State House Officers. 

During the years 1875 and 1876, the question of Gov. Smith's suc- 
cessor in the Executive office was actively agitated. Gov. Smith finally 
declined to be a candidate, and turned .his aspirations to the United 
States Senate. The prominent name in the public mind was Alfred H. 
Colquitt. As early as 1857 the popular thought had pointed to him 
for Governor. After the war he had steadily declined political pre- 
ferment, and constantly grew in public favor. Coming from a blood 
renowned in Georgia annals; the son of a father, the most versatile and 
brilliant public man the State has ever known, Walter T. Colquitt; the 
inheritor of eloquence and ability for the administration of public 
affairs; a gentleman of rare Christian character and life, adding the 
grace of a deep piety to the attractions of a very handsome face and 
person, and with manners singularly simple and hearty, and reflecting a 
temper uniformly genial, Gen. Colquitt enjoyed an exceptional popu- 
larity, and had such a hold upon the respect and affection of the masses 
as few men have ever enjoyed. 

He refused repeated solicitations to allow his name used for Congress, 
as well as for Governor and the United States Senate. He was con- 
stantly chosen as elector and delegate to National Conventions. He 
had, in 1872, been elected on the same day President of the State Pern- 



516 THE CANDIDATES FOR GOVERNOR IN 1876. 

ocratic Convention and President of tlie State Agricultural Society. 
He had been unanimously re-elected, year by year, President of the State 
Agricultural Society. Under this focal enjoyment of public regard he 
was at length squarely entered into the lists for the gubernatorial suc- 
cession. 

Gen. Lucius J. Gartrell was mentioned and pressed by his friends for 
Governor, but when ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson's name was presented, he 
withdrew. Gov. Johnson was sprung as a gubernatorial candidate by 
Mr. Willingham of the Press, and warmly urged by Mr. Gregg Wright 
of the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel. The late introduction of Gov. 
Johnson into the canvass was an injustice to that distinguished and 
popular statesman. His support was no criterion of the strength he 
had with the people. He neither endorsed nor declined the use of his 
name, but still left it before the public. The writer, a warm friend and 
admirer of Gov. Johnson, wrote him a letter, urging that so many of his 
friends were friends of Gen. Colquitt and had committed themselves to 
the latter, that he owed it to himself not to run. 

Mr. John H. James, Banker of Atlanta, a gentleman of great native 
shrewdness and large means, accumulated by an uncommon financial 
sagacity and energy, had resolved, if possible, to cap his business suc- 
cess with the honorable distinction of Executive responsibility. Against 
Gov. Smith in 1872, he had made something of a commencement of his 
attempt at the Executive chair. He regularly entered the race against 
Gen. Colquitt, and devoted himself to the campaign with that cool, sys- 
tematic energy and calculation that marked the rnan. Deficient in 
education, he yet had a large fund of good sense, good temper, and real 
practical capacity. He pursued his canvass astutely. 

The strongest competitor that Gen. Colquitt had, however, was Hon. 
Thomas Hardeman, Jr. This gentleman was very popular. As Legis- 
lator, Congressman, Speaker of the House, Confederate officer, he had 
sho^yn himself capable, eloquent, honorable, patriotic and public spirited. 
He had convictions and the courage to defend them. He was and is a 
fluent and attractive speaker. He was true in his friendships, and 
direct and candid in his politics. Possessing a genial nature, he in- 
spired a general regard. Col. Hardeman has been one of the sincerest 
men iii our public matters, meriting his repeated trusts, discharging his 
duties efficiently always, and enjoying public respect and regard. 

Walter T. Colquitt, the father of Alfred H. Colquitt, was a rnqst con- 
summate master of politics, and he transmitted to his son a full share of 
this power. The writer does not think that in the State there has ever 



ALFRED H. COLQUITT. 517 

been a wiser manager of a political campaign than Gen. Colquitt. Un- 
der his pleasant, unpretentious, genial exterioi-, he carries a keen judg- 
ment of men, an accurate perception of chances, a broad range of 
resources in management, a power of severe practicality, a thorough 
grasp of detail, and an unwavering decisiveness upon a deliberately 
selected line of policy. There were some other qualities in Gen. Col- 
quitt that gave him strength. No man was ever more crystally truth- 
ful and direct, no man was ever truer to friendship, and no man was 
ever more strongly governed by duty and conscience. 

There have been many misconceptions of Gen. Colquitt's qualities, — 
inconsistent with his striking political successes. No mistake as to his 
character has been more widely at fault than the idea that his enemies 
have used against him, that he possessed a pliant and yielding character. 
This has grown from that perennial sweetness of temper and genial 
courtesy of manner that belong to the man. In truth he is as positive 
and unwavering a public man as we have ever had in Georgia. Not an 
aggressive person and not given to seeking combat, but a most un- 
changeable and patient man upon a line of policy he has shown himself 
to be. Every political campaign he has been engaged in has demon- 
strated fixedness, persistence and resolution of an unusual quality. 

Perhaps the strongest trait of Gen. Colquitt's nature is his contempt 
for affectation or pretense. With a hearty scorn for shams, caring 
nothing for show, yet with a genuine pride of principle and gentility, 
he has kept his poise, preserved his common sense, and maintained the 
solid purity of his character and intelligence in a manner that testifies 
conclusively to his native worth. No public man has ever been more 
untouched by the glitter of official distinction, or has borne high prefer- 
ment with more modesty. This simple wearing of ennobling trust has 
been accompanied by a strong practicality that he shows in all matters, 
and which is the essential basis of a very strong personality with an 
unlimited reserve power in it. The qualities of this distinguished 
Georgian will be further discussed. He was destined for unprecedented 
triumph and a remarkable experience. 

The .nominating convention was held on the second day of August, 
1876, in Atlanta. The selection of county delegates to the body 
demonstrated the overwhelming drift for Colquitt. When enough 
counties had acted to show the popular preference. Col. Hardeman, with 
that patriotic sensibility that has always signalized his public course, 
withdrew his name in a most graceful letter, yielding a prompt acqui- 
escence in the public will. At the Kimball House, the head-quarters of 



518 GOVERNOR Colquitt's nomination. 

the Colquitt, Johnson and James delegates were established. A caucus 
of Colquitt's friends was held in the large ball-room of the Kimball 
House. The Johnson men met in the breakfast-room, and Major J. B. 
Cumming stated that he had in his possession a letter from Gov. Johnson 
declining to have his name presented to the convention. The caucus 
resolved to support Colquitt. 

In the Colquitt caucus the enthusiasm was overwhelming. The 
large room was packed. The proposal of three cheers for Colquitt 
brought out a ringing response which echoed throughout the immense 
building in thunderous notes. Mr. H. D. D. Twiggs announced the 
withdrawal of Gov. Johnson's name and that Johnson's friends would 
support Colquitt. The excitement that followed this announcement 
went to fever heat. Cheers were given for Gov. Johnson and his 
friends. Hon. Josiah Warren of Savannah was called, and made an 
electrical little talk. Among other things he used these notable words: 

" As an original Hardeman man, and one who believes he is one of the purest and 
noblest sons of Georgia— and who withdrew in favor of one who is his peer in every 
respect [cheers] — Gen Colquitt — [cheers], and as a friend of Gen. Colquitt, and as one 
who is in favor of the harmony of the party, I congratulate you and the wliole people 
upon the evidence here to-night of the future harmony and unison of the Democratic 
jiarty of the State of Georgia" [cheers]. 

Col. Hardeman made such a speech as he always makes, fitting and 
eloquent. The convention consisted of 550 delegates from 135 counties, 
Hon. Geo. F. Pierce, Jr., was made temporary Chairmanj and Hon. 
Clifford Anderson permanent President of the body. Col. S. Weil of 
Fulton county withdrew the name of Mr. James, and moved the nomi- 
nation of Gen. Colquitt. ]\Ir.' H. Gregg Wright of the Richmond dele- 
gation had been empowered to announce the withdrawal of Gov. Johnson 
and put in nomination Gen. Colquitt. It is a part of the under-current 
of the history of this convention that the movement of Mr; Weil in his 
German idiom was a surprise, and unexpectedly interrupted the pro- 
gramme of the Richmond delegation. It created a sort of ripple of 
anuisement, but the ready and quick-witted Wright met the sudden 
emergency cleverly, and put in his most felicitous speech with a spirit 
that brought the house down, stating that Johnson's name would not 
be presented, and urging Gen. Colquitt's nomination by acclamation. 

The nomination went through with a rush, and Gen Colquitt was 
brought in, and made a stirring speech. Electors were chosen on the 
Tilden and Hendricks ticket. They were A. R. Lawton and J. W. 
Woiford from the State at large; and district electors, A. M. Rodgers, 





^^^^-^^ 



y/-t2rA 



GOVERNOR Colquitt's superb majority. 519 

R. E. Kennon, J. M. Dupree, W. O. Tuggle, F. D. Dismuke, F. ChaiTi- 
bers, L. N. Trammell, D, M. Du Bose and J. N. Dorsey. 

The Republicans in convention at Macon, Aug. 16, 1876, nominated 
Jonathan Norcross for Governor, and for electors, D. A. Walker, E. C. 
Wade, J. T. Collins, C. W. Arnold, B. F. Bell, R. D. Locke, J. A. 
Holtzclaw, Jeff. Long, Z. B. Hargrove, V. M. Barnes and M. R. Archer. 
The whole Democratic ticket for State officers, electors and congress- 
men was easily elected. Mr. Norcross was an odd, grizzly person, an 
intense, double-dyed Republican, unskilled in party management, 
regarded as possessing very cranky political theories, and an impracti- 
cable public man, but personally honest, a successful business man, one 
of the earliest settlers of Atlanta, though of northern birth, and enjoy- 
ing the respect of all who knew his undoubted personal worth. He 
was the last man in the State to lead the party. Some idea of his party 
management may be gleaned from a maneuver of his in the last cam- 
paign, when with nine-tenths of his party organization colored, he 
deliberately inaugurated the policy of establishing a white man's 
Republican concern, and ignoring the colored brethren. This would 
have been simply to have wiped out at one stroke the Republican party 
in Georgia. 

The Georgia elections of 1876 resulted in easy and overwhelming 
Democratic victories. The State election took place in October. Gov. 
Colquitt's majority over Mr. Norcross was unprecedented, running to 
77,854, and the largest ever given in the State. The whole vote was 
144,839, of which Gov. Colquitt received 111,297, Norcross 33,443, 
scattering 99. The popular Colquitt swept in to the Executive office 
on a flood tide of public favor. Amid universal acclaim and a flatter- 
ing expectancy he took his seat. The Republican party was crushed 
as by the hand of a giant. Swollen to invincible proportions, the 
Democracy had no opposition whatever. Unified, with every wandering 
element gathered to the fold, compact and resistless, it led the Demo- 
cratic hosts of the Union. Some Democratic Clubs in Dallas, Texas, 
challenged the States of the Union to roll up a heavier majority than 
the Lone Star commonwealth, the trophy to be a silken banner. Espe- 
cial dares were given to Georgia and Kentucky. 

.The enormous majority given to Gov. Colquitt was duplicated for 
Tilden and Hendricks in November, and in due time there came from 
Dallas to Gov. Colquitt a magnificent banner, the badge of Georgia's 
Democratic superiority. Gen. Lawton was elected President of the 
Electoral college, which assembled in Atlanta on the 8th of December, 



520 GRE(Ui WRIGHT ON GOVERNOR BROWN. 

and cast the State's vote for Tilden and Hendricks. The most extraor- 
dinary result of the November election was the return to Congress of 
the entire Representatives elected in 1874, something that has never 
happened before or since. The members thus re-elected without an 
exception, were Julian Hartridge, Wrn. E. Smith. Phil. Cook, Henry R. 
Harris, Milton A. Candler, Jas. H. Blount, Wm. H. Felton, Alex. H. 
Stephens and Benjamin H, Hill. 

During the past years. Gov. Brown had, after a series of long and 
hard conflicts in the Legislatures and before the people, established 
irrefutably the integrity and validity of the State Road lease, and his 
company was firmly fixed in its occupancy of the road. But during 
these years, though out of politics, and devoting his extraordinary 
energies and sense to material enterprises, his powerful personality was, 
in the public imagination, a persuasive and irrepressible influence. No 
man has ever been accredited with so much mysterious and potential 
manipulation of political affairs. It was a strange tribute to both his 
past power and still existing domination. 

That witty and sparkling young journalist, Gregg Wright, editor of 
the Augusta Chronicle, who died so young, and yet so marked in his 
calling, happily expressed the remarkable estimate the public placed 
upon Gov. Brown, and the repute that attached to him in political mat- 
ters, in this sketch. 

" Mr. William Duf^as Trammell was not far wrong in the description which he pave 
of ex-Gov. Brown -in his communistic romance, Ca Ira. Under the name of 'Mr. 
Malcomb,' he speaks of him as a man universally feared and admired, who was believed 
to be always engaged with the Governors, Legislatures, City Councils, railroad officials 
and great speculators, in certain mysteries. If he was on speaking terms with the 
Governor, there were those to swear that he was the real Executive and was running 
the government > if his carriage stopped in front of a printing office, the editor was 
bought up ; if he whispered in the ear of a member of the General Assembly, the Leg- 
islature was bribed; if a newspaper said a good word of him, it was paid to do it. If 
it was consistently friendly, he owned an interest in the establishment. No one who 
has lived in Georgia since the close of the war can doubt the fidelity of the portrait by 
the communist artist. If the ex-Governor be a man of anj^humor whatever, he must 
be as much amused as offended by the manifold and conflicting charges brought against 
him, and the multii)licity of schemes which he is declared to have originated. The evil 
spirit of the Indians was never an object of more fear to the ignorant children of the 
forest than this man is to the people of Georgia, nor were the stories of the power of 
and designs of the one a whit more wild than some of the fables which have been'set 
afloat concerning the Cherokee chieftain. N.othing, it would seem, has been too extra- 
ordinary or improbalile for the imagination of writers or the credulity of readers. If 
the man did a tithe of what he is accused of doing, he is a mental and physical phe- 
nomenon — an cigbtli wonder of the world, more wonderful than the other seven com- 



GOVERXOE BROWN IN FLORIPA. 521 

billed. lie id everywhere at tlie same titiie — irrepressible, omnipresent, omnistient, 
omnipotent. He ' runs ' the city of Atlanta, lie ' runs ' the State of Georgia, he ' runs ' 
railroads, coal mines, iron furnaces, steamship companies, newspapers, job offices, 
churches, fre£ schools, colleges, universities, the farmers, the democratic party, the lib- 
erals, the conservatives, the negroes and the whites, and between whiles engages in 
banquets, difficulties and duels. One day we are informed that he is intriguing ener- 
getically, adroitly and with good chances for success for the Vice-Presidency. The 
next he is plotting to prevent any Atlanta man from warming his feet or cooking his 
food with coal which iloes not conie from his mines. The next he is at the head of a ring 
which has control of the whole State ; and is parceling out the offices to his friends and 
adherents. The next he is manipulating a congressional couventiou by telegraph. The 
next he is dictating to the Georgia Legislature. The next lie is heading a faction and 
waging war with the lessees of the Western and Atlantic railroad. 'J'he next he selects 
a chancellor for the university, etc. If he speaks, every word is sifted to discover a 
meaning which it does not bear on its face. If he remains quiet, he is plotting — giving 
away such trifles as governorships, seats in Congress, on the Supreme Bench and in the 
United States Senate. 

" Last Wednesday the Atlanta Neivs sounded a long ' note of warning ' to the people of 
Georgia. The ex-Governor is ' caucussing ' and making up slates — this time in the inter- 
est of the holders of the bogus bonds. ' It is reported that the political slate includes 
the candidature of Mr. James Brown, a brother of ex-Gov Brown, for Governor, and 
the appointment of .certain parties to judgeships, besides the running of candidates for 
the Legislature in all the counties.' This is the programme for 1876. Such a man is 
dangerous to the country and the people. With the lamp of Aladdin, the purse of 
Fortunatus, the pass word of Ali Baha, the helmet of Pluto, the armor of Achilles, the 
genius of Napoleon, the diplomacy of Talleyrand and the pertinacity of the devil, 
there is no withstanding him. Can we not make him a respectable kingdom either in 
Mexico or South America and induce him to emigrate ^ The experiment is certainly 
worth trying." 

Gov. Brown had come into full accord with the Democratic party. 
Supporting Gov. Smith for Governor against his life-time friend, Judge 
D. A. Walker; and Greeley for president against Grant, he had aligned 
himself squarely with the Democracy. He gave in connection with the 
Tilden-Hayes presidential contest, a demonstration of his Democratic 
fealty and individual value to the party, that drew upon him national 
attention. Florida was one of the States whose vote for President 
afforded the chance for thwarting the election of Mr. Tilden. It was 
one of the three battle-fields of that novel conflict, which it is to be 
hoped may never be again witnessed in this Union, and which involved 
the defeat of the people's will by the abominable mechanism of party 
returning boards. 

Gov. Brown, though sick and . unfit for duty, yielded t© a general 
public desire, and Avent to Florida to give his great abilities to protect- 
ing the purity of the ballot, and ensuring' a fair count of the Tilden 
vote. Through the weari.some phases of this vital conflict he remained. 



522 JAMES JACKSON AND LOGAN E. BLECKLEY, 

contesting fraud at every step, and finally made an argument of unex- 
ampled power in the cause. This episode of valuable service strength- 
ened Gov. Brown's advancing restoration to the public confidence, due 
to his large measure of public usefulness. 

During Gov. Smith's term some changes had taken place upon the 
supreme bench that require notice. The Hon. R, P. Trippe was 
appointed to succeed Judge Montgomery, February 17th, 1873. Judge 
Trippe and Judge McCay resigned from the supreme bench in 1875, and 
in their places Gov. Smith appointed, July 27th and 29th, Hon. James 
Jackson and Hon. Logan E. Bleckley. Two more fitting appointments 
could not have been made. Both were singularly pure and simple-man- 
nered men, both of scholarly culture, both lawyers of the first ability, 
and both persons of unusually sincere conviction and unbending integ- 
rity. Judge Jackson had filled many public trusts, and Judge Bleckley 
very few. As Congressman and Judge, Hon. James Jackson had won 
an enviable reputation. Judge Bleckley had been supreme court 
reporter, and was noted for accuracy, and a certain indescribable style 
of original thought and sententious polished expression. 

Two higher types of men we have never had upon our supreme bench 
— men more thoroughly representative of the manliest grade of South- 
ern character — men gentle, unpretentious, gifted, resolute, and yet 
learned in the law. Judge Jackson added to his high qualities the grace 
of a Christian piety, holding up in his strong life the cause of practical 
religion. Judge Bleckley has had some interesting peculiarities. A 
certain vein of witty singularity ran through his nature and cropped 
out in all sorts of curious ways, carrying an odd conception of a not 
unpleasant quaintness. It was a thing that few men could do, for him 
to signalize his resignation from the supreme bench with a poem, that 
stands to-day upon the grim records of the court. Yet he did it with 
a touching effect, and in utter relief of the seeming incongruity of 
such a proceeding. It may show the honorable eccentricity of his 
character, running to a sort of refined Quixotism of good, to recall an 
incident. 

Judge Bleckley called to renew his subscription to the Atlanta TZer- 
ald. He found that his paper had been delivered several weeks beyond 
the time for which the subscription was paid. He was very much dis- 
pleased, Jind said the running over must not happen again : that when 
his time was out his paper must be stopped : that it was a rule of his 
life to go to bed owing no man anything and he had been made to vio- 
late his rule. There is a strata of poesy in Judge Bleckley's nature. 




t 







A. O. BACON, 
Speakp:r ok the Georgia House of Representatives. 



THE TRKSEXT- SUPREME UEXCII. 523 

and an irrepressible tendency to quaint conceits of thought, that find 
vent even in the iron formularies of a Supreme Court decision. 

Judge Bleckley was re-appointed Judge in January, 15th, 1877, by Gov, 
Colquitt, He resigned in 1880, and Hon, Martin J. Crawford was 
appointed and qualified in his place, February 9th, 1880, by Gov. 
Colquitt. Chief Justice Hiram Warner resigning in 1880, Judge Jack- 
son was appointed Chief Justice, September 3, 1880, and Hon, Willis 
A, Hawkins was selected for the vacancy occasioned by Judge Jackson's 
promotion. On the 17th of November, 1880, the General Assembly 
elected James Jackson Chief Justice, and Martin J. Crawford and Alex. 
M. Speer Associate Justices, and this is the present status of the 
Supreme Court. It is an able, a strong and a learned bench, — such an 
appellate tribunal of final resort as graces the jurisprudence of a great 
commonwealth, gives guarantee of an exalted administration of justice, 
and exalts the dignity and vitalizes the influence of an august judiciarv. 

Judge Speer, the junior member of the court, has been an honored 
citizen of Georgia, repeatedly elected to positions of trust, and fillino-, 
before his merited elevation to the Supreme Bench, the high place of 
Judge of the Superior Courts of the Flint Circuit with an ability and 
dignity not surpassed in the judicial annals of Georgia. Judge Craw- 
ford has been distinguished as a statesman and jurist for a quarter of a 
century, he and Judge Jackson both illustrating the State in the national 
councils*as well as in the judiciary of the commonwealth. 

The legislature of 1877 was organized by the election of Hon. A. O. 
Bacon as Speaker of the House, and Hon. R. E. Lester as President of 
the Senate. Major Bacon had evinced such extraordinary qualities for 
a presiding officer that he was chosen Speaker without opposition. 
Clear, rapid, prompt, polite, with a loud, distinct enunciation, always 
audible in every part of the hall, thoroughly versed in parliamentary 
law, using wonderful dispatch in the business of the body, with an 
imposing manner and uniform dignity, and with an unvarying courtesy 
of manner, Mr. Bacon was a model Speaker, and his superiority for gov- 
erning the deliberations of the House so unquestionable, that he was 
elected by a sort of involuntary and common consent. The same com- 
plimentary distinction was conferred upon him by the legislatures of 
1878-9 and 1880-1, to both of which he was elected a Representative, the 
Assembly of 1880-1 being now in session and Major Bacon presiding 
with his accustomed grace and efficiency. 

Col. Lester was also a fine presiding officer, directing the delibera- 
tions of a much smaller body, the Senate, and one easier to handle, 



524 E. p. HOWELL AND PATRICK \VALSU. 

but his parliamentary qualities were none the less thorough than those 
of Speaker Bacon. Col. Lester was also elected President of the Sen- 
ate of 1878-9. Hon. Evan P. Howell was chosen President of the' 
Senate pro tern., during both of Col. Lester's terms. Mr. Llowell 
succeeded Mr. George Hillyer as the Senator from the Atlanta Dis- 
trict. He had been for years' chosen as one of the city fathers of 
Atlanta. * He had signal capacity for public aifairs, uniting in a marked 
degree unusual power of party management to a bold, shrewd, practi- 
cal judgment. Lie had an exceptional poise of cool sense, and a singu- 
larly direct way of going to the marrow of things. In 1876 Mr. Howell 
bought an interest in the Atlanta Constitution, and has since then been 
one of the proprietors and editors of that powerful paper, and his enter- 
prise and wisdom have been controlling qualities in its wonderful success. 
Mr. Howell will be an influential factor in Georgia politics in the future. 

Among the notable men of the legislature of 1877 was another mem- 
ber of the Georgia press, Hon. Patrick Walsh, one of the Representa- 
tives from Richmond county, and one of the proprietors and editors 
of the Augusta Glironicle and Sentinel, now the Chroxiicle and Con- 
stitutionalist. Mr. Walsh has a solid, stoutly-built, medium-sized fig- 
ure that gives token of the man, and his substantial momentum of 
character. A grave, impassive face, and a steady, deliberate manner, 
increase the idea of strength that attaches to him. Of Irish blood, Mr. 
Walsh has a good deal of the sturdy combativeness that belongs to 
that race, and yet he is free from the excitability that leavens largely 
the Irish nature. 

Mr. Walsh is a person of unusual force, direct, simple, truthful, 
positive, and with an irrepressible rising quality in him that will carry 
the man very high. He is daring and yet methodical and self-poised. 
He is a true and earnest person, a faithful friend and an open opponent, 
striking hard but honorably. He is both a forcible writer and an 
impressive speaker. One of the colleagues of Mr. Walsh, from Richmond 
county, was Col. J. C. C. Black, a gentleman of earnest and effective 
oratory, who made some speeches of uncommon power in the campaign 
of 1880. There were some very bright men in this body, who have 
since steadily risen in public esteem. iVmong these were A. P. Adams, 
A. H. Gray, H. H. Carlton, Henry Hillyer, N. L. Hutchins, A. D. 
Candler, W. J. Northern, J. T. Jordan, A. L. Miller, J. H. Polhill, J. A. 
Reid, J. D. Stewart, W. M. Hammond, A. H. Cox, F. H. Colley. 
Among the older members were P. M. Russell, W. P. Price, R. J. Moses, 
Jas, M. Smith, W. W. Paine, Wm. Phillips. 



GOV. .C0LQU1T1^''S FINE FINANCIAT. ADMINISTRATION. 525 

Gov. Colquitt was called upon for suggestions in regard to the 
financial matters of the State and sent in a message showing a most 
thorough investigation of every point connected with the management 
of the finances, and suggesting a comprehensive system of retrench- 
ment and reform. The ideas advanced by him covered the ground of 
the reform afterwards instituted by the Convention and legislatures. 
This message is a remarkable document, and Gov. Colquitt may well 
plume himself upon its practicality and comprehensiveness. He dis- 
cussed ably the saving by a more exact return of property for taxation, 
a more rigid collection of taxes, a more economical collection of taxes, 
reduction in the cost of legislation and legislative clerk hire, decrease 
in the outlay of the contingent, printing and building funds, reduction 
in the number of clerks in the various departments, lessening the n.um- 
ber of judicial circuits, the cutting off of superfluous offices, and the 
inauguration of small economies. 

Gov. Colquitt put in practical operation the economies he suggested 
as far as lay in his power. He immediately imposed the duties of the 
Keeper of Public Buildings on a clerk in the Executive office without 
extra pay. He made considerable savings in the contingent, printing 
and building funds. Every expenditure for the State was scrutinized 
as closely as a private account. Gas, coal, labor, stationery, postage, 
printing, advertising, clerk hire and incidental expenses were all reduced 
in cost to the State. The extraordinary financial fruits of Gov. Col- 
quitt's administration will be shown hereafter. • 

Among the legacies of burden left from previous administrations to 
Gov. Colquitt were several bankrupt railroads, whose bonds the State 
had endorsed. These were the Macon and Brunswick, the North and 
South, and the Memphis Branch railroads. The Brunswick and Albany 
railroad had received State aid in Gov. Jenkins' term to the amount of 
Sl,950,000, and subsequently $600,000 in Gov. Bullock's term. The 
$600,000 had been thrown over. The $1,950,000 were recognized, and 
in July, 1873, Gov. Smith seized the road for non-payment of interest. 
In May, 1874, Gov. Smith endorsed the bonds of the Memphis Branch 
railroad for $34,000, and seized the road in May, 1876, for non-payment 
of interest in January and July, 1875. In December, 1872, Gov. Smith 
endorsed the bonds of the North and South railroad for 1240,000, and 
in April, 1874, he seized the road for non-payment of interest. These 
three roads were placed in the hands of receivers, were sold, and all 
came into the ownership of the State. The Macon and Brunswick rail- 
road was sold at public outcry and bought in, June, 1875, by Gov. 



526 GOV. COLQUITT AND THE SEIZED RAILROADS. 

Smith for the State, and put under the management of E. A. Flewellen, 
W. A. Lofton and George S. Jones. 

In 1876, the Macon and Brunswick railroad showed $28,000 paid into 
the treasury. From December 1, 1876, to September 30, 1878, under 
Gov. Colquitt, 165,000 was paid into the treasury, and 1164,608.12 from 
September 30, 1878, to February 29, 1880, showing the increased pay- 
ments to the State. The iron and property of the Memphis Branch 
railroad was sold in August, 1877, for 19,000, to the Marietta and North 
Georgia railroad. The North and South railroad was sold to Louis F. 
Garrard and others for 140,500, and the money is now in the treasury. 
The Macon and Brunswick railroad was sold, conveyance made and the 
property transferred on the 28th day of February, 1880, for $1,125,000, 
of -vvhich $250,000 was paid down, and the balance is to be paid in 
payments of $250,000 in two years from that date, and $625,000 in four 
years. The company is under obligation to extend the road in five 
years from date of sale to Atlanta, and is building such extension. 

In 1876, the sum of $542,000 of bonds was issued and sold, and the 
proceeds used to pay the accrued back interest on the Macon and Bruns- 
wick, and North and South railroad bonds. In 1877, the sum of 
$2,298,000 of six per cent, bonds were issued to exchange for the seven 
per cent, endorsed bonds of these railroads, and the Memphis Branch 
railroad. The aggregate bonded liability of the State on these railway 
enterprises is $2,842,000. Under Gov. Colquitt's administration the 
sum of $1,174,500, principal, will be realized from them, leaving the 
balance against former administrations of $1,667,500 of loss from unfor- 
tunate endorsements. 

The General Assembly of 1877 elected a successor to Hon. Thomas 
M. Norwood, United States Senator. The contest was quite an ani- 
mated one, and continued for several days. The first day's joint ballot 
on Wednesday, January 24th, 1877, resulted : T. M. Norwood, 96 
votes, B. H. Hill 78, Jas. M. Smith 27, H. V. Johnson 11, D. A. Walker 
4 ; total 216, needed to elect 109. Mr. Norwood was the strongest can- 
didate on this vote, but lacked 13 ballots to elect him. The struggle 
was between Mr. Norwood and Mr. Hill. The under-current of strategy 
was active and interesting, and gossip gave to Gov. Brown the direction 
of the final result. On Thursday the joint ballot stood: Norwood 95, 
Hill 77, Smith 29, Johnson 10, Walker — . The coquetting of both the 
Norwood and Hill managers with the Smith men was ardent. Rumor, 
the jade, put it that Dr. Carlton was very instrumental in some clever 
work for Mr. Hill. The gossip ran that some of Mr. Hill's men had been 



STATE HOUSE OFFICERS ELECTED. 527 

detailed to vote for Gov. Smith, and at the proper time initiated the 
movement that carried Hill through. Be this as it may, on Friday, on 
a single joint ballot, the vote stood, Hill 114, Norwood 85, Smith 5, 
Johnson 5, not voting 4, and Mr. Hill was transferred from the House- to 
the Senate for the six years beginning March 4, 1877, and ending March 
4, 1883. 

The same legislature elected N. C. Barnett, Secretary of State, J. W. 
Renfroe, Treasurer, and W. L. Goldsmith, Comptroller General. 



CHAPTER XLVI. 

GOVERNOR COLQUITT'S BRILLIANT FINANCIAL ADMIN- 
ISTRATION. 

Grumbling at the State Constitution of 1868. — The Legislature of 1877 Inaugurates a 
Convention Movement. — The Constitutional Convention of 1877. — Its Personelle. — 
Ex-Gov. C. J. Jenkins its President. — The Work of the Convention. — Gen. Toombs 
and Railroad Restriction. — The Capital Question Settled. — A lively Battlo between 
Milledgeville and Atlanta. — New Judges. — C. D. McCutchen. — Henry Tompkins. — 
President R. B. Hayes' Visit to Atlanta.— Gov. Colquitt's Memorable Speech of 
Welcome. — Gov. Colquitt's Splendid Financial Administration. — The Growling 
over Financial Success. — The State Road Droppings. — The Tuggle Picking. — Bo- 
nanzas and Grumbling. — The Railroad Back Taxes. — The Macon and Brunswick 
Railroad Earnings. — Floating Debt Knocked Out. — Public Debt Reduced a Milliou 
and a half. — Taxation Cut Down nearly one-half. — Tax Burdens Halved. — Small 
Economies. — Every Expense Decreased. — Noisy Minorities and Quiet but Over- 
whelming Majorities. — The International Sunday- School Convention. Gov. Col- 
quitt made President. — A Great Clompliment. — Chatauqua and Brooklyn.^ — Gov. 
Colquitt as a National Harmanizer, and Georgia a Foremost Agent of Moral 
Civilization. 

. The State Constitution of 1868 was in the main a good one, and in 
ordinary times would have been cherished by the people. It contained 
some minor defects, that could have been remedied. It was, as a 
whole, a document of organic law, well suited to the changed condition 
of public affairs, progressive, liberal, and yet conservative. But unfor- 
tunately the method of its formation and imposition upon the State 
was a standing shock to the public sentiment of a free people. It was 
the creature of bayonet reconstruction, and had been forced upon the 
commonwealth. Whatever merits it had were ignored in the resent- 
ment born of its origin and the manner of its enforcement. 

As soon as the Democrats came into power the agitation began for a 
convention to frame a new Constitution that should be the product . of 
the State's free volition. The theme continued to be discussed, and 
excite a growing interest, until the Legislature of 1877, after a pro- 
tracted discussion of the subject, passed a bill introduced by Hon. A. 
D. Candler, of Hall county, submitting the issue to the people to say 
by a popular election, whether a convention should be held. The elec- 
tion was held on the second Tuesday in June, 1877, and resulted in the 



THE COXSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1877. 529 

success of the convention moveinent. The vote was small, aggregating 
only 87,238, out of the 214,665 polls in the State, of which 48,181 were 
for, and 39,057 against, the convention, the majority being 9,124. 

The Convention was called together on the 11th day of July, 1877, by 
the Governor. There were 194 delegates. The body was a very able 
one, and its deliberations were marked by dignity. Ex-Gov. Charles J. 
Jenkins was elected President, a fitting conclusion to his honored, useful 
and illustrious public career. There were some very strong men in the 
convention. It included among others. Gen. Robert Toombs, Judge 
W. M. Reese, Gen. L. J. Gartrell, Judge Thos. G. Lawson, Judge 
Augustus Reese, Hon. Joshua Hill, Gen. A, R. Lawton, Judge M. L. 
Mershon, Judge A. H. Hansell, Hon. J. L. Seward, Hon. Nelson Tift, 
Hon. T. L. Guerry, Judge D. B. Harrell, Hon. T. M. Furlow, Col. M. W. 
Lewis, Judge T. J. Simmons, Gen. Eli Warren, Judge J. T. Willis, Col. 
N. J. Hammond, Judge Hugh Buchanan, Judge L. H. Featherston, 
Judge S. W. Harris, Judge J. R. Brown, Gen. W. T. Wofford, Judge 
Aug. R. Wright, Hon. L. N. Trammell, Judge J. C. Fain, Col. W. K. 
Moore, S. Hawkins, C. J. Wellborn, A. W. Holcombe, W. O. Tuggle, Col. 
John Collier, Col. P. L. Mynatt, Coi. Wier Boyd, Dr. H. R. Casey, Hon. 
Pope Barrow, Col. J. M. Pace, W. R. Gorman, Col. Wm. T. Thompson, 
Porter Ingram, E. C. Grier, Judge J. L. Wimberley, B. E. Russell, Hon. 
J. L. Seward, Col. John Screven, J. L. Warren, W. R. Gignilliatt, War- 
ing Russell, Col. John M. Guerard, Geo. F, Pierce, Jr., R. L. Warthen. 

There was in the body one ex-Governor, two United States Senators, 
eight Congressmen, seventeen Judges, and ex-legislators innumerable. 
The convention continued in session from the 11th day of July until the 
25th day of August, 1877. There was much discussion and some of it 
was very able. Some very radical changes were made and striking 
innovations were grafted upon the organic law. The theory of State 
aid was killed and buried, and a prohibition against increase of the pub- 
lic debt or any expenditure of public money for any purpose save run- 
ning the State government was passed. The terms of officers were 
shortened one-half and salaries reduced, making elections more frequent. 
The selection of Judges and Solicitors was taken from the appointment 
of the Executive with the consent of the Senate, and changed to an 
election by the General Assembly. The largest subject before the con- 
vention was the control of railroads by the State. This was a pet meas- 
ure of Gen. Toombs, and was pressed by him with vigor and ability, 
and finally was carried. The homestead was largely reduced. The 

payment of the fraudulent bonds was forever prohibited. An endeavor 

34 



530 rUJi, LIVELY CONTEST OVER THE CAPITAL. 

was made to check local legislation by requiring notice to be given in 
the counties affected by it, and by cumbering legislative action upon it 
by unusual formalities, the practical operation of which has been to 
protract the time and increase tlie trouble without diminishing the 
quantity of local legislation. Biennial sessions were adopted. 

The location of the capital at Atlanta or Milledgeville was left to 
the people to decide by an election, as also the choice of the homestead 
of I8G8 or the one of 1877. The election for ratification of the new 
constitution, the location of the capital and the choice of a Homestead 
was held on the 5th day of December. Atlanta and Milledgeville had 
a warm contest for the capital. The battle was lively and somewhat 
acrimonious. The arguments used were some of them of a novel and 
farcical character. That Milledgeville was a stagnant locality where 
the average legislator would browse in public retrogradation, and that 
Atlanta was a den of immeasurable iniquity whose atmosphere would 
ruthlessly poison the virtue of the most faultless legislative body, was 
irrefutably proven by incontestible evidence. The press entered into 
the fight with wonderful earnestness. Atlanta was mathematically 
demonstrated to be responsible for every enormity of the Bullock 
regime and a despotic reconstruction, while in the same unanswerable 
manner Milledgeville was shov^n to be only fit for a conclave of fossils. 
Atlanta fought the struggle with characteristic liberality and enterprise. 
She had her committees and flooded the State with documents. 

The vote stood: for ratification of the Constitution 110,442: agrainst, 
40,947: whole vote, 151,389, out of 214,665: majority for Constitution, 
69,495. The vote on the capital was for Atlanta 99,147: for Milledga- 
ville, 55,201: majority for Atlanta, 43,946. The vote for the Homestead 
of 1877 was 94,722: for that of 1868, 52,000: majority for Homestead 
of 1877, 42,722. 

It was an interesting incident of the convention that it exceeded the 
$25,000, prescribed in the Act of the legislature calling it, to pay its 
expenses. Under the written opinion of the Attorney General, R. N. 
Ely, the Treasurer, J. W. Renfroe, declined to pay beyond the $25,000. 
Gen. Toombs vowed that its deliberations should not 1)0 stojDped for 
want of funds, and he advanced $20,000 to pay its further expenses. 
The convention passed an ordinance covering the amount, and Gov. 
Colquitt repaid the loan. It was made quite a cause of complaint in 
the gubernatorial campaign of 1880, that Gov. Colquitt had no right to 
repay the money without an act of the Legislature authorizing it. But 
the people brusliod away the causeless censure. Gen. Toombs did a 



THE JUDICIARY OF 1877. 531 

similar thing when Gov. Smith was first elected. M3ney was needed 
to run the State. Bullock had left us stranded and without credit. 
Gen. Toombs raised 1300,000 on his own account to bridge over the 
emergency, until money could come in by taxes. 

Gov. Colquitt appointed in January, 1877, the following Judges: 
Geo. N. Lester, Blue Ridge Circuit: Martin J. Crawford, Chattahoochee 
Circuit: C. D. McCutchen, Cherokee Circuit: H. Buchanan, Coweta 
Circuit: H. Tompkins, Eastern Circuit: C. Peeples, Atlanta Circuit: 
E. H. Pottle, Northern Circuit: J. M. Clark, South Western Circuit. 
Judge C. D. McCutchen was a gallant cavalry officer in the Regiment 
of Col. I. W. Avery. He had been a State Senator. He was a laAvyer 
of unusual ability and legal discernment, and a gentleman of the highest 
social and Christian character, possessing a punctilious integrity, severe 
truthfulness, and a finely balanced temper and judgment. He made 
one of the best judges in the State. Notwithstanding his admirable 
spirit of equable temper, he was a very positive Judge, evincing his 
sturdy decision conspicuously in making the Grand Jury of Bartow 
county strike some objectionable matter from its presentments, the 
novel altercation exciting State interest, and resulting in the complete 
popular endorsement of Judge McCutchen. 

Judge Henry Tompkins, of the Eastern Circuit, was a handsome 
young Alabamian, who fought at sixteen years of age, in the war, and 
located in Savannah after the surrender. He made a capable and pop- 
ular Judge. Judge Peeples died in June, 1877, and Gov. Colqiiitt 
appointed George Hillyer in his place. Judge B. Hill, of the Macon 
Circuit, died in Septem.ber, 1877, and Gov. Colquitt appointed W. L. 
Grice in the vacancy. Judge J. M. Clark, of the South-western circuit, 
died in June, 1877, and Gov. Colquitt appointed on that bench a very 
bright, handsome young lawyer, who had been_Solicitor of that circuit, 
Charles F. Crisp, a son of the well-known tragedian, and a character 
full of fine promise. 

In November, 1878, the following Judges were elected under the new 
Constitution of 1877; George Hillyer, Atlanta circuit; C. Snead, Augusta 
circuit; J. L. Harris, Brunswick circuit; Alex. M. Speer, Flint circuit j 
Thomas J. Simmons, Macon circuit; H. V. Johnson, Middle circuit; 
Thomas G. Lawson, Ocmulgee circuit; J. W. H. Underwood, Rome cir- 
cuit; C. F. Crisp, S. Western circuit; and Alex. S. Erwin, Western 
circuit. The election of Judges by the General Assembly, has proven 
to be very objectionable, consuming much time of the body, creating a 
disagreeable experience of electioneering, resulting in combinations of 



532 GOVERNOR Colquitt's fine financial administration. 

influence injurious to a choice by merit, and not beneficial to the State 
Judiciary. 

During- October, of the year 1877, Rutherford B. Hayes, the Presi- 
dent of the United States, visited Georgia, accompanied by his wife, 
Mr. Wm. M. Evarts, Secretary of State, and D. M. Key, Postmaster- 
General. The demonstration of respect in Atlanta was overwhelming'. 
Gov. Colquitt and the Mayor of Atlanta, Dr. N. L. Ang'ier, both 
made addresses of welcome. The speech of Gov. Colquitt was the 
perfection of good taste and eloquence, and was copied over the whole 
Union. It was a singularly felicitous utterance. A banquet was given 
to the distinguished guest, and Gov. Colquitt honored him with a 
reception at the Executive mansion. 

The most brilliant and successful single feature of Gov. Colquitt's 
remarkably beneficial administration has been its financial results. 
Watching the minutest details of expenditure in his control, he has, in 
all matters requiring it, maintained the good faith and proper liberality 
of the State. And, singularly noticeable, the improvement of the 
public finances has not only been shown in the ordinary, but in unusual 
ways. It seems as if some fortunate fatality had guided the pecuniary 
affairs of the commonwealth dui'ing this long rule of Gov. Colquitt, 
while by a curious piece of fortune, no Executive ever suffered so much 
of annoying animadversion. While every year has shown the State's 
progress so far as her treasury is concerned, concurrently with such 
betterment of money matters, there has been incessant growling at the 
Chief Magistrate. Large measures of public good were only regarded 
from a stand-point of dissatisfaction at alleged defects. Heavy pay- 
ments into the public treasury from unexpected sources, literally picked 
up, afforded themes for such envenomed grumbling as would indicate 
that the instrument of these benefactions was an enemy to the com- 
monwealth and the source of injury to the popular interests. The 
instances of this sort of treatment are numerous and interesting. 

The State bought the equipments of the State Road from the 
United States Government, after the war, and paid for them. Gov. 
Bullock employed Col. Baugh to re-open the settlement and get back 
some of the money in excess of the real value. A number of men joined 
Baugh. Gov. Smith enlarged the contract from 12 1-2 per cent, to not 
exceed 25 per cent, commission, and allowed more attorneys to come 
in. The gentlemen engaged were Robert Baugh, Gen. A. C. Garling- 
ton, Col. R. A. Alston, J. C. Fain, Henry R. .lackson, A. R. Lawton, 
W. S. Basinger, W. A. Prescott and C. D. Willard. The claim was 



THE TUGGLE FEE. 533 

pushed through by that very electrical worker, Col. R. A. Alston, and 
$199,038.58 was collected from the United States Government. Gov. 
Colquitt allowed the ten attorneys to have their 25 per cent., and 
$152,278.94 went into the State Treasury to relieve the people. Yet, 
strange to say, there was less rejoicing over the large gain of money 
than growling over the fees paid the attorneys under a contract fixed 
by Gov. Colquitt's predecessors. 

But it was impossible to balk Gov. Colquitt's evidentlj'- inevitable 
mission of financial benefit to the State. He kept up his enlargement 
of State funds. Col. W. O. Tuggle found out that there had been an 
error of interest growing out of a claim of the State against the 
United States Government, connected with the Indian hostilities of 
1836, in Georgia. The claim was settled. Gov. Colquitt gave Col. 
Tuggle authority to re-open the matter, having first written to Hon. 
A. H. Stephens and Hon. H. P. Bell to learn if any such claim was 
being prosecuted at Washington, and receiving reply in the negative. 
Col. Tuggle collected the sum of $72,296.94, received his fee of 15 
per cent., amounting to 10,844.54, and paid the balance into the State 
Treasury, of $61,452.40. It was not an unreasonable thing to suppose 
that some considerable flush of popular satisfaction would have ensued 
over this spontaneous and munificent chance of good fortune. But 
there was a lively episode of altercation over the rich dropping. 

Hon. James A. Green of Baldwin county was agent of the State for 
some claims, and thought he ought to have a portion of Col. Tuggle's 
fee. Mr. Green had done none of the work, but he memorialized the 
General Assembly of which he was a member on the subject. A com- 
mittee was appointed, C J. Harris, R. C. Humber and H. T. Hollis. 
The House passed a resolution asking the Governor for the facts, and 
he gave them in a message. Mr. Humber moved to lay the message 
on the table. Mr. Green's authority covered claims of the w^ar of 1812 
and "former wars." The committee thought " former wars " included 
the war of 1836, and that Mr. Green had rights, "though he does not 
appear to have had anything to do with this particular claim," but pro- 
posed " to leave the contestants to the courts of the country." Mr. 
Tuggle has not been disturbed in his fee. 

Thus had the Governor seen in the first two years of his fortunate 
administration $213,731.34 picked up and put in the public purse. But 
this was not all. In 1874 an act passed to tax railroads like other 
property. Many roads claimed chartered exemptions. Gov. Smith 
pressed the matter by suits and obtained some money. 



534 SAVINGS AND REDUCTIONS BY THE MILLION. 

The decisions of the courts were mostly against the State. The liti- 
gation was re-opened by Major R. N. Ely, Governor Colquitt's Attor- 
ney General, by the authority of the Governor. Major Ely, aided by 
Gen. Robert Toombs, pressed new suits vigorously and ably. The 
handsome amount of 1216,683.37 of back taxes was collected for the 
State for the years 1874, 1875 and subsequent years. And a principle was 
established that will bring a large annual revenue into the State from this 
source. This was a valuable installment for the Treasury, but there was 
yet some very acrimonious howling at the Executive, Major Ely and 
Gen. Toombs, on account of their fees. Legislative committees were 
appointed and sent for witnesses and investigated, and there was a 
mighty stir to no purpose. Here now was $430,414.61 plumped into 
the people's purse from extraneous and extraordinary sources, and yet 
every dollar had been the subject of growling and censure. 

The earnings of the Macon and Brunswick road, as before stated, 
running to $164,608.12, can be added to this amount. When Gov. Col- 
quitt was inaugurated, the State was carrying a floating debt of 
1350,000. In 1877 this was reduced to $200,000, and in 1878 com- 
pletely wiped out. The public debt, when Gov. Colquitt came in, was 
$11,095,879. It is now $9,643,500, having been reduced $1,452,379, 
besides four per cent, bonds issued and redeemed. The rate of taxation 
in 1876 was five-tenths of one per cent., or fifty cents on the hundred 
dollars, and raised $1,229,268 on a taxable property of 1245,853,750. 
The rate of taxation has been reduced under Gov. Colquitt's regime to 
three-tenths of one per cent., or thirty cents on the hundred dollars, and 
will raise in 1881 $750,000 on the taxable property of $250,000,000. 
This is a marvelous result in five years — a reduction of taxes, two-fifths 
or almost a half, and relieving the people from $679,268 that they paid 
in tax burdens in 1876. And so far as the Executive of the State can 
bring such an end, credit is due to Governor Colquitt. 

It has not been simply in large matters that there has occurred a 
marked reduction of expense, but, also, in the smaller affairs of State 
administration, under the good rule of this conscientious chief magis- 
trate, the Christian Colquitt. The saving in the cost of running the 
lunatic asylum was $40,000 in the years 1877 and 1878, and out of the 
retrenchment was erected a $25,000 addition to the institution for 
colored patients. The deaf and dumb and blind asylums were also 
more economically administered. The expenditures under the contin- 
gent, printing and public building funds were diminished one-third. 
Even in the minor items of postage, proclamations, gas, coal and sta- 



GOV. COLQUITT AS PRESIDENT INTERNATIONAL S. S. CONVENTION". 535 

tionery, there were substantial economizings. Proclamation printing 
was decreased from over $3,000 to less than 11,000 for instance. And 
as these economies were begun before the convention of 1877 and the 
legislatures that followed, and, as Gov. Colquitt suggested the reforms 
inaugurated by these bodies in his first special message in January, 1877, 
the credit of the valuable retrenchments that have been made must be 
accorded to him. 

And in spite of the active and unceasing misrepresentation of his acts, 
the masses of the people appreciated his course and overwhelmingly 
endorsed him. The anomalies of his public career have been many and 
striking, but none more than that one of the most valuable administra- 
tions of Georgia history has been so rancorously assailed and so signally 
approved. The crusades against him have been aggressive and impla- 
cable, and have seemed to be mighty and invincible. Yet when the test 
has come, and the public has spoken its verdicts, the popular opinion 
has shown itself so crushingly against his assailants, and given, in this 
age and country of small political majorities such ponderous endorse- 
ment as to make men doubt the evidence of their own senses, and 
wonder that minorities can be so disproportionately noisy and phenom- 
enal majorities be so quiet. 

An event worthy of noting in the early part of Gov. Colquitt's adminis- 
tration, was the assembling of the International Sunday School conven- 
tion in 1878, in Atlanta. This body, representing a constituency of eight 
millions of Sunday School teachers and scholars, the Christian children 
of the English-speaking world of all denominations, was the grandest 
and most important convocation of the century. It had as delegates 
the leading spirits of the world in eloquence, piety and Christian influ- 
ence^ — the men of power and genius in every section — profound thinkers, 
transcendent orators, learned and devout divines of world-wide fame. 
There never has been a gathering of brighter and more illustrious men. 
It was an unbroken galaxy of Christian intellectualities. 

It was a proud, personal triumph as well as a rare tribute to the State 
that the Governor, by his personal magnetism and moral and mental 
power, captured this body of superior men. Gov. Colquitt was unani- 
mously chosen as the President of this impressive convention for four 
years. He made some of the most eloquent speeches of the session, and 
left an impress upon its sacred deliberations 'and critical membership 
that was an honor to himself and Georgia. To the four corners of the 
globe was carried the praises of our enlightened commonwealth and her 
representative Christian Governor. 



536 GOVERNOR COLQUITT AT THE NORTH. 

It was a gratifying continuation of this unusual and enviable in- 
fluence and repute, that Governor Colquitt was invited to, and attended 
vast religious gatherings of the Christian thinkers and workers of the 
North, at Chatauqua and Brooklyn. His speeches were equal to the 
great occasions, and reacted nobly upon the State. Among recognized 
intellectual powers he took a foremost stand. He contributed some 
potential outgivings in the cause of national fraternization, and gave to 
Georgia the lofty prestige due to a sectional harrnonizer. It was an august 
mission for any man, a mission requiring brain and eloquence and 
spiritual fervor — a mission strength sned by a handsome presence, a 
noble face, and the warm, genial and magnetic Southern manner that 
make up the physical pei'sonality of Gov. Colquitt, Few men could 
have gone to these focal centei's of critical intelligence and have sus- 
tained, so brilliantly and with such harvest of fame, so trying an ordeal. 
And not the least of its superb results was that the State of Georgia 
was thereby placed foremost among the admitted agencies of moral 
civilization. 



CHAPTER XLVII. 

THE EXTRAORDINARY CRUSADE OF HOSTILITY TO GOV. 

COLQUITT. 

The Democratic Party of the State Ovei'grown and Unwiekly. — Dissension Inevitable. — 
Universal Desire for Office. — Gov. Colquitt's Popularity. — His Friends after Place. 
— Tlie Torrent of Applications and Disappointments. — Gov. Colquitt's Inaugural. 
— The Assaults upon Him Begin. — The North-eastern Bond Endorsement. — A 
Great Calumny. — Gov. Colquitt's Ringing Message Demanding Investigation. — 
The Legislature of 1878-79.— Its Personelle.— H. D. McDaniel— J. B. Gumming.— 
E. P. Howell.— H. G. Turner.— W. M. Hammond.— A. L. Miller.— L. F. Garrard. 
— The North-eastern Bond Enquiry. — The Complete Exoneration of Gov. Cohiuitt. 
— Wholesale Investigation. — A Carnival of Nosing. — The Comptroller General, W. 
L. Goldsmith. — Bribery Attempted. — Excitement. — Goldsmitli Impeached. — Tlie 
Trial. — A Defence Full of Mistakes. — Judge Warner as Presiding Officer.— The 
Defence Breaks Down. — The Comptroller's Conviction and Sentence. — The Treas- 
urer. — Attempt and Failure of His Impeachment. — Prof. Orr. — Col. N. C. Barnett 
and His Wax. — Capt. John W. Nelms. — The Principal Keeper of the Penitentiary. 
— A Lively Investigation. — The Effort to Involve Gov. Colquitt. — An Exciting Ejii- 
sode. — The Recoil of a Personal Attack, — Gov. Colquitt's Fine Attitude Amid an 
Epidemic of Suspicion. 

The overwhelming majority of the Democratic party in Georgia in 
1877, would at first flush seem a favorable augury for Gov. Colquitt and 
his administration. It was really a state of things full of the worst 
portent. The organization was overgrown, unwieldy, and heteroge- 
neous. It was composed of the confused and illy-welded fragments of 
the conflicting parties of half a century of shifting political strife. 
Antagonism to reconstruction had, under the inspiration of a common 
Southern sentiment, united under a common party banner every diver- 
sity of party adherent, representing every shade of public opinion, and 
the most irreconcilable party theories. It was a curious jumblement 
of views and prejudices, destined inevitably to dissensions in the absence 
of opposition to weld together its incongruous elements. 

There were many most potent causes to breed trouble in the vast and 
loosely organized party. The war had impoverished the whole people, 
and the aspirants for office were countless. It was a clamorous question 
of bread. The smallest public salaries had a value strangely dispropor- 
tioned to their amount, and the character and abilities of the men seek- 



538 THE RUSH FOR OFFICE IN 1877. 

ing tliem. Places were very few, and applicants innumerable and 
importunate. 

Again Gov. Colquitt had become a sort of public idol. His popu- 
larity was phenomenal. His wonderful agreeability, captiv^ating tact, and 
shining moral life, endeared him to men of all classes. He had hun- 
dreds upon hundreds of personal friends, who worked zealously for his 
election, and eacji one thought that he should be preferred above all 
othecs, and granted anything he might wish. It has yet to be recorded 
that any man's friendship stood the test of a disappointment of his 
office aspirations, even though it was a conclusively proper disap- 
pointment. 

There will never, in the history of Georgia, be such another universal 
rush for office as there was in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred 
and seventy-seven. From the day that Gov. Colquitt was nominated, 
the torrent of earnest applications poured in upon him. From all parts 
of the State they came, running to hundreds, for each position in his 
gift. Friends of long standing, with touching pleas of necessity, 
appealed to him for the opportunity to make a living. There were 
pathetic revelations of pecuniary distress, that would have moved any 
heart, much less, one so sympathetic as Gov. Colquitt's. The ordeal was 
appalling. This siege of the friendly unfortunates, many of them life- 
time intimates in sore need, was the most trying situation. of his life. 
The offices were pitifully meager. Five places in the Executive office, 
an Attorney General, a Keeper of the Penitentiary, a Librarian, ten 
Superior Court Judges, and as many Solicitors, were the small sum 
total of the patronage in his gift, — about thirty, all told. And for 
these, hungry, desperate men, by the thousand, were fervently entreat- 
ing. There were over one hundred applications for the office of Prin- 
cipal Keeper of the Penitentiary; and as many for State Librarian. 
Thirteen able lawyers wanted to be Solicitor of the South Western 
Circuit, and eleven to be Judge, making twenty-four in all, in one little 
circuit of the most intelligent and influential leaders of opinion, of 
whom twenty-three.must be offended. One friend was held, and twenty- 
three active, prominent, implacable enemies were gained at one stroke. 

Gov. Colquitt gazed aghast at the situation, and realized, though not 
fully, for no man could anticipate it, the storm that was brewing. It 
was an extraordinary time. The hunger for place was exaggerated 
by long deprivation and men's really stern needs. With Gov. Colquitt's 
election by such an unheard-of majority, it looked as if the political 
millenium had come to his necessitous supporters. Men seemed to 



GOVERNOR COLQUITT AND THE mSAri'OINTEI). 539 

tliiuk that the offices were ample for any demand. Hundreds applied, 
designating' no office, but asking for some place, and leaving it to the 
Governor's discrimination to select one that would suit their resjjective 
qualities. There can be no more pathetic and suggestive reading than 
this vast collection of letters filed in the Executive Department, and a 
hundred years from now the curious delver of that day into the official 
records of this time, will read in tlie plaintive story of these multitudi- 
nous applications, the most eloquent portrayal of a State's impoverish- 
ment, and of the cruel visitation of implacable enmity that came upon 
the Executive, whose offending was that he did not have an office for 
every worthy applicant. 

Gov. Colquitt was inaugurated on the 12th day of January, 1877. 
His chaste and eloquent inaugural concluded in these exquisite words: 

" Our work is befo'-e us, gentlemen, and a grand achievement is witliin our grasp. 
Tiiat work is the restoration of a vast heritage, which a sad fortune has sorely wasted 
and damaged. It is to evoke a thousand si)lendid resources, uow unutilized. It is to 
maintain the proudest and noblest traditioiis — an honor unsullied — the status of as 
wortliy and respectable a constituency as exists, and its position by the siile of the most 
advanced of commonwealths. This lal)or, vast as it is, exacts no impossible thing at our 
liands. With tlie blessings of Heaven, and the agencies of clear heads and pure hearts, 
it may be accom])lished. 

" Again solemnly invoking the Divine aid upon our efforts to serve our beloved State, I 
now take the oath of ofKce." 

He immediately made his appointments, and the mutterings of the 
public thunder began. There was no delay in the gathering of the 
storm. No human power could parallel the miracle of the loaves and 
fishes, and make thirty offices embrace 3,000 people. There were 2,970 
disappointed men; they were scattered over the State; they were the 
best citizens, influential and active, and they made a nucleus of hostility 
that from that day to this has growled at and battered the Executive, 
heading an implacable opposition to Gov. Colquitt, and making his ad- 
ministration, perhaps, the most turbulent of the century. No Executive 
in the annals of the State has had such an unremitting and virulent 
crusade of assault as Gov. Colquitt. 

He differed from Gov. Brown, and from his great father, Walter T. 
Colquitt, in this, that while they made aggressive battle, he fought 
vvith an invincible defensiveness. In all the fierce warfare kept up 
incessantly against Gov. Colquitt and his administration, with his 
assailants striking fiercely not only his public acts, but malignantly 
seeking to besmii'ch his personal honor and honesty, to the eternal 
credit of his resolute religious firmness be it said, that he never 



540 THE NORTH-EASTERX BOND CALUMNY. 

attempted to retaliate a slander or inflict an injury. Unyielding, and 
set immovably against his foes, he never touched them to wound, but 
with a heroism of patience, as unusual as it was lofty, he was satisfied 
to win the triumph of his reputation from the overwhelming verdict of 
the people, leaving his enemies to public opinion, and unscathed by the 
malice they deserved. 

It will be a noble figure in Georgia history, this comely Christian 
Governor striking down the hot calumnies against his private and 
public fame, without having sullied his victory by the indulgence of 
even a justifiable resentment against his slanderers. The figure will 
grow brighter with time. A more unspaiung temper, and a campaign 
of recrimination, might have saved him from many an attack provoked 
by his moderation, but it could not have added one particle to his com- 
plete victory. 

The act of Gov. Colquitt's administration that was most unscrupu- 
lously used against him, was the endorsement of the bonds of the 
North-eastern Railroad for $260,000, or $0,500 per mile for forty miles. 
The matter was investigated fully in every possible light for weeks by 
a legislative committee, and not only sworn legal evidence taken, but 
even rumors sifted under oath. It constitutes one of the most extraor- 
dinary episodes of either individual or public record. That so flimsy a 
pretext should be made the basis of so grave a calumny and so 
extended an official inquiry, is something anomalous, and savors of the 
farcical. The occurrence illustrates how an unreal thing can be exag- 
gerated and falsified by a whispering malice into such proportions that 
honest human character totters in the balance, and a great State 
becomes the grand inquest to puncture the aspersion. It shows further, 
how an act done under the purest considerations of private conscience 
and public duty can be perverted into wrong under an ingenious 
hostility. 

The aid of the State was pledged to this road in 1870. In 1874, State 
aid generally was repealed except where vested. The same legislature 
of 1874, by resolution, excepted this road from the general repeal. 
Gov. Smith appointed J. H. Powers, J. A. Grant and C. B. Wallace to 
inspect the road for State aid, and they reported favorably January 9, 
1877, a few days before Gov. Colquitt's inauguration. Gov. Colquitt 
treated the matter very carefully. He advised its submission to the 
courts. The Supreme Court decided that it had no jurisdiction in the 
case, and referred the matter back to the Governor. 

The Governor finally granted the aid to save the road from being sold 



THE LEGISLATURE OF 1878. 541 

under an indebtedness of some $237,032.97, incurred upon the faith of 
the State, that the State's endorsement would be given when the condi- 
tions of the law were complied with. The Atlanta Rolling mill and Citi- 
zen's Bank had large interest in the decision, the Rolling mill having 
furnished iron for the road, and the bank backing the mill. Mr. J. W. 
Murphy, the Treasurer's clerk, was employed by the Rolling mill to get 
up the statements of leading members of the legislature of 1874 to 
show that the intention was to except the North Eastern railroad from 
the operation of State aid. Hon. B. H. Hill was also employed by the 
Rolling mill to secure the endorsement. The subject created a pro- 
found interest. Of the legislature of 1874, A. 0. Bacon, Speaker, L. N. 
Trammell, President,. T. J. Simmons, Chairman Finance Committee, 
Geo. A. Mercer, Geo. F. Pierce, Jr., Chairman Judiciary Committee, 
H. D. McDaniel, and also Gen. Toombs, Gen. A. R. Lawton and ex- 
Gov. Jos. E. Brown favored the endorsement. 

Mr. Goodnow, general manager of the Schofield rolling mill, wrote a 
private letter expressing the intimation that Gov. Colquitt had yielded 
to improper considerations in granting the aid, and the air became filled 
Avith the painful rumors that the Executive had participated in Mr. 
Murphy's fee. That so incredible a calumny should find a lodgment in 
the public mind was indeed a shock to Gov. Colquitt, and he met it 
with indignant spirit. 

The legislature of 1878 met November 6, 1878. It proved to be a 
session of extraordinary work that this body held. Hon. R. E. Lester 
was elected President of the Senate, and Hon. A. O. Bacon, Speaker of 
the House. Among the Senators were D. A. Russell, E. C. ■ Bower, 
John T. Clark, Wm. Harrison, J. M. Hudson, J. C. Clements, Jos. B. 
Gumming, J. A. Stephens, C. W. Du Bose, T. B. Cabaniss, T. W. 
Grimes, H. D. McDaniel, J. A. Speer, J. W. Preston, H. R. Casey, S. 
W. Lumpkin, A. D. Candler, E. P. Howell, A. W. Holcombe, S. Grant- 
land, C. J. Wellborn, J. C. Fain, Saml. Hawkins. This Senate was a 
very strong one, and had in it some gentlemen of superior ability and 
decision. 

Mr. McDaniel is in the present Senate. A sound thinker, a clear 
speaker, having a well-balanced temper and judgment, direct and honest, 
winning universal respect by his dignity and sincerity, Mr. McDaniel 
has been a most potential member of the legislature, always carrying 
great weight. It has been a striking evidence of the large influence he 
has exercised, that a considerable impediment in his speech has been no 
barrier to the exalted appreciation of him entertained by the General 



542 THE HOUSE OK REPKESENTATIVES OF 1878. 

Assembly and the public. Men in listening to his strong, sensible views 
so clearly expressed, forget entirely the manner of their utterance. Mr. 
J. W. Preston was a marked Senator in this body. A very ready, 
extemporaneous speaker, earnest and faithful to his convictions, Mr. 
.Preston was a recognized leader. Perhaps, the most polished debater in 
the Senate was Major J. B. Gumming. There is a peculiarly musical 
tone in his delivery, and he has a diction chaste and ornate. Mr. A. D. 
Candler was a forcible debater, always speaking with an emphasis and 
directness that insured attention and gave him weight. Mr, Clements 
is now a member of Congress, and was a modest, solid Senator then, a 
practical, clear-headed, positive legislator, who enjoyed universal respect. 
Mr. T. B. Cab'aniss held an excellent position and spoke well. A fine 
debater was Judge John T. Clarke, a model of logical argument. T. 
W. Grimes was a young Senator, blending singularly a fine courtesy 
with an uncommon decisiveness of character and independence of con- 
viction. Col. J. C. Fain is now judge of the Cherokee circuit, and had 
an exceptional power of management. Capt. E. P. Howell was the 
very essence of a practical, common sense, animated by an exceedingly 
rich humor, and grappling all questions and measures with force and an 
unvarying success. All of these men Avill impress themselves on the 
future of the State. 

The House, also, had some notable and promising characters. Among 
these were A. O. Bacon, T. W. Milner, Pt. A. Nisbet, H. G. Turner, A. 
H. Gray, A. P. Adams, W. H. Hulsey, P. L. Mynatt, W. R. Rankin, 
Allen Fort, N. L. Hutchins, J. E. Redwine, W. J. Northern, R. L. 
McWhorter, A. L. Miller, J. H. Polhill,. H. C. Roney, Reese Crawford, 
L. F. Garrard, L. F. Anderson, James M. Smith, H. G. Wright, John I. 
Hall, J. C. Maund, Wm. M. Hammond, A. H. Cox, J. F. Awtry, J. A. R. 
Hanks and F. H. Colley. Col. H. G. Turner is now a member of Con- 
gress, and was the leader of the House. His utterances commanded a 
remarkable attention. Having little oratorical grace, speaking without 
fervor and very plainly, and often too low for hearing, yet members 
always showed an undisguised eagerness to hear what he had to say, 
and his position on any measure generally decided its fate. His legis- 
lative career was a singular demonstration of personal influence. He 
was rather under-sized, stoutish, with a large, expansive forehead run- 
ning to baldness, lit up by dark eyes, and he was very quiet, grave and 
polite in his simple manners. 

W.M.Hammond ranked very high. His fine face denoted intelli- 
gence and culture. A Carolinian by birth, and a member of the gifted 



TIIK PERSOXELLE OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 1878. 543 

nammond blood of that State, he has, in Georgia, taken the high posi- 
tion due to his strong and cultured intellect, graceful courtesy and 
eloquent speaking power. Mr. J. H. Polhill was a recognized kacfer, a 
lawyer of ability, and a person of integrity and convictions. One of 
the most marked men in the body, and possessing some exceptional 
qualities, was A. L. Miller. A slender, clear-faced gentleman, with 
searching, coal-black eyes, he had as much po>ver on the floor as any 
member in the House. There was no more successful debater. His 
talks could hardly be called speeches, but were rather keen thrusts and 
incisive statements, cutting to the quick the weak points of the opposi- 
tion, and presenting plainly the practical ones of his own side. He was 
inimitable in defending an assaulted report of the finance committee, of 
which he generally took the lead. Mr. Miller made a hobby of economy, 
and rather ran it to extremes. A ready parliamentarian, he shrewdly 
anticipated defeat by some adroit concession that secured him a modi- 
fied victory. Mr. L. F. Garrard was one of the brightest and most 
active members, generally uniting his energies with Mr, Miller. He 
originated several large public financial measures, and he had an 
unwearied zeal and tact in getting them through. Bold, combative 
and ready, Mr. Garrard took an unusual stand for a new and young 
legislator. 

A marked young member also was Arthur H. Gray, whose frankness 
is a refreshing and uncommon quality in a day of political hypocrisy. 
H. G. Wright was witty and popular. Perhaps the most original char- 
acter in the House was John C. Maund, a man of peculiar jest and 
quaintly practical. His hard sense was flavored with an unctuous and 
perennial humor. One of the brilliant young members was A. H. Cox, 
a natural orator and legislator. His ringing voice penetrated the House 
more resonantly than any one, and his clear tones never carried a weak 
utterance. No man commanded a more attentive hearing than Mr. 
Cox. Col. P. L. Mynatt was a, most useful and influential legislator. 
A very gifted young representative was A. P. Adams, eloquent, argu- 
mentative, the master of a compact logic. James M. Smith of Ogle- 
thorpe county, was a progressive, successful farmer of large operations, 
entirely at home on the legislative floor. W. H. Hulsey was a gallant 
officer in the war, was made Mayor of Atlanta soon after, and was a 
bright, pleasant, promising young fellow. 

The action of this legislature will ever be a memorable chapter of 
Georgia history. It settled the North Eastern railroad bond calumny 
ujion the Governor. Shocked and indignant at the aspersion, Gov. 



54:4 GOVERNOK Colquitt's RINGING message. 

Colquitt met it with the high spirit that belonged to the man, and he 
sent into the General Assembly the following matchless message, as 
eloquent; fitting, and sententious a paper as was ever penned: 

"ExEcnxivE Department, ) 
Atlanta, Ga., November 6, 1878. ( 
" To The General Assembly : 

" A grievous necessity has been inipos-ed upon me to demand at your hands a thorough 
investigation of my motives and conduct, as tlie Executive of Georgia, in placing the 
State's endorsement upon the bonds of tlie North-eastern railroad. This necessity has 
been created by widely circulated slanders and innuendoes, vile and malignant, and so 
mendacious and wicked as to mal^e all comment and paraphrase upon them utterly 
futile. Notliing but a thorough sifting of my every motive and act in regard to these 
bonds, as far as human insight and judgment can reach these, can satisfy aggrieved 
honor, or give such entire assurance to the people of Georgia, as they have a right to 
demand in the premises. To a man who values his good name far more than life, it 
would be an act of supremest injustice to deny the most plenary vindication rendered in 
the most august and authoritative form known to the laws, or to public opinion. To the 
people of this great Commonwealtli, it is of the last consequence that they should know 
beyond all peradventure, that the man who fills, at their call, the chief seat of authority, 
is above reproach or suspicion. 

" Mv denunciations of an awful and stupendous slander, forged and uttered to dishonor 
me, will not be enough. The General Assembly of this State — a co ordinate power — is 
appealed to for that justice which, while it will, I know full well, exonerate me as a 
man, will also vindicate tlie fair fame of Georgia, assailed by cruel slanders on her Chief 
Executive. ALFIIEU H. COLQUITT." 

This ringing document went over the State carrying like an electric 
spell the inspiration of its resenting innocence and stern defiance. 
There was never a more stirring or exquisite expression of a wounded 
spirit of honor. A joint committee Was appointed in conformity with 
the request of the Governor, to investigate the matter, consisting of A. 
H. Cox, W. M. Hammond, R. C. Humber, H. G. Wright, John I. Hall, 
W. J. Northern, Allen Fort and A. H. Gray of the House, and J. W. 
Preston, J. F. Troutmaii, H. R. Casey, J. P, Tison and Saml. Hawkins 
of the Senate. 

The investigation continued, and the committee reported on the 12th 
day of December, 1878. During the inquiry there were many inci- 
dents, to keep the public sense excited. A personal difficulty nearly 
occurred between Maj. J. W. Murphy and Hon. B. W. Hill, and a suit 
was started between them about the fee paid by the Rolling mill. It 
was a joainful ordeal for a proud man like Govt Colquitt, to thus have 
his private integrity and official honor under investigation. But such 
is the disagreeable accompaniment of public trust. Gov. Colquitt's 
conduct in this unspeakable trial was perfect. He stood serene, 



THE NORTH-EASTERN BOND SLANDER. 545 

patient, unirritated, acting with a noble christian dignity that endeared 
him to the public esteem. The majority of the committee thus re- 
ported: 

" In the opinion of this committee, the reports and rumors that connect the name of 
the Governor with any improper conduct in the matter of the endorsement of the bonds 
of the North eastern Railroad Company, are vile and malignant slanders." 

The minority of the committee, Wm. M, Hammond and R. C. Hum- 
ber, thus reported: 

"We brand as a libel the insinuation that the determination of Governor Colquitt to 
endorse the bonds was induced by any sinister influence or unworthy motive." 

The committee was unanimous and emphatic in vindicating the Gov- 
ernor, but divided upon the question of approving the action of Maj. 
J. W. Murphy in taking a fee in the matter. The majority of the com- 
mittee exonerated Mr. Murphy. The minority declared it an abuse for 
any government employes to receive rewards in consideration of in- 
fluencing or attempting to influence the official conduct of any officers 
of the government. 

The reports being made on the 12th of December, 1878, and the 
legislature adjourning on the 13th, there was not time for an examina- 
tion by the body of the voluminous evidence. The action on the re- 
ports was therefore deferred until the summer session. Mr. McDaniel 
of the Senate, offered this resolution. 

" Resolved, That this General Assembly cannot adjourn, in justice to a coordinate 
branch of the Government, to themselves, and to the State, without placing upon the 
record an avowal of our undiminished confidence in the integrity and purity of the Gov- 
ernor of our State." 

Mr. Gumming offered the following amendment, which was added, and 
the resolution passed both branches: 

"Resolved, That the postpo.nement by the General Assembly of action on the report of 
the Investigating Committee, is not to be construed as an expression that its confidence 
in the character of the Governor, a character exalted by his civil, military and private 
career, is at all shaken, but such postponement by the General Assembly is simply due 
to its own appreciation of the proprieties of judicial proceedings, which forbid judgment 
in any and all cases, before the cases have been heard." 

The legislature reassembled July 2d, 1879, and during this session the 
committee united upon the following, which was adopted by the body 
as the final conclusive action upon this matter, entirely and formally 
relieving Gov. Colquitt. 

"Your committee, from the want of any evidence sustaining such charges, and from 
the mass of evidence disproving such charges, report this conclusion : That his Excel- 
lency deserves, at the hands of the General Assembly, complete vindication on the issues 
35 



546 THE INVESTUiATIOX OF THE COJIPTROLLER GEXERAT,. 

made by him, and specified above. Your committee have unanimously concluded that 
liis Excellency did not, in any way, shape or form, participate in the fee received by Mr. 
John W. Murphy ; that no offer of any such thing was made by any one to his Excel- 
lency ; that said fee did not contrul liis conduct in said endorsemeut, and that, wliether 
the act of endorsemeut was legal or illegal, the motives of the Governor were pure." 

While this inquiry so signally exonerat-ed the Governor, it seemed as 
if its effect was to stimulate an epidemic of legislative investigation. 
A series of inquests was inaugurated. Committees were appointed to 
look into the Comptroller General's office, the Treasury, the Department 
of Agriculture, the State School Commissioner's office, the penitentiary 
system, the public printer and the Secretary-of-State's office. It was a 
general nosing for wrong. The Legislature put itself upon a prowling 
recognizance for dark deeds in the various departments. In the wild 
land office of the comptroller's department there had been for a year or 
two public mutterings of mismanagement and dissatisfaction. And a 
committee had spent weeks looking into the trouble. It found much 
cause of complaint, and a majority of the committee, D. A. Russell, P. 
D. Davis, L. Strickland and J. C. Maund, recommended that all sales of 
wild land under transferred^/?, fas., be declared null and void. Mr. A. D. 
Candler made a minority report dissenting from this recommendation. 
Upon the heels of these reports, Mr. P. D. Davis and L. Strickland 
startled the Legislature by the declaration, that Mr. H. P. Wright had 
sought to induce them by bribery to sign a paper prepared by the 
Comptroller General, making some modifications in their reports. 

It would be difficult to convey the excitement created by this dis- 
closure. The wild land committee made a supplemental report, recom- 
mending that articles of impeachment be preferred against Col. W. L. 
Goldsmith, the comptroller. A committee of thirteen, C. D. Phillips, 
R. L. McWhorter, B. M. Davis, G. R. Sibley, R. A. Cannon, W. J. Pike, 
A. C. Westbrook, W. T. Irvine, J. A. R. Hanks, A. M. Du Dose and F. 
H. Colley, was appointed to investigate the facts, and recommend action. 
The first eight reported articles of impeachment, and the last four dis- 
sented from the recommendation. Resolutions for impeachment were 
passed. A committee of C. D. Phillips, R. L. McWhorter, B. M. Davis, 
G. R. Sibley, R. H. Cannon, A. C. Westbrook and W. T. Irvine was 
appointed to notify the Senate. An election for managers of the 
impeachment was held. on the Gth day of August, 1879, and the follow- 
ing gentlemen were elected: H. G. Turner, W. M. Hammond, C. D. 
Phillips, B. M. Davis, J. H. Polhill, W, J. Pike and A. P. Adams. 

On the IGth of August, 1879, the managers presented articles of 



THE IMrEACHMKNT OF J. W. GOLDSMITH. 547 

impeachment before the Senate, the Hon. 11. G. Turner having been 
chosen tlie chief manager. Mr. Goldsmitli was cliarged with illegally 
receiving 14,583.50 as costs on tax executions; illegally issuing eight 
tax executions; extorting illegal costs; illegally refusing to receive tax; 
illegally issuing and transferring 228 wild land executions; illegally 
paying out $8,179.73 of the public money without authority; illegally 
ordering sheriffs to pay tax money in excess to owners; illegally retain- 
ing 111,193.17 of public money; making false returns of 12,363.61 of 
public monej^; illegally retaining $9,720.40 of insurance taxes and fees; 
fraudulently altering the wild land records; making false returns of 
$6,134.45 of insurance tax; attempting bribery; andfor lucre establishing 
a disgraceful precedent. 

On the 21st day of August, 1879, the Senate organized as a High 
Court of Impeachment, with Hiram Warner, Chief Justice of the 
Supreme Bench, as the presiding officer of the court. The Senate cham- 
ber and galleries were packed with people to witness these novel proceed- 
ings. Several Senators asked to be excused from voting, Mr. Mc- 
Daniel on account of relationship; D. A. Russell and A. D. Candler 
because they had been on the committee of investigation; Mr. Speer on 
account of ill health; and J. P. Turner because he had transferred some 
of the wild lands fi. fas. But the Senate did not excuse them. Mr, 
Goldsmith was allowed until September 1st, 1879, to prepare his answer, 
which denied the jurisdiction of the Senate, alleged that the matters 
charged did not constitute an offence, and declared his innocence. The 
counsel of Mr. Goldsmith were Judge J. L. Hopkins, Col. Milton A. 
Candler, Capt. Harry Jat;kson, and W. S. Thompson. 

It was generally regarded that the defense made a mistake in filing 
])leas to the jurisdiction, and to the sufficiency of the articles. All tech- 
nical resistance should have been foregone and the issue met squarely 
upon its merits. The argument on these dilatory pleas was made by 
Col. Candler and Judge Hopkins, for Mr. Goldsmith, and W. M. Ham- 
mond and A. P. Adams, for the prosecution, and was very able and 
exhaustive. The pleas were unanimously over-ruled. The defense 
made another mistake in objecting to testimony covering conduct during 
Mr. Goldsmith's first term, on the ground that the articles of impeach- 
ment failed to designate him as a former comptroller. This objection 
was over-ruled, and had an injurious effect in showing a disposition to 
cut off the examination of charges on their merits. Nearly a week was 
consumed in this profitless sort of skirmishing. The vote had to be 
taken by ballot separately on each article, and consumed a deal of time. 



548 TIIK END OF THE IMPEACHMENT. 

It was a right curious matter, that the able Chief Justice, so long 
accustomed to preside over a judicial tribunal, did not successfully gov- 
ern the deliberations of the Senate as a court of impeachment. He was 
little acquainted with parliamentary law, and his decisions were con- 
stantly over-ruled by the Senate. The taking of the testimony began 
on the 8th of September, 1879, and continued until the 13th, when in 
the beginning of the defense, the counsel of Mr. Goldsmith asked an 
adjournment of the court. Mr. Goldsmith tendered his resignation to 
the Governor, who declined to receive it, pending the impeachment 
trial. On the 15th of September the counsel of Mr. Goldsmith an- 
nounced that they would introduce no more testimony, and had nothing 
more to say. The defense thus breaking down, Mr. Turner made a 
brief speech, and the trial ended by taking the vote on the 17th of Sep- 
tember, 1879. Mr. Goldsmith was found guilty of illegally receiving 
$4,582.50 as costs on tax executions; illegally extorting costs; illegally 
refusing to receive tax; illegally issuing and transferring 228 wild land 
executions; illegally retaining $9,720.46 of insurance fees and tax; 
making false returns of $6,134.45 of insurance tax; and establishing a 
disgraceful precedent. It was a curious feature of this conviction that 
thoug-h the accused had abandoned defense, and thiis stood unresisting 
a condemnation on every charge, the Senate critically tested every 
count in the impeachment, and acquitted Mr. Goldsmith upon a number 
of them. Mr. I^umpkin offered an order that the punishment should be 
removal from, and life disqualification to hold office. Mr. Howell moved 
to strike out the disqualification feature of the penalty. This motion 
received fourteen yeas and twenty-five naysr Mr. Lumpkin's order 
then passed by thirty-seven yeas to two nays, Senators Head and Pres- 
ton voting against. 

The sentence was declared on the 19th of September, 1879, and its 
enforcement was a touching spectacle. Judge Hopkins made an im- 
pressive statement for Mr. Goldsmith. The Senate chamber was filled, 
and there was a deep feeling pervading the large assemblage, as this 
solemn and irreversible fiat of out-lawry was officially announced against 
this citizen. The incident lost none of its significance, from the fact 
that in the whole population of a million and a half of this large com- 
monwealth he was the single individual that was thus deprived of the 
political privileges of a freeman. It was a tragic isolation for any man 
to occupy, and it carried with it a symj^athy that strangely tinged the 
stern justice of the act. 

Of the other investigations several were lengthy and elicited deep 



THE ACQUITTAL OF THE TREASURER. 549 

feeling and warm discussion. The Treasurer, Col. J. W. Renfroe, had 
conducted the affairs of his office with unsurpassable ability. The 
majority of the committee reported articles of impeachment against 
him for taking interest on the public deposits. Hon. J. E. Redwine 
made a minority report against impeachment, quoting the resolution of 
the General Assembly, of December 8, 1871, relieving Treasurer N. L. 
Angier from liability for interest on the State deposits, and dismissing 
suits against him for $7,000 of such interest. He urged that if Mr. 
Renfroe had accepted moneys that should have gone into the State 
Treasury he could be made to pay them over; but to prosecute so 
faithful an officer by costly impeachment would be unjust to him and 
contrary to sound policy. Col. Renfroe offered to the House his resig- 
nation and the money taken as interest. 

The House declined to receive this reparation. Messrs. A. H. Cox, 
T. W. Milner, Allen Fort, Reese Crawford, R. A. Nisbet, N. L. Hutchins, 
and W. A, Turner were elected Impeachment Managers. Col. Renfroe 
had, as counsel. Gen. Henry R. Jackson of Savannah, and Capt. Harry 
Jackson of Atlanta, father and son. The prosecution was ably con- 
ducted. The defense was a consummate piece of legal management. 
Renfroe's counsel offered to admit all the facts, and required none of 
them to be proven. Every effort was made to expedite the trial, and 
get a hearing on the merits. ]\%ich raillery was indulged in at the time, 
that the young and talented managers were unmercifully deprived of 
the opportunity to make some great speeches, prepared in anticipation 
of dilatory pleas and demurrers, which were not filed. The facts being 
promptly admitted, the argument came on swiftly, and was very able. 
Allen Fort and A. H. Cox spoke for the managers, and did it well. The 
speech of Mr. Cox was a remarkable one. Harsh in voice, awkward in 
gesture, full of grimaces and shrieking, the speech was a master-effort, 
powerful, striking and eloquent. Its argument, sarcasm and eloquence 
were extraordinary. It was sustained from beginning to end. It cov- 
ered the whole ground. It held the immense audience electricallj^ It 
showed deep study, exhaustive thought and vividness of expression. 

Capt. Harry Jackson made a clear, concise, strong legal argument. 
Gen. Henry R. Jackson is a fervid orator, fluent, imaginative and im- 
passioned, and he made a powerful and thrilling speech. The Senators 
consumed four days in discussion. Senators Cummings, Cabaniss, 
Harrison, Preston, Bryan, and others, advocated acquittal. Senators 
McDaniel, Clarke, Bower and Lester, spoke for conviction. Upon the 
vote being taken. Treasurer Renfroe was acquitted. A resolution was 



550 THE BATTLE OVER JOHN W. NELMS. 

passed instructing the Governor to issue execution against him and liis 
sureties for the interest. Tliis was done, but the courts decided in favor 
of Renfroe, and he thus 'stood exonerated. His conduct through the 
whole painful ordeal was manly, open, frank and courageous. 

The committees investigating Prof. Orr, the School Commissioner, 
and Col. Barnett, the Secretary of State, found nothing to condemn 
and everything to approve in their departments. It was jocularly 
declared that Col. Barnett had used several cents' worth of wax in 
putting the great seal of State to public documents, and Prof. Orr had 
paid his own expenses in traveling around in the interest of the public 
schools. Dr. Janes, the Commissioner of Agriculture, had made some 
errors of judgment in establishing his valuable department, that, in 
any other time than an epoch of diseased suspicion, would have passed 
unnoticed. Dr. Janes resigned his position on the ground that the 
opposition to the Bureau was personal opposition to him, and he was 
unwilling that the Department should suffer on his account. 

One of the most interesting battles was over the administration of 
Capt. John W. Nelms, the principal keeper of the penitentiary. This 
gentleman, in many respects, is a very uncommon character. Having 
only moderate education, he is one of the most untiring and effective 
political managers in the State. A devoted friend and an unsparing 
opponent, an open-handed, free-hearted, out-spoken, fearless character, 
affectionate in his attachments, wielding a remarkable influence, shrewd 
and enterprising, he has shown himself a valuable political ally in any 
contest. He moved to Campbell county when a set of fighting men 
held a pretty strong political rule. He not only held his own, but 
administered some severe punishment in several tough encounters 
forced upon him, and obtained a firm grip on the men of that county. 
His administration of the penitentiary was careful, conscientious and 
capable. He had kept up a custom inaugurated by his predecessor, 
Col. John T. Brown, of removing convicts for the lessees at so much a 
head. This was an open arrangement between him and the lessees, in 
no way affecting the State. This was the point of attack against him. 
The committee was divided. Four members, Chambers, Walters, Gar- 
rard and Tarver, condemned the Principal Keeper, but suggested no 
action. Four members. Ivy, Tatum, Butt and Patterson, entirely justi- 
fied Capt. Nelms. Mr. Anderson made a third report, not altogether 
exonerating^ the Principal Keeper, but leaving the matter to the 
Governor. 

The Legislature referred the subject to the Governor, who did not 



GOVERNOR Colquitt's enemies make a isad blunder. 551 

remove a faithful officer. Growing out of the method of the investiga- 
tion with closed doors, a sharp controversy ensued between ex-Gov. 
Joseph E. Brown and Hon. L. F. Garrard, in which the prosecution of 
the Columbus prisoners, charged with the killnig o^ Ashburn, was 
re-opened, discussed, and placed in a new light, as has been stated 
before in this volume. 

An attempt was made to throw the "responsibility of Nelms' conduct 
on Gov, Colquitt. Col. C. D. Phillips, of Cobb, boldly charged that 
the Governor was as guilty as Nelms, and if Nelms went the Governor 
should go. The utterance fired the House like an electric shock. R. 
C. Humber endorsed Phillips. Du Bose, of Hancock, replied that the 
Governor was not under investigation. Turner, of Brooks, followed on 
the same line. Humber offered a resolution censuring Gov. Colquitt 
for Nelms' conduct. This was like putting a torch to a powder maga- 
zine. In all of the investigations of the State House officers, there had 
been a large, decided under-current of hostility to the Executive, and 
it was hoped, through them, to reach him. The issue was clearly made 
by Humber's resolution. It would be difficult to convey the excite- 
ment created. The House adjourned, and a lively night of agitation 
followed. For once and at last Gov. Colquitt's friends became aroused. 
The idea of attacking the Executive in a matter that did not concern 
him, and without even a hearing, evoked a whirlwind of disapproval. 
The Governor was cool and placid. He seemed glad that the issue had 
come, and welcomed the chance to meet squarely the secret and unrea- 
soning warfare that was ever threatening him. The fight had to come, 
and could not present itself in better shape. 

The excitement kept up during the night. Men rallied to the Gov- 
ernor, who had never been allied with him. It was recognized that the 
time had come to rebuke the personal crusade against the Executive. 
The reaction was overwhelming. The issue was whipped by the mere 
forde of public opinion. In the morning the vote stood 119 against, 
and 16 for the Humber resolution, and of the sixteen, three voted 
under a misapprehension, and recalled their vote. 

Persistent effort was made to throw upon Gov. Colquitt tlie respon- 
sibility of all the matters evolved from these investigations. But it 
was in vain. Wholly unconnected with any transgression of any sort, 
or any lapse of any official; assailed rancorously in every conceivable 
way, and yet standing pure and unstainable in a very pestilence of 
accusation; the object of an enmity, ruthless and implacable, but so 
panoplied in integrity that the most unsparing dissection of motive or 



552 AN EPIDEMIC OF SUSPICION. 

conduct could find nothing in him to visit with a shadow of disap- 
proval, Gov. Colquitt went through such an ordeal as falls to few 
public servants, and he emerged from it with an unfading crown of 
honor. 

There has never been such a fierce fever of suspicion and groping, 
wide-spread inquisition. It was a sort of morbid plethora of public 
virtue, a riot of harsh inquiry, that in its furious sweep suspected all 
men, no matter how pure and exalted, and doubted all transactions, 
even though faultless. It was a curious phase of public sentiment, and 
strangely blended honesty and malice, a proper public spirit and very 
censurable motives of private, personal dislike and interest. There was 
much good done, and much injustice threatened. There was a fair 
measure of evil corrected, a good deal of injustice done and some wrong 
barely escaped. The matter forms an interesting and exceptional chap- 
ter of Georgia history, that has a rich instruction and a vivid interest. 



CHAPTER XLVm. 

THE POWERFUL HISTORIC GEORGIA TRIUMVIRATE 
COLQUITT, GORDON AND BROWN. 

The Railroad Commission. — Ex-Gov. James M. Smith. — Maj. Campbell Wallace.— Col. 
Samuel Baruett. — Gov. Colquitt Vilified into the Gubernatorial Race. — A Flaming 
Contest. — The Most Violent Political Struggle of State Annals. — Slander and 
Calumny. — The Candidates. — Rufus E. Lester. — L. J. Gartrell. — Hiram Warner. — 
Thomas Hardeman. — An Event that Turned the State Wild. — The Resignation 
of United State.s Senator John B. Gordon. — Appointment of ex-Gov. J. E. Brown. 
— Bargain and Sale Charged. — Gordon's Fine Senatorial Career. — Great and Bril- 
liant Services. — Thorough Vindication. — Gen. Gordon's Eloquent Speech. — The 
Value of the Tender to ex-Gov. Brown. — The Alliance of Colquitt, Gordon and 
Brown, a Union of Ponderous Agencies. — Gov. Colquitt as a Political Fighter. — 
Gordon's Power. — Senator Brown's Valuable Three Weeks' Service in the United 
States Senate. — His Success. — Personal Disappointments at not Getting tiiis Ap- 
pointment. — A Brewing Storm. 

One of the most important things done by the Constitutional Con- 
vention of 1877 was the passage of Gen. Toombs' pet idea that it was 
the duty of the General Assembly to regulate freight and passenger 
tariffs, and prevent discriminations. It was a vast measure for the 
State to take the regulation of fifty millions of private property, upon 
which rests the whole commercial fabric of the commonwealth, and is 
its largest single element of power. The discussion in the Convention 
over it was protracted and befitting its importance. In the General 
Assembly the bill to carry out this provision of the Constitution was 
introduced by Hon. W. R. Rankin of Gordon county, a gentleman who 
had been for several years one of the best journalists of the State. He 
is a member of the present legislature and chairman of the railroad 
committee. He is a person of ability, and a clear, forcible speaker. 
Hon. Allen Fort also introduced a bill forbidding railroads makina- 
unjust discriminations. Substitutes, amendments and long discussions 
marked every step of the measure through House and Senate, demon- 
strating the great interest it excited. But it finally passed, and was 
approved October 14, 1859. 

Under this act Gov. Colquitt, with the advice of the Senate, appointed 
three Commissioners: ex-Gov. James M. Smith, lawyer, for six years; 
Maj. Campbell Wallace, railroader, four years; Samuel Barnett, two 



554 . THE RAILROAD COMMISSION. 

years. The Commissioner's salary is $2,500, and he must not own railroad 
stocks or bonds, or be in the employ of any railroad company. Gov. 
Smith's appointment created much commentary. He had supported Gov. 
Colquitt for Governor. When he was defeated for United States Sena- 
tor, he had made a breach of friendship with Gov. Colquitt, and had 
become very hostile against him. When the North-Eastern bond slander 
was started against Gov. Colquitt, ex-Gov. Smith promptly condemned 
it, and amicable relations were restored. Gov. Colquitt, under that high 
sense of official duty that elevated him above personal considerations in 
his public acts, appointed Gov. Smith on account of his estimated fit- 
ness for the place. And it was said that Gov. Smith, who had suffered 
denunciation from men whom he had favored, declared that he would 
lav down the commission of Gov. Colquitt whenever he antagonized him. 

Maj. Campbell Wallace has been a marked character in Georgia for 
many years. He was. one of that large body of influential and enter- 
prising citizens that came to Georgia from East Tennessee, and that 
have become leaders among the business princes of middle Georgia and 
especially Atlanta. Among these desirable Tennessee immigrants, men 
of brain, energy and leadership, may be mentioned Judge John L. Hop- 
kins, the Inmans, P. L. Mynatt, the Lowrys, Wm. T. Newman, the 
Parrotts, the Fains, J. J. Williams, Reuben Arnold, S. R. McCamy, 
John G. Dunn, Wm. H. Tibbs, and the members of that strong firm 
of Moore and Marsh. W. M, Lowry was United States Marshal for 
East Tennessee under Pierce and Buchanan. Mr. Triplett, of the 
Thomasville press, was one of these valuable East Tennesseeans. Major 
Wallace had been President of the East Tennessee and Georgia railroad. 
He had performed wonders of service during the war in moving Con- 
federate troops and supplies. After the war he wa^ made superintendent 
of the Western and Atlantic railroad in 1866, by Gov. Jenkins, and did 
a rare work in restoring that ruined railway. He managed the road 
during Ruger's and Meade's regimes, and resigned when Bullock was 
elected Governor, He is now President of the Merchants' Bank, and 
was tendered, unsolicited, a place as Railroad Commissioner. To an 
unusually strong common sense. Major Wallace adds a fine humor, a 
perennial amiability, tireless energy, an unbending positiveness and high 
Executive capacity. 

Col. Samuel Barnett is a gentleman of a hearty turn for statistics 
and scientific investigation, and an unwearied power of clear-cut, 
vivid writing, who has tackled the stupendous and inexhaustible 
subject of railroad facts and figures with the keen relish of an 



GOVERXOK COLQUITT FOE A SECOND TERM. 555 

enthusiast. The only apprehension is, that he will give us a railway 
literature as voluminous as our Supreme Court decisions. The com- 
mission has a congenial and efficient clerk in Maj. R. A. Bacon. The 
Commissioners have handled the big subject boldly, cutting down and 
making uniform rates and fares. The Savannah, Florida and Western 
Railroad, the old Atlantic and Gulf Railroad, under that strong and 
rising young lawyer. Judge Walter S. Chisholm, of Savannah, made a 
vigorous effort, in the United States Court, to strike down the commis- 
sion, but the court sustained it unqualifiedly. An attempt is being 
made, under the lead of ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown, to get the present 
Legislature to restrict the autocratic powers of the commission. The 
endeavor is being stoutly I'esisted. The success remains to be seen, 
but however it results, there is the prospect of an e-ndless agitation of 
the matter, superinduced by the inevitable rebelliousness of so vast a 
body of strong capital over its arbitrary regulation by a power, not 
directly interested in its profitable management. 

It is doubtful if Gov, Colquitt would have permitted the use of his 
name for a second term as Governor, but for the unremitting and ran- 
corous onslaught upon him. The Convention had cut the term from 
four to two years, and the salary from $4,000 to S3, 000 a year. His 
private affairs needed his attention, while the salary did not pay the 
expenses of the station. But the assaults upon him had been so 
fierce and rankly unjust that it was but a question of self-respect to 
submit the issues of his administration to the popular judgment, and 
he determined to do so. The result was the most bitter political battle, 
the longest campaign and the most crushing personal victory, that have 
ever happened in the State's history. For nearly six long months did 
the extraordinary Conflict rage, with a gathering heat every week and 
month. The battle became violent beyond description, and yet, strange 
to say, there was not in it a single direct, legitimate political question. 
It was all personal, and in its ultimate analysis, involved several very 
large moral and social considerations and a sentimental matter of 
national effect. The distant and philosophical reader of the extraordi- 
nary incidents and phases of this roaring and flaming contest v/ill 
wonder at its desperation, brutality and causelessness. 

Georgia has had some memorable political conflicts. The Troup and 
Clarke flurry from 1823 to 1827, was warm enough as far as it went. 
The Colquitt, Cooper and Black storm in 1840 stirred things up. But 
the anti-Colquitt campaign of 1880 was such a tornado of violence as 
to make all previous disturbances mere child's play. And its interest 



556 GOVERNOR Colquitt's hold on the people. 

does not diminish from the fact that it was not a political issue, but a 
moral and religious civilization that stood at stake. Gov. Colquitt was 
the exponent and champion of temperance, religion and sectional fra- 
ternity. He embodied in his life, virtue and Christianity. He repre- 
sented a great question of a kinder practical accord between the races. 
Every exalted moral and social mission was enthroned in the candidacy 
of this gentleman. And it was a vital feature of the stern battle that 
Gov. Colquitt, under the strong inspiration of his Christian qualities, 
was immovably fixed in the homes and hearts of the popular masses. 
He was rooted in the public heart, and no violence could tear him from 
his hold. 

This indissoluble clasping of the people's esteem must ever stand one of 
the marvels of this "raging affair. For months every species of detraction 
and besmirchment was poured upon Gov. Colquitt. It was bred in a 
thousand protean forms, damaging enough, if true, to have damned his 
character, and killed forever the public confidence. If a tithe of what 
was charged had been the truth. Gov. Colquitt would have been deserv- 
edly an outcast. Yet all this deafening crusade of defamation fell 
impotent upon the great, moral public thought, and when the day of 
verdict came, the people, with a resistless force, crushed out of existence 
the numberless brood of black criminations, spawned in this furious 
struggle. 

And it was the most inexplicable feature of all of this extraordinary 
battle of slander, that there was a stubborn iteration of disproven scan- 
dals. The North-eastern bond calumny had been stamped out by the 
General Assembly, but it was rung and re-rung with unwearied persist- 
ence, just as if it had never been tried and shattered. So with other 
aspersions. But the clear-seeing, undeludable masses, with a cool poise 
held unshaken amid the boisterous fury of malice to their faith in the 
Christian Governor, who had the novel experience of a martyr's ordeal 
in the exigencies of a political strife. 

There were two phases of this stirring campaign, the contest for the 
nomination, and then the fiercer struggle for the election. Usually the 
nomination in Democratic Georgia ends the tussle. In this campaign 
the nomination was simply the hot preface to a hotter sequence. It 
merely begun the battle well, and intensified its animosities. 

The candidates for the nominatiosi were five, viz., Gov. Colquitt, 
Hon. Thomas Hardeman of Macon, Hon. Rufus E. Lester of Savannah, 
Gen. Lucius J. Gartrell of Atlanta, and Chief Justice Hiram Warner of 
the Supreme Bench. These distinguished gentlemen have all been 




GEN. LUCIUS J. GAKTRELL. 



GOVJCUNOU COLQUITTS Ol'I'ONENTS. 557 

sketched in this volume. Hardeman and Lester proved to be the next 
in strength to the Governor. Lester had some strong geographical 
considerations to aid his candidacy, Savannah not having had an Ex- 
ecutive in a long time. Lester's campaign was finely organized and 
managed. It had some intelligent and masterly direction, and w^as 
shaped with method and strategy. His strong counties Avere captured 
early, to give him a boom. The ultimate issue was the field against 
Colquitt, and the strongest man would gather and focalize the oppo- 
sition. Lester refused to canvass, taking high grounds against it. 
But his friends organized consummately. He labored under one disad- 
vantage — one not seen at the surface, yet a substantial difficulty. His 
co-operation at home was not unstinted. He was a new man in that 
old place — a recent acquisition to its aristocratic ranks. A community 
like Savannah is wedded to its antecedents, and its blood. Lester was 
bright and popular, but there were older men and older citizens that the 
people, under their strong ideas of family reverence, would have selected 
as a representative of the city for gubernatorial honors. That the bold 
ambitious young statesman should have shoved aside the older material 
was a disability for him, so far as home backing was concerned. 

Gen. Gartrell had no organization, and inade no systematic campaign. 
He had strong friends in various parts of the State, and a large backing 
by the press. He had been before and since the war an ardent and 
effective political worker. He was prominent very early in his man- 
hood, and as Legislator, Congressman and Confederate Colonel and 
General, he had sustained himself ably. He was the author of the cele- 
brated " Southern Right's Resolutions " of the legislature of 1849; he 
met Cobb, Toombs and the Stephens brothers on the stump in the great 
Union fight of 1850; he canvassed the fourth Congressional District in 
1855 against Know-Nothingisra, for Hiram Warner against Ben Hill; 
he was the Buchanan and Breckenridge elector in 184G, and canvassed 
the State; he went to Congress in 1857 and 1859 from the Fourth Dis- 
trict, by large and growing majorities. His Congressional record was 
very bright; he was on important committees and made some notable 
speeches. He was Regent of the Smithsonian Institute.- His career in 
the Confederate Congress was valuable. He held the high position of 
Chairman of the Judiciary Committee. As a Confederate officer he ranked 
high, and did excellent service. Since the war he has been one of the 
leaders of the Atlanta bar, an able lawyer and an eloquent advocate. 

Judge Warner had been all his life grazing at the Governorship. 
This was his last chance, necessarily, in the course of advancing years. 



558 Gordon's resignation and brown's appointment. 

He soon became convinced that Gov. Colquitt was the strongest man 
in the field, and with that grim frankness that belonged to him, he so 
told one of the other candidates. He left his canvass to take care of 
itself. The trouble with Col. Hardeman was that his friends were Gov. 
Colquitt's friends, mainly. No man in the State had been a more 
zealous and disinterested party-worker. His strong abilities and ready 
eloquence could be counted on at any time in any party stress. He 
had a cheery, stimulating way with the people, and was a valuable and 
willing worker in any cause of a public character. He was always a 
generous antagonist, just, courteous, fair and honorable, scorning any 
underhanded advantage, and dealing none but legitimate blows. Such 
men as this candid and lofty gentleman make politics honorable, and 
elevate public agitations. The truth is that " Tom Hardeman," as he is 
familiarly called, is the type of truth, directness and fidelity, and has 
been a true representative of our best Georgia manhood. And he never 
made a poor or uninteresting speech in his life. Gov. Colquitt, Gen. 
Gartrell and Col. Hardeman all made campaign addresses. 

In May, 1880, occurred an event that enlivened the campaign, some- 
thing like the. effect that the explosion of a powder magazine would 
have in a fortification. There has never been an incident in our politi- 
cal history that created a more sudden and uncontrollable fury of the 
political elements. It shook the State from center to circumference. 
Things were comparatively quiet. The swift storm that ensued was 
blinding and ferocious. It was for a while like a raging cyclone — it 
blew men's wits off their feet, so to speak. Gov. Colquitt thought he 
had been pretty heavily abused before this. He received a gust of 
thundering public vituperation that nearly took his breath away. The 
event that had such an overwhelming effect was, that Gen. John B. Gor- 
don resigned his place as United States Senator from Georgia, to which 
he had been so recently elected, and Gov. Colquitt appointed in the 
vacancy ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown. 

The relations between Gov. Colquitt and ex-Gov. Brown had been 
very friendly. Between Gen. Gordon and Gov. Brown there existed, 
perhaps, a less- cordial .intercourse than among ordinary acquaintances, 
due to an assault of the latter on Gen. Gordon about his course as a 
Senator in the Presidential matter. There was, therefore, a cordial 
good feeling between Colquitt and Brown, and an absence of the same 
between Brown and Gordon, and yet a charge of "bargain " was 
instantly formulated by the opposition, based upon the very opposite 
of these relations, involving acts of kindness and benefit done by 



BAKGAIN CHARGED AGAINST COLQUITT, GORDON AND BROWIS-. 559 

Brown for Gordon to win Brown's support for Colquitt. The State 
rang with the calumny of an understanding between the three, which 
made Gordon give up his seat that Brown might be appointed in his 
place, Gordon to get railroad favors from Brown, including the Presi- 
dency of the State road, and Brown to help Colquitt politically. The 
circumstantiality with which this incredible fiction was urged was 
something wonderful. With a fierce passion but a severe logic, appar- 
ently, sensible men and honest journals argued this monstrous aspersion 
upon three of the purest, ablest, best tried and most trusted public 
men of the State. Intelligent and conscientious men believed it, 
though there never was a piece of popular injustice that had less basis 
of fact. Against life-time honor and integrity, against thrice tested 
character, against illustrious public service, against reason and proba- 
bility, the swift, hot, unreasoning charge of the darkest personal dis- 
honor and official criminality was blazoned against these gentlemen. 

The incident illustrates how rancorous can be political hostility. The 
lives of these men was a standing disproof of such reproach. Gen. 
Gordon had made an illustrious fame as a soldier and Confederate Gen- 
eral. For seven years he had illustrated Georgia most magnificently as 
a United States Senator. His career in the national councils had been 
conspicuously able and influential. His first speech in the United 
States Senate was upon the great financial question of the day. It 
made a profound impression upon the whole country. Senator Morton 
pronounced it the ablest effort made on the subject. The Agricultural 
Convention which assembled in Georgia soon after its delivery unani- 
mously adopted a vote of thanks to Senator Gordon for it. The New- 
York Times, a Republican paper, while criticising the speaker and 
differing with him, used this language: " Gen. Gordon is the ablest man 
from the South in either House of Congress." This 'was very high 
praise from an opposition paper. 

Senator Gordon's next effort, which attracted most attention, was the 
defense of the South in the debate with Morton and Edmunds. The 
approval of our people was universal, while even the Northern press 
passed upon it the highest encomiums. It was the first time anything 
like an elaborate vindication of the South had been made by a Southern 
man. Every effort was made by Morton, Edmunds, Conkling and 
others, to provoke Gen. Gordon into imprudent utterances; but the 
friends of the eloquent Senator and of the South all over the country 
thought that the whole of our case was managed with tact, skill and 
ability by him in that memorable debate. 



560 GENERAL GORDOn's SENATORIAL CAREER. 

Perhaps the next most striking fact in Gen. Gordon's senatorial 
career was his bill and speech intended to secure reform in the civil 
service of the country, and especially in the Revenue Department, the 
central idea of which was the separation of the revenue from party 
politics. Some conception of the impression made upon the whole 
country may be obtained from the commentary of the press. The 
Republican and Independent papers of the North were forced to com- 
mend the views of our distinguished young statesman. The Spring- 
field RejyuhUcan declared of this measure of Gordon that it was " the 
first notable demonstration in the direction of civil service reform from 
high Democratic authority," and warmly endorsed it. The Chicago 
Times said editorially, " There never has been brought to the attention 
of Congress a proposition of civil service reform so practical and 
thorough as that which Mr. Gordon had indicated. It is, in truth, the 
only suggestion of a practical remedy for the all-pervading official 
corruption that has ever been brought to the attention of Congress." 
The Boston Advertiser, New York Herald, New York Tribune, New 
York Post and Chicago Tribune, all of which were among the leading 
papers of the United States, strongly endorsed and commended the 
effort.' The New York World pronounced the speech " impassioned, 
able, eloquent, logical and impartial." There is little doubt that Sena- 
tor Gordon would have succeeded in engrafting some such policy upon 
the administration of our revenue, had he have remained in public life, 
for the country was with him upon it. 

These are some of the great occasions, when Gen. Gordon arose to 
the full stature of a Senator, handling vast themes of public policy, 
originally, eloquently, and with unquestionable statesmanship. He was 
able to impress himself upon the critical thought of a great nation. 
Not only in these large matters, but in every possible phase of private 
and public service, he bore himself with the duty and dignity befitting 
his high trust. He wielded a powerful influence among his colleagues 
and in the Departments, and he won from the masses of the broad 
country the fame due to an acknowledged public leader, whose exalted 
individuality gave an added renown to the great commonwealth he so 
well represented. 

And this was the official who, at the beginning of a second term of 
six years of his most dazzling distinction, laid it down to attend to his 
private affairs, sadly neglected. And this was the official whose almost 
unprecedented renunciation of an august responsibility was charged to 
be the subject of a corrupt personal bargain. In the light of subse- 



THE FACTS OF SENATOR GORDOn's RESIGNATION. 561 

qiient developments, the monstrosity of such a charge is so overwhelm- 
ingly demonstrated as to excite amazement that it ever had an exist- 
ence. Public meetings in Columbus and Pike county denounced Gov. 
Colquitt, Gen. Gordon and ex-Go v. Brown. The cry of " Trade ! " 
rang over the State. The severity of denunciation of these distin- 
guished and honored Georgians was something phenomenal. " Base 
and treacherous conduct," " a stench in the nostrils of honest men," 
" Senatorial deformity," " slimy pits of dishonor and degradation," 
" eternal infamy," and a thousand similar phrases, were showered upon 
them. The issue was made clear, sharp and savage, and it was met 
with a gameful readiness that betokened what resulted, that the people 
had to settle the stirring question. 

The facts were very few and simple. Senator Gordon had long 
wanted to get out of public life, to build up his private fortunes. He 
was offered a valuable chance in Oregon. He tendered his resignation. 
Gov. Colquitt tried to get him to withhold until the session of Congress 
ended, which would be in a few weeks. He had to utilize his busi- 
ness opportunity, and declined to postpone his resignation. Gov. 
Colquitt, upon his own inspiration, sent for Gov. Brown and tendered 
him the place unconditionally. And this was all of the bargain — no 
collusion, no conditions — no trading. The presidency of the State 
Road was not resigned by Gov. Brown and given to Gen. Gordon. 
Gov. Brown knew nothing of Gen. Gordon's resignation until the 
appointment was tendered him. Gen. Gordon knew nothing of Gov. 
Brown's appointment until it was made. Gov. Brown was already a 
supporter of Gov. Colquitt for Governor, and therefore there was no 
inducement to win his championship. Mr. Newcomb, the president of 
the Louisville and Nashville railroad, after Gordon's determination to 
accept the Oregon offer and to resign, offered Gordon a business propo- 
sition that allowed him to stay in Georgia; which he accepted, getting 
released from his other contract. With this Gov. Brown had nothing 
to do. And since then. Gen. Gordon has succeeded in organizing and 
starting the construction of a great line of railway from Atlanta to the 
Mississippi, through the coal fields of Alabama, utilizing the defunct 
Georgia Western railroad, and connecting with the Richmond and 
Atlanta Railway scheme, independent of the State road, or the Louis- 
ville and Nashville road. 

Thus one by one of the siDecifications in the fierce charge of " Bar- 
gain " have been disproved by that unfailing healer of injustice. Time, 

and its inevitable co-worker. Truth. The storm, like all storms, did 
36 



562 gokdon's eloquent speech. 

good. The right was vindicated after much travail. It vpas a deadly 
struggle, but a marvelous victory. The final result was beneficial to the 
State and to the country. Gen. Gordon came home, and in a masterly 
and eloquent speech in Atlanta, thus stated the motives governing Gov. 
Colquitt in this appointment: 

" Let us place ourselves in Gov. Colfjuitt's place, and laying aside all passion, see what 
our cool judgment would dictate. [Laughter and applause.] Let me premise what I 
am about to say by the remark that while, as a matter of sentiment, most of us would 
have preferred some other Georgian, yet there are thousands in and out of the State 
who are beginning to agree with that greatest of living generals, Joseph E. Johnston, 
that Joseph E. Brown was the very best selection that could have been made under all the 
circumstances surrounding our present and the momentous issues involved in our politi- 
cal contests for the future. There are great men and true men now in high places of 
responsibility, who believe that the time had come in the South when the integrity of 
our society, the security of our property, and the supremacy of our political principles 
require that we should so liberalize our policy as to extend the olive branch to all 
men now in accord with our principles, although they had differed from us in the 
transition stage succeeding the war as to the public policy. They saw in Gov. Brown 
the most distinguished representative of that class of citizens in the entire South. They 
saw in him a man of intellect,, of long experience, of distinguished services in the ante- 
bellum history of the State. A man of large property, deeply interested in the material 
progress of the country and in stable government — a life-long Democrat, who, although 
denounced by us for voting for Grant and reconstruction in 1868, was joined by us in 
voting for Greeley and reconstruction in 1872. [Applause.] This is, I say, what other 
men, able and true, saw in this appointment. What did Gov. Colquitt see to guide him 
to a conclusion which his enemies now seek to use to his detriment. If he will permit it, 
I will publish his letter informing me of Gov. Brown's appointment, and of the results 
he expected to be produced upon himself, the party, and the country. lie saw the two 
strongest Democratic districts in tlie State lost to the Democratic party. He saw in a 
third, the same fate seriously threatened. He saw in a fourth, Hammond, able and elo- 
quent, elected after a most laborious struggle. He saw the party upon whose supremacy 
seems to depend all that is valuable to us as a people, apparently on the verge of disso- 
lution. He saw the friends and life-long followers of Gov. Brown among the hardy 
yeomanry of the mountains, dissatisfied and ready to break with the organization ; and 
he felt that he might thus recall them to their allegiance, recapture these Demo- 
cratic strongholds, harmonize former differences, assuage bitterness, and assure the 
future of Democratic supremacy. I wish to repeat here that everybody knows that I 
am not the champion of Gov. Brown, but it is due our manhood that we either cease 
hostility to Gov. Brown, or cease to ask his time and talents and money for the 
benefit of our party. It is due to truth to state that Gov. Brown has been unfaltering 
in his devotion to the Democratic party for ten or twelve years ; that he was the sup- 
porter of Milton Smith, of Alfred Colquitt and of myself in my last race for tlie Senate, 
even against his life-long friend — that upright jurist, and great statesman, Herschell "V. 
Johnson. It would be unworthy in me were I to fail, in this public manner, to testify 
to the earne.st, unswerving, potential aid given in the last campaigns to myself and to 
the standard-bearers of the party in these hotly contested mountain districts. [Applause.] 
In thus speaking at some length upon the purposes of Gov. Colquitt in making this 





-^-/^ E C/^-^fTiTl^K^ 



THE SUGGESTIVENESS OF GOVERNOR BROWN's APPOINTMENT. 563 

appointment, I have doue him notliing but simple justice. If I know myself I speak in 
the cause of truth, of harmonv, of Democratic unity. [Applause.] One thing is cer- 
tain, that while others high in position were apologizing for, or defending Grant, while he 
drove the cold iron into the breast of Louisiana, Gov. Brown was denouncing this act 
of tyranny." [Applause and cries of that's so.] 

For Gov. Brown, the unsolicited tender of this peculiar trust was an 
event of unspealcable import and most dramatic connection. It recalled 
the grim memories of that painful experience of twelve years back, in 
1868, when the people of his State stood solidly against him, and he was 
defeated for this very office, under such pitiless public execration as few 
men ever experience and fewer outlive. It looked then as if he was 
forever buried, politically. He went down in the mad savagery of that 
time, a recipient of as noble a resentment, though unjust, as any people 
ever exercised. He had lived to see the subsidence of passion, and the 
abatement of obloquy. He had steadily cured the misconceptions of 
his course, coming with a wonderful elasticity above the cruel repression 
and odium that struck him dcJwn. And the redemption had at last, 
after many a weary delay, arrived, but was not, even with this appoint- 
ment, complete. This was the act of the Governor. It failed of the 
requisite finish unless rounded off by the popular endorsement. There 
was much speculation as to whether Senator Brown would seek an elec- 
tion at the hands of the legislature, his appointment only running to the 
session of that body in the winter of 1880. 

There is, perhaps, no earthly inducement that could have withheld 
Joseph E. Brown from that test of the public pulse. The opposition 
made the appointment an issue, and the leading issue of the guberna- 
torial campaign. But if this had not been done, he would have fashioned 
it so. Every prompting of his pride and memory, every impulse of his 
nature, every tingling nerve of his combative temperament drove him 
irresistibly to a naked trial of this single question by the majestic in- 
quest of the popular suifrage. His friends led off in suggesting that 
the approval of the Brown appointment be directly canvassed and voted 
upon. 

It was a very strong triumvirate of influences, capabilities and man- 
agement, this union of Colquitt, Gordon and Brown. Each one of them 
was powerful, and had shown himself pretty nearly invincible, each 
achieving victories single-handed that recorded marvels of majorities. 
Each one could point to personal triumphs that were out of the range 
and scope of ordinary political success. The alliance of the three in a 
battle where their coalition was intensified by a reciprocal interest and 



5G4 beow:n^, Gordon and colquitt, 

a common defamation of their conduct, was the junction of the most 
ponderous agencies of our Georgia leadership. And as well equipped 
managers as they each were, each found valuable aid in the others. 
Gov. Colquitt's enemies have decried his abilities and decision. No one 
could look at his firm set mouth, and not read there an uncommon 
reserve of will. It comes to him by inheritance. His life, critically 
dissected, has shown it strikingly. And as for management, his father, 
Walter T. Colquitt, was the very incarnation of the sagacious and 
invincible manager, and transmitted it to his diplomatic son. Under that 
gentle grace and hearty simplicity Gov. Colquitt carries as practical a 
sense, as rare a tact, as broad a scope of plan, as nice a discernment of 
agents, as resolute a persistence, as astute a retention of his own 
secrets, and as true a fidelity to his friends, as any man in the State. 
And to these subtle qualities he adds an effective magnetism in imj)ress- 
ing and swaying masses of men, and an exceptional prudence of ex- 
pression that leaves him no indiscretions to correct. 

Ex-Gov. Brown has been an unequaled conductor of political cam- 
paigns, and brought to this strong junction of force his superlative and 
disciplined capacities. Gen. Gordon has been a lordly campaigner, 
going direct to the popular heart with his chivalrous esprit, bold, direct, 
lofty and gallant. There has always been something in this gentleman 
to make men love, admire and trust him, an unfailing glow of generous 
sentiment, a manly self-respect, and a vigorous, healthy intellectuality. 
His ideas are all liberal and large, his impulses knightly, his nature 
attractive, and his bearing princely. Never a foeman, unless under 
attack, he is always an open-handed, magnanimous opponent. And 
every fiber of his soul is loyal to friendship and the popular good. It 
was a strong trio, and when the struggle came, an irresistible coalition. 

It was no slight benefit in the campaign that the anticipation of 
Senator Brown's service in the few weeks' session of the United States 
Senate was realized, and was an example of instantaneous and poten- 
tial influence. In a body where large-brained and distinguished men 
go through a long probation and apprenticeship of quiet and initiation, 
Gov. Brown took immediate rank as an acknowledged leader. The 
tuition of years in this august parliament he mastered immediately. 
He gained the ear of the body at once, and his voice was heeded. He 
was sworn in on the 26th of May, 1880, and Congress adjourned on the 
16th of June, giving him three weeks' service only. In that short time 
he secured a $10,000 appropriation for the harbor of Brunswick against 
the report of the appropriation committee, and came near increasing 



JOSEPH E. brown's SHORT TERM IN THE U. S. SENATE. 565 

the appropriation to the Savannah river from $65,000 to $100,000. He 
passed a bill to allow the Savannah, Florida, and Western railroad to 
build a bridge over the St. Mary's river, which is now being used. He 
discovered and defeated a provision in the census bill that would have 
lost Georgia a representative in the United States Congress. This pro- 
vision provided that enumerators should report a list of all males over 
twenty-one years disqualified from voting, and such number be deducted 
from the inhabitants of the State in making up its basis of representa- 
tion. On account of the voters in Georgia disqualified for non-pay- 
ment of taxes, this would have lost Georgia twenty or thirty thousand 
votes in estimating our representation in Congress. 

Senator Brown made three speeches in his strong, practical way, that 
attracted general attention, that placed him among the recognized 
leaders of the Senate, and carried to Georgia a substantial basis for 
popular sanction of his appointment. In urging increased appropria- 
tions for our State harbors, he put so clearly our claims to greater lib- 
erality that Senators Thurman, Bayard, Davis, Blaine and Vance com- 
plimented him. Senator Blaine raised quite a laugh by saying " he 
never heard so fine a speech from so young a Senator." It was in the 
speech, however, delivered on the 12th of June, 1880, upon the Mexican 
Pension bill, that Gov. Brown made a profound impression upon the 
country, and instantly stamped himself as a master of debate, an origi- 
nal thinker and a positive actor in the national councils, able to cope 
with any of the practiced powers of that august body, and to place his 
people in sharp advantage upon the delicate questions of the war. An 
amendment was offered to strike Southern soldiers who had participated 
in the last war from the benefits of a pension for service in the Indian 
and Mexican wars. Gov. Brown strenuously opposed this exclusion of 
Southern soldiers. Senators Ingalls, Conkling, Kirkwood and Blaine 
kept a running fire upon him, injecting adroitly into the discussion the 
disunion and war issues. 

: Gov. Brown's speech was a master-piece of diplomacy and argument. 
He took occasion from the interruptions to go into the whole subject of 
Southern sentiment upon war questions, and without an imprudent 
word, he comple4ely turned the tables upon his sharp questioners, and 
struck the " Bloody Shirt " policy, as it was felicitously called, of keep- 
ing up war prejudices, the deadliest blow it has received. His temper 
was perfect, his readiness unfailing, and his retorts irresistible. He 
made every, stroke cut. His acceptance of reconstruction was used hap- 
pily. The galleries were crowded, and the ablest men of the other side. 



5G6 SENATOR brown's SPEECH AGAINST THE BLOODY SHIRT. 

the recognized experts of debate and the keenest wits of the Republi- 
can party were using every effort to trip the new Senator. They came 
at him from every quarter and struck him vigorously. Parrying every 
lunge, cool, poised and prompt, he met every attack successfully, and 
followed his adversary to an undeniable discomfiture. He evaded 
nothing. Senator Ingalls asked him if he did n't think now he was right 
in defending secession. Gov. Brown shot back the affirmative instan- 
taneously, but added that secession was not a living issue, and had been 
settled forever by the war. 

He drew with the nicest discrimination the difference between the 
questions decided by the revolution and our living rights. He thus 
admirably concluded: 

" When we returned to the Union, we did so in good faith. The question of the right 
of secession is settled forever, and with its settlement our faith is pledged to stand by 
and defend the Constitution and the Union. In the field you found the Southern 
armies to be brave men, and brave men are never treacherous. Should our relations 
with foreign powers at any time involve this Government in war, the people of the 
North will have no reason to complain of the promptness, earnestness and gallantry 
with which 'the people of the Southern States will rally around the old flag, and bear it 
triumphantly wherever duty calls. If that emergency were now upon us, the comrades 
in arms of Sherman and Johnston, who once confronted each other with such distin- 
guished heroism, would rally together in the cause of the Union, and vieing with each 
other, would perform such prodigies of valor as the world has seldom witnessed. This 
being the present coudition of the country, the present feeling of the great masses of 
people on each side, let us do justice to each other, restore cordial and fraternal rela- 
tions, and folding up the bloody shirt, let us bury it forever beyond the reach of resur- 
rection; and let us unite in the enactment of such laws as will show to the world that 
we are once more, not in name only, but in reality, a united people, ready to do equal 
and exact justice to all. And let us move forward gradually and gloriously in united 
efforts to restore to every section of the Union substantial, growing, material prosperity ; 
and we will then bring to the whole country peace, happiness and fraternal relations. 
This seems to me to be a consummation devoutly to be wished by the patriotic people 
of all parts of the Union. 

There was a universal acknowledgment that the new Senator had 
fulfilled the great expectation of his value in the National councils, and 
the issue of his appointment had to be met upon that vantage ground. 
But there was one strong complication in this animated contest, that 
exerted a powerful underlying influence. How mafly distinguished 
gentlemen had hard feelings against the Governor for not being selected 
for this distinction, will never be known. Men who had passed beyond 
active life, immemorial friends of the Executive, men on the political 
shelf, and individuals who had no shadow of claim upon him, were dis- 



THE HOSTILE CRUSADE AGAINST GOVERNOR COLQUITT. 5G7 

appointed, and added their hidden dissatisfaction to the gathering 
crusade of hostility in this remarkable contest. There was a focaliza- 
tion of hostile elements for a thunderous storm, and it exploded with 
a stirring effect. 

This crusade against Gov. Colquitt was the aggregation of every 
political disappointment, every soured ambition, every personal griev- 
ance connected with the Democratic party, every partisan pique, every 
irritated sensibility of private malice, every envenomed spite of a public 
nature, every restless dissatisfaction with existing politics, and every 
strong yearning of hope from new combinations of party and personal 
elements. It was homogeneous in the one common purpose to over- 
throw the existing and establish a new dynasty. 



CHAPTER XLIX. 

GOVERNOR COLQUITT RECOMMENDED FOR GOVERNOR 
BY THE MOST EXTRAORDINARY AND EXCITING PO- 
LITICAL CONVENTION OF GEORGIA ANNALS. 

The Convention to select Presidential Delegates. — The Fiery Campaign before the Gu- 
bernatorial Convention. — Colquitt's Atlanta Managers. — Henry W. Grady the Chief. 
— E. P. Hov/ell. — The City Papers. — Hardeman, Gartrell, Lester and Warner. — A 
Tierce Crusade of Calumny against Colquitt.— A Savage Contest. — Gordon and 
Colquitt. — Amusing Conflict of Estimated Strength of the Candidates. — The Two 
Thirds Rule. — The Convention. — Its Personelle. — The Colquitt Caucus. — Gov. 
Brown's Advice. — The Fine Leadership of Patrick Walsh. — Concessions of the 
Majority. — L. N. Trammell Permanent President. — His Brilliant Presiding. — 
Almost Two Thirds for Colquitt. — A Wily and Implacable Minority. — Any body 
but Colquitt. — Seven Long Days of Stirring Session. — Majority Indiscretion. — 
The Two Thirds Rule Adopted. — The Fight over the Rules. — Gag-Law Discussed. — 
Clifford Anderson. — Dr. Henry Carlton's Compromise. — Hot Scene over it. — Ring- 
ing Speech of Patrick Walsh. — " We will Nominate Colquitt."-^Thomas D. Wat- 
son's Burning Speech. — Joe Warren. — All the Compromises Rule out Colquitt. — 
Livingston of Newton. — Gen. Imboden. — Break in the Colquitt Ranks. — W. A. 
Reid Suggests Thomas G. Lawson. — Joe Warren's Ambuscade. — Colquitt's Men 
Stand Solid — A Sparkling Debate. — S. G. McLendon Drops Colquitt.— R. W. Pat- 
terson's Brilliant Speech. — Tiie Majority Rock-firm. — Final Resolutions to Recom- 
mend Colquitt after Three Ballots. — The Minority Ask Time. — A Recess. — The 
Minority Disintegrating. — On the Final Ballot Colquitt Gains, but no Nomination, 
and his Recommendation goes into Effect. — Electoral Candidates Chosen. — State 
House Officers Nominated. — Delegates on Final Adjournment begin Coming to 
Colquitt. — Carlton and Norwood Raise Points of Order, and stop the Change of 
Votes. — Adjournment of Convention. 

The Democratic State convention that met in Atlanta, on the 9th of 
June, 1880, to appoint delegates to the Cincinnati convention, vv^as the 
first State gathering after the resignation of Gordon, and the appoint- 
ment of Brown. A majority of the members were for Colquitt, and 
this fact demonstrated the popular sentiment. Hon. L. N. Trammell 
was made temporary, and Hon. A. O, Bacon permanent Chairman of 
the Convention. There were 350 delegates from 119 counties. The 
delegates selected for the National Convention were : at large. Gen. A. 
R. Lawton, Hon. Geo. T. Barnes, Hon. E. P. Howell and Gen. P. M. 
B. Young ; District, W. A. Wilkins, J. M. Couper, J. R. Alexander, 



Colquitt's Atlanta campaigners. 569 

B. E. Russell, L. M. Felton, D. M. Roberts, T. W. Grimes, P. H. 
Brewster, J. D. Stewart, C. C. Duncan, J. G. Ockington, A. C. Mc- 
Calla, J. C. Fain, A. H. Gray, D. M. Du Bose, P. Walsh, W. P. Price, 
T. M. Peeples. 

Gen. A. R, Lawton was made chairman of the delegation at Cincin- 
nati. Hancock and English were nominated as the Democratic ticket 
for President and Vice-President, creating great enthusiasm in Demo- 
cratic Georgia. The main interest of our people in this State, how- 
ever, clustered around the gubernatorial race, and it intensified to a 
white heat. An organization of Gov. Colquitt's friends was made in 
Atlanta — a very thorough, strong and vigorous body. The leaders in 
it were an incomparable collection of bold managing young spirits, keen- 
witted, indefatigable, resourceful and aggressive. Henry W. Grady, 
as chairman of the campaign committee, is entitled to the leadership, 
though Evan P. Howell, William T. Newman, S. M. In man and W. D. 
Ellis were not far behind him in their contributions. All of these long- 
headed young fellows buckled to the contest with a wonderful energy 
and tact. Howell was perhaps the most experienced of them, but 
Grady's enthusiasm was irresistible, and he finally took the undisputed 
command, and he manifested an executive capacity that was extraor- 
dinary. He threw himself into the struggle with his whole heart. He 
watched every point, kept the whole State in his observation, devised 
means, wrote letters, sent myriads of dispatches, strengthened doubt- 
ful localities, and placed help wherever it was needed. 

The managers of the large dailies, the Atlanta Constitution^ Augusta 
Chronicle and Constitutionalist, Savannah News, and Macon Tele- 
graph and Messenger were personally for Gov. Colquitt, though the 
journals were held neutral until the convention. The Columbus En- 
quirer-Sun, Atlanta Post and Augusta News strenuously opposed him. 
The large majority of the press favored Gov. Colquitt. The Struggle 
for control of the convention was ferociously acrimonious, and settled 
into Colquitt and anti-Colquitt, it soon being discovered that he was 
stronger than the whole field together. Hardeman and Gartrell made 
speeches, fair, unexceptionable and effective, abstaining from any 
personal discourtesy, and discussing Gov. Colquitt's official record legit- 
imately. Lester and Warner did no speaking. The auxiliary speakers 
and press against the Governor, however, kept up a lively fusillade. 
The savage character of the campaign against Gov. Colquitt was out- 
side of the opposing candidates, and was difficult to understand. Some- 
how this gentleman has never been on good terms with the professional 



570 THE COLQUITT MASSES SLOWLY AEOUSED. 

politicians. His strength has been with the quiet, undemonstrative 
masses, who take little active interest in politics, imless aroused by 
some unusual inducement. The country wire workers have always 
antagonized him. The noisy element of the cities has been against him. 
The bar-rooms and their frequenters have fought him. His wonderful 
hold upon the people has excited the envy of the leading public men 
with some exceptions. The inability to use him has made him odious to 
the average partisan. His impregnable morality and identification with 
temperance, virtue and religion, have been a standing rebuke to the 
vicious and immoral. The bitter opposition that was aggregated against 
this godly gentleman, was something marvelous, and the resulting war- 
fare was unparalleled in its fierceness, persistence and malignity. 

Every invention of calumny was evoked against Gov, Colquitt, His 
Democratic fealty was assailed, his ability denied, his personal honesty 
questioned, and his religion travestied. The opposition press teemed 
with charges against him of every kind, affecting his moral and religious 
character. Corruption was asserted against him in both personal and 
official matters. Every act of his administration was attacked and fal- 
sified. And in the noise following the Brown appointment, it looked 
as if the whole State was down upon the Governor. But it was a large 
mistake. The sluggish masses of good men began to take an interest. 
Slowly the reserves came into action, and under the steady advance of 
an awakened people the opposition disclosed its real weakness. Such 
an arousement of the State has not been seen in a century in Georgia. 
Men who had never taken any active part in politics came to the front 
as leaders. Old church deacons who had hitherto pursued a serene 
course of passivity in the turbulent turmoil of political strife, turned out 
zealously in the cause of morality and religion, imperiled in its cherished 
exponent. Usually few men turn out to nominations. The popular 
voting is reserved for elections. That contest for a nomination had all 
the intense interest of an election. The ordinary political managers in 
counties were aghast to see the people taking the authority from their 
hands. Tricks and tickets were set at naught. Town cliques, usually 
omnipotent, were brushed aside like cobwebs, and their manipulations 
punctured like empty bubbles. In Richmond county over 2,000 votes 
were polled. In numbers of counties a thousand men turned out to 
select nominating delegates. Such a .primary expression of the voice of 
the people had never before been given in the political annals of the 
State, And it was almost a continuous thunder tone of endorsement 
for the slandered Colquitt, 



COLQUITT SWEEPS THE STATE. 571 

In the middle of tlie fight a new and frightful aspersion was shot 
upon the air just when a majority of the important counties were to 
act. It was the last and reserved fire of the calumniators. It made 
Colquitt more votes. The people, thoroughly aroused, rolled up in- 
creased majorities for the gameful Colquitt. The speeches made by 
Colquitt and Gordon were stirring and effective pieces of hustings 
oratory. They were invited'to all parts of the State. Immense gather- 
ings met them wherever they were announced. Both are strikingly 
handsome men, both possessed of magnetic personal presence, both 
captivating public speakers, both individuals of exalted Christian piety, 
and both had been successful and brilliant soldiers. The victories in 
some of the counties were extraordinary, and the enthusiasm they 
created was unbounded. In the powerful county of Burke, where 
Lester was born, the toughest struggle of the campaign resulted in a 
solid delegation for Colquitt. The wealthy and influential county of 
Houston, one of Plardeman's strongholds, chose a fervent Colquitt dele- 
gation. Even Merriwether county, the life-long home of the venerable 
Judge Warner, gave a majority of district delegates for Colquitt for a 
county convention to select State delegates. The Warner men 
appointed delegates, and there resulted a contest in the State Conven- 
tion. The victory for Colquitt in Merriwether was not a beneficial one 
in results. It very much displeased Judge Warner, and begat in him 
a stern opposition that he pushed in no half-handed way. It is due to 
truth, however, to say that amid all the vilification of Governor Col- 
quitt, he never spoke a word of abuse against his rivals. He went 
steadily forward in firm reliance upon his own merits, uttering no 
detraction of others. 

It was very amusing to see how widely apart the strength of the can- 
didates was put by the opposing papers. The Constitution of Atlanta, 
whose information had been culled and sifted with vigilant care, and 
that had the benefit of all of Gov. Colquitt's comprehensive and accu- 
rate correspondence, gave Colquitt 224^ votes out of the 350 votes in 
the Convention, or within nine of a two-thirds majority. When 320 
delegates had been chosen, the Constitution gave Colquitt 203^, Harde- 
man 44, Lester 38^, Gartrell 16^, Warner 3, Doubtful 7, anti-Colquitt 
7^. The Atlanta Post- Appeal divided 308 votes as follows: Colquitt 
143^, Lester 72^, Hardeman 42, Gartrell 29, Warner 7, Underwood 2, 
anti-Colquitt 18. The Macon Telegraph and Messenger estimated 318 
votes as follows: Colquitt 189^, Hardeman 54^, Lester 42, Gartrell 16^, 
anti-Colquitt and Doubtful 15^, but gave Colquitt 215 votes for the 



572 THE NOMINATING CONVENTION. 

first ballot. A bare majoi-ity was 176. The Anti-Colquitt papers esti- 
mated Colquitt's vote under a majority. Both sides claimed to be un- 
erringly correct. 

A question that excited much feeling and speculation, was whether 
the convention should adopt the two-thirds rule. The majority rule 
would give the nomination to Colquitt. The old usage of the Democ- 
racy had been the two-thirds rule in National Conventions. This rule 
was adopted in the Democratic Conventions from 1843 to 1857, in the 
Convention that nominated Gov. Brown. In December, 1871, Gov. 
Smith Avas nominated under the majority rule. The Convention of 
1872, that renominated Gov. Smith, adopted the same rule. The 
Convention of 1876 used no rule in the nomination of Gov. Colquitt. 

The Convention met in Atlanta, on Wednesday, the 4th day of Au- 
gust, 1880, at half past two o'clock. The delegates assembled in the 
representative chamber, at eleven o'clock, but it was found that the 
large hall would not hold them, unless the desks were moved out, and 
the hour of meeting was postponed for this purpose. There were 549 
delegates representing every county in the State, and 350 votes. 
There never has been in the history of Georgia, and there never proba- 
bly will be such another Convention. During war days no such fever 
has been aroused. Gov. Colquitt's crushing sweep of county triumphs, 
and magnificent popular majority., had not subdued in the slightest ex- 
tent the determined hostility of the opposition, but rather intensified it 
seemingly. The convocation of inflatamable spirits came together 
primed for an irrepressible explosion, and the out-burst ensued inex- 
orably. V 

Gov, Colquitt's friends met in caucus in the large Concordia Hall, 
Lester's adherents in the breakfast-room of the Kimball House, and 
Hardeman's supporters at the Markham House. Colquitt's caucus was 
like a convention and packed the large hall. It was an unwieldy gath- 
ering, but it somehow settled, by its own inspiration, "into cohesiveness. 
and accord of action. Caucus meetings were held nearly every evening, 
and the policy of the next day discussed and decided. And it was a 
curious demonstration of zeal and interest that these advisory gather- 
ings continued to the last with full attendance. Several of them were 
a species of political " love-feast." The first and main subject of dis- 
cussion was the two-thirds rule. There was a contrariety of opinion. 
Some very strong men, led by Hon. Patrick Walsh, were in favor of the 
majority rule. Gov. Brown advised the adoption of the two-thirds 
rule, and some of the Colquitt men would have no other. This subject 



HON. PATRICK WALSH. 573 

was ably discussed from every stand-point. Gov. Brown believed that 
enough delegates would, after a while, come from the opposition to give 
the two-thirds to Colquitt, if his friends stood firm. But if they did 
not, and it was necessary to go before the State with the Democracy 
split, because the minority refused to carry out the will of the major- 
ity^ and the opposition party vote should ^become a balance of power, 
it would be easier to get that vote than if a regular majority nomina- 
tion was made. One fact had to be confronted squarely, and that was, 
that the leaders of the minority had come to the convention to defeat 
Colquitt at any cost and in any way. His friends were equally resolved 
to carry him through. 

The anti-Colquitt men boldly declared that, if the majority rule was 
adopted, which Colquitt's supporters could do, they would bolt the 
convention, and make a separate nomination. Under this rule 
Colquitt's nomination was a certainty. Under the two-thirds rule 
they hoped to prevent his nomination. Mr. Walsh saw the spirit of 
the opposition, and was for " taking the bull by the horns " and mak- 
ing the issue, leaving the minority to their remedy of acquiescence or 
the responsibility of disintegrating the party by disobedience to its 
action. Mr. Walsh developed in this whole session in caucus, and on 
the floor of the convention, the most salient and potential traits of 
leadership. When his sturdy, strong-set, firm-planted figure rose, his 
coat closely-buttoned, shoulders thrown back, his head poised solidly 
and unmoving on his stout neck, his determined, massive face gazing 
steadily forward, with his short, straight hair rolling back in a leonine 
way from the brow, and his resonant, compassing voice uttering with a 
singularly strong emphasis, his clear-cut, direct sentences, he was a 
striking embodiment of force and earnestness, and he held the eager 
attention of the vast body upon every ringing syllable. There was no 
deviousness in this superb Irishman's strategy. He was as direct as 
the course of a cannon ball. His individuality was the more impressive 
that he has nothing in him of the mercurial and flashing quality sup- 
posed to belong to his high-mettled nationality. His best power was 
his fine, intense repose and freedom from nervousness. Fearless, true, 
able, eloquent, earnest, devoted, immovable by menace or temptation, 
Mr, Walsh made mora repute, stood upon higher ground and was more 
the target for the hostile fire of the opposition than any other member 
of this stormy and unprecedented convention. 

Gov. Brown's view was adopted by a large majority in the caucus. 
Mr. Walsh was made temporary Chairman of the Convention, which 



574 THE PERSONELLE OF THE CONVENTION. 

was opened by Judge Geo. N. Lester, Chairman of the State Demo- 
cratic Executive Committee, in an eloquent little speech, earnestly urg- 
ing party harmony. Mr. Walsh delivered a ringing address. Among 
the delegates who figured during the session were: A. L. Hawes, F. C. 
Furman, F. G. Du Bugnon, T. W. Akin, A. W. Fite, P. M. B. Young, 
Clifford Anderson, S. H. Jem'ison, R. W. Patterson, Samuel Hall, R. F. 
Lyon, J. L. Hardeman, E. R. Harden, E. F. Lawson, R. O. Lovett, J. P. 
Thomas, J. L. Warren, A. P. Adams, T. M. Norwood, H. H. Carlton, T. 
N. Rucker, P. W. Alexander, U. B. Wilkinson, L. H. Featherston, J. 
C. Nisbet, David A. Vason, R. Hobbs, J. R. Towers, Wm. T. Newman, 
W. M. Lowry, Walter R. Brown, G. W. Mabry, M. L. Mershon, W. R. 
Rankin, T. M. Peeples, Henry Perry^ W. J. Northern, Geo. M. Nolan, 
John W. Glenn, J. W. Preston, W. P. Johnson, F. H. West, H. T. 
Hollis, Thos. E. Watson, J. R. Casey, W. R. Gignillatt, G. A. Caba- 
niss, W. Luffman, W. W. Giddens, S, E. Field, F. G. Wilkins, John 
King, J. M. Russell, L. F. Livingstone, James M. Smith, J. C. Nicholls, 
N. J. Tumlin, C. M. Bozeman, Geo. W. Jordan, W. A. Reid, W. M. 
Anderson, T. L. Guerry, R. H. May, J. V. H. Allen, P. L. Cohen, W. 
Daniel, P. Walsh, J. C. Dell, John D. Stewart, E. P. Speer, W. A. 
Hawkins, John A. Cobb, A. A. Carson, J. T. Willis, L. C. Hoyle, S. G. 
McLendon, H. W. Hopkins, F. M. Longley, A. D. Abrahams, F. B, 
Wimberly, C. J. Wellborn, W. H. Pilcher, A. B. Purdom, D. *B. Har- 
rell, J. H. Nichols, F. H. Colley, L. N. Trammell, I. E. Shumate, J. A. 
W. Johnson, W. A. Harris. 

There were contests from Clinch, Chattahoochee, Merriwether, Wash- 
ington and Wilkinson counties. The Colquitt men having a majority, 
had the whole matter in their own hands, but the seated delegates were 
pretty equally divided between the contesting sides. Among the contest- 
ants admitted were W. T. Revill, J. Sweat, J. N. Gilmore and J. K. Hines. 
The Hon. L. N. Trammell was elected, unanimously. President of the 
Convention. There has never been, in the history of public conventions, 
a finer piece of parliamentary presiding than Mr. Trammell's govern- 
ment of this fiery convocation. It must be held in mind that he was a 
warm Colquitt supporter, and he had to steer between the expectation 
of his friends for that decided leaning to his own side, that an expe- 
rienced chairman can so helpfully give, and the proclivity of the oppo- 
sition to suspect his fairness and censure his rulings. It was the highest 
possible tribute to Mr. Trammell, that both sides were satisfied and 
deemed his action fair. Not only this, but in the clash of parliamentary 
strategy and in the turbulence of heated debate, there were repeatedly 




HON. L. N. TRAMMELL, President Demuchatic Convention. 



HON. L. N. TRAMMELL AS CHAIRMAN. 575 

two dangerous contingencies constantly threatening, viz., inextricable 
confusion in the order of business and an ungovernable turmoil. Mr. 
Trammell met both of these perils with a most masterly skill and firm- 
ness. His solution of a parliamentary puzzle was instantaneous and 
decisive. No man with a less available and thorough knowledge of the 
law of deliberative bodies could have been equal to the trying occasion. 
His intuitions were like lightning, and as resolute as the edicts of an 
autocrat. 

Both sides stood in eager, reckless antagonism, and fought for every 
advantage. Both sides were determined and combative, and their 
spirit drove to an explosion, Mr. Trammell held the unruly elements 
with a strong hand, and carried the stormy proceeding for seven long 
days to an orderly conclusion. It was a splendid triumph of presiding 
genius. And it was an extraordinary and unequaled piece of tact, 
intelligence, firmness and leadership. The policy of the Colquitt men, 
looking to win converts, was conciliation. The policy of the opposition, 
looking solely to defeat Colquitt, was collision that would solidify the 
anti-Colquitt men, and they therefore used every means to stir strife 
and sting the majority to feeling and aggressiveness. In the Colquitt 
caucus the line of a determined silence was laid out, but the minority 
leaders were so adroit and annoying, putting the smart so effectively 
that time and again some of the majority, worried and goaded out of 
all discretion, slopped over and went to fighting back in good fashion 
to the unspeakable delight of the minority leaders. 

There never was just such another parliamentary battle. It was a 
large body of unusual intelligence. It was an unbroken majority 
against a solid minority. The leaders on both sides were men of 
splendid wit. The masses of both sides were men of conviction and 
pride. Colquitt's hold on his followers was a marvel of personal influ- 
ence. The other candidates were speedily absorbed in the over- 
whelming and implacable purpose to defeat Colquitt, and the hold of 
the opposition leaders on their coalition of four conflicting squads, 
caring nothing for each other, and only imited in a crusade to defeat a 
common opponent, was a phenomenon of management. The minority 
leaders were afraid of their men, who were disposed to yield an vinavail- 
ing fight, especially when they were placed in the disagreeable position 
of an obstinate and factious minority. And these leaders would stir up 
a hot debate, when an injudicious speaker of the majority, under some 
scorching provocation, would blurt out a reproach that would weld the 
dissolving minority. The greatest danger was in the withdrawal of the 



576 THE TWO-THIBDS KULE ADOPTED. 

minority candidates, under the appeal that they were holding their 
names as instruments to prolong a strife and balk a decided majority. 
The minority leaders overcame this peril by pressing the obligation 
upon these candidates to stand to the friends wHo had fought their 
battle. It was a cruel slaughter of men for an honorable idea. 

All through the thrilling conflict it seemed as if a series of well-meant 
acts of the majority played into the hands of the keen-witted and 
implacable minority leaders. Just when the convention seemed at a 
solution, some unfortunate episode would remit the body back to tur- 
bulence and irreconcilable division. Every effort was made to break 
the unity of the Colquitt phalanx. Man after man of its leaders was 
tempted with the nomination. The minority, it was alleged, was ready 

to support any one the majority would offer, except Colquitt. It 

was a strange and persevering fight on one unalterable line. It was a 
miracle of hostile tenacity. Nor is there any reasonable solution of it 
in the mere opposition to Gov. Colquitt. Men were pushing this 
crusade of enmity to Colquitt, who had none of it, and were merely 
using it as a weapon. This will be referred to later. 

Gen. Young threw the two-thirds rule at the minority with a ringing 
defiance that roused every spark of the war spirit. In the majority 
caucus it had been determined to concede the two-thirds rule for this 
convention, but to urge that the majority rule prevail in future conven- 
tions. Mr. Walsh made an eloquent effort to press the majority rule 
for the future, but strange to say, the unspeakable folly was committed 
of the members of the majority voting in the convention against a 
measure they supported in caucus. This episode did no good to the 
majority, and gave the minority a manifest advantage. One of the 
gentlemen who made a fine impression on this body, was I. E. Shumate, 
of Dalton, Whitfield county. Both in caucus and convention, he was 
very brilliant and impressive. His oratory is musical and stirring, and 
his matter and manner dignified, conservative, and magnetic. He 
evinced a rare quality of leadership. His colleague, Col. J. A. W. 
Johnson, in several meetings of the caucus, made some talks in his own 
inimitable, tingling style, that will stay in the memory of every man 
that heard them. 

The next movement that excited sharp discussion, was the report of 
the Committee on Rules. Judge D. A. Vason was the author of the 
two regulations that no man should be voted for, who was not nomi- 
nated, and no man should be nominated whose permission had not been 
first obtained. This was an innovation upon the ordinary code of gov- 



THE FIEST BALLOT. 577 

eminent of conventions, but it was done to prevent the practice of 
ringing in " dark horses." Judge Harrell, and Mr. Thomas E. Watson, 
a bright young anti-Colquitt man from McDuffie county, opposed these 
rules, declaring them " gag law." . Judge Vason, a clear-headed, solid 
gentleman, defended the rules as necessary to prevent disorganizers 
breaking up the convention. The rules were adopted. An immediate 
attempt to reconsider the matter was made by Mr. Sam Jemison of Ma- 
con, a gentleman of unusually fine speaking power, with a fluent, forci- 
ble diction, and a voice of penetrating quality. He was supported by 
A. P. Adams of Chatham, and Dr. H. H. Carlton of Athens. J. W. 
Preston of Jasper, and B. L. Ross of Houston, opposed reconsideration. 
On motion of E. F. Lawson of Burke, the reconsideration was tabled. 

One of the undoubted leaders of this strong body was Hon. Clifford 
Anderson, who headed the Macon delegation for Col. Thomas Harde- 
man. He made some brilliant speeches, and' showed a consummate 
readiness in debate. He moved that the members of the convention 
pledge themselves to support its nominee. J. W. Warren, W. T. New- 
man, Patrick Walsh and Mr. Jemison supported the motion^ which was 
carried. Mr. Jemison alluded to the " infamous gag," and was promptly 
called to order by the chairman, when he as promptly withdrew the sharp 
phrase. Mr. W. J. Head, of Haralson county, boldly declared that he 
should vote against Colquitt now, and vote against him in October. 
Irrepressible little outbursts of a heated temper, continuously occurring, 
indicated that there was trouble ahead. 

The nominations were made with eloquent taste. John D. Stewart, 
of Spalding, presented the name of Gov. Colquitt ; Mr. Walter R. 
Brown, of Gen. L. J. Gartrell ; Clifford Anderson, of Thomas Harde- 
man ; Thomas M. Norwood, of Rufus E. I^ester, and Mr. J. N. Jervis, 
of Judge Hiram Warner. The first ballot was taken amidst profound 
attention, and the deepest interest. The original alignment of the 
five little representative armies, was the most important movement of 
the battle. The vote stood, Colquitt 208§ ; Lester 58^ ; Hardeman 
54f ; Gartrell 17^ ; and Warner 11. Nine ballots were taken right 
straight along on this the second day of the convention. The 9th bal- 
lot stood Colquitt 209|, Lester 69, Hardeman 50^, Gartrell 14^ and 
Warner 6. Colquitt had crept up a vote, while Lester had gained con- 
siderably. It was a dead-lock, however, the masses of each division 
standing firm, while a few votes skipped around. 

On the third day occurred two exciting episodes that fired the Conven- 
tion to an almost uncontrollable pitch. The minoritv leaders sprang a 
37 



578 THE MEMORABLE SPEECII OF PATRICK AVALSII. 

subtle ambuscade with masterly sharpness. Dr. Henry H. Cai'lton, one 
of the shrewdest of the minority chiefs, proposed that a committee of 
two from each of the five parties be appointed to go out and select a com- 
promise nominee. The inequality of this proposition, giving to Judge 
Warner's eleven supporters the same proportion of committeemen with 
Gov. Colquitt's nearly two-thirds majority of the Convention, and sub- 
mitting the rights and preferences of the majority of the body, to an 
umpire, in which the majority had a two-tenths voice, and the minority 
an eight-tenths control, was something so immeasurably cool and 
unreasonable, that it excited a flurry of indignation. It was felt to 
be an open, glaring declaration of war upon Colquitt, and the an- 
nouncement of an uncompromising policy of resistance to the will of 
the majority, so far as his nomination was concerned. It was a charac- 
teristic act, of the fearless and straight-forward Walsh, to meet this issue 
clearly and frankly. Rising with cool deliberation, and speaking with a 
measured, but intense emphasis, he made the most memorable speech 
of that long and fiery convention. It threw off all qualifications and 
stopped the parleying. With the characteristic directness of the man, 
it put the opposition upon the fullest manly notice, and it laid down 
tlie end in a remarkable spirit of prophecy. Recognizing that the 
minority meant a no-quarter war, it accepted the issue distinctly and 
boldly, in these ringing words. 

" Mr. Chairman : Speaking for the distinguished gentlemen whom I have the honor 
to represent, I will say to the Convention that we have anticipated the resolution intro- 
duced by the gentleman from Clarke, and that we have conferred and have come to a 
decision, and the decision is to carry out the voice of the people of Georgia as expressed 
in nearly two-thirds of the counties of this State [applause] ; and that voice is that 
Alfred H. Colquitt shall be the next Governor of the people of Georgia [cheers]. I say 
the people, in order to preserve the integrity of this party and to conform to its usages, 
have upon this occasion — and this occasion differs from no other State Convention that 
has been held— sent us here to perform a formal duty. They have passed upon it 
themselves, and I say we will not he true to the voice of the people if this Convention 
does not nominate Alfred H. Colquitt ! [continued cheering.] In this great State a 
majority — nearly two thirds— of the people prevail in that opinion, and the friends of 
Gov. Colquitt, in a spirit of harmony, in a spirit of peace, and with a liberality that 
should be admired and appreciated, have deviated from the usages' and customs of our 
party in the past ten years, by adopting the two-thirds rule. But gentlemen say that, 
in former State Conventions there was no reason why the two-thirds rule should have 
been enforced, because there was no opposition. Why, sir, so much the more reason for 
tbe rule being used at all times in the Democratic party. If it is to be so much 
respected there was all tlie more reason why it should have been adhered to in the former 
' State Conventions. T3ut, sir, it was the voice of the men of brains, progress and patri- 
otism that the rule sliould be repealed and the majority rule should prevail ! [cheerS.) 



THE MINORITY OFFER A LARGE BILL OF FARE. 579 

I say we made these concessions in a spirit of harmom'^, in order to maintain the integ- 
rity of the party. But we have come to respect the will of the people, and we do not 
intend to depart from the city of Atlanta until we have nominated Alfred H. Colquitt ! 
[great applause.] We have come here to do that if it takes us until Christmas to do 
it. [Renewed cheering."] 

The excitement that followed was indescribable. The motion was 
tabled and a ballot taken. Mr. Watson then arose and offered the fol- 
lowing list of gentlemen, and moved that " six delegates be appointed 
from each faction in the Convention, Colquitt and anti-Colquitt," to 
select a candidate other than those before the body, stating that he did 
this to answer Mr. Walsh: Gen. A. R. Lawton, Gen. Henry R. Jackson, 
Hon. Thomas M. Norwood, Hon. Joseph B. Cumming, Hon. J. C. C. 
Black, ex-Gov. James M. Smith, Hon. M. H, Blanford, Hon. P. W. 
Alexander, Hon. Martin J. Crawford, Hon. A. O. Bacon, Hon. Clifford 
Anderson, Hon. H. G. Turner, Hon. James Jackson, Hon. Augustus 
Reese, Hon. George Hillyer, Hon. George T. Barnes, Hon. Henry D. 
McDaniel, Hon. W. H. Dabney, Hon. A. T. Mclntyre, Hon. W. M. 
Hammond, Hon. Milton A. Candler, Hon. David E. Butler, Hon. John 
I. Hall, Hon. Robert P. Trippe, Hon. Joel A. Billups, Hon. J. H. Blount, 
Hon. Thomas M. Lawson, Hon. H. V. M. Miller, Hon. N. J. Hammond 
Hon. Alexander H. Stephens. 

Mr. Watson followed with a bright and most fiery little speech, that 
swept the minority into a perfect whirlwind of delirium. His sentences 
came out with a condensed intensity of passion. Among other things, 
he said: 

" Sir, I am tired of hearing the cry of generosity, when I see no generosity [applause] ; 
1 am tired of this cry of harmony, when I see no harmony [applause]. I have not come 
here to be fattened on chaff, nor filled with taffy. You might as well attempt to gain 
flesh on corn-cob soup in January [laughter]. 

" Mr. Chairman, I have said, and I say now, that I am here with no bitterness of 
partisan rancor. I have fought this much-named gentleman, A. H. Colquitt. I have 
fought him honestly. I have advocated Rufus Lester. I have advocated him honestly. 
But high and serene above them both, above my opposition to Colquitt, above my sup- 
port of Lester, rises my love, my devotion to my State, like the tranquil star that burns 
and gleams beyond the reach of the drifting clouds [cheers]. * * * 

" Sir, the gentleman's position means that we must take Colquitt or the party shall be 
disrupted. Sir, if it must come, let it come [cheers]. "We love the party, honor it, are 
devoted to it, but we will not yield when the. gentleman's speech has made it a loss of 
self-respect to surrender. 

" If they will split this Convention, we will be here to the end [applause] ; if they 
will sink the ship, we will remain in her sliadow to the last [applause]. We would 



580 REPEATED ATTEMPTS TO CROWD OUT COLQUITT. 

deprecate it. We would deplore it. But if she can only be saved on terms as unmanly 
as these, then — 

" ' Nail to the mast her holy flag, 

Set every threadbare sail. 
And give her to the god of storms, 
The lightning and the gale.' " 
[Great applause.] 

The effect upon the combative and heated minority was electrical. 
From all parts of the hall they crowded up to him to shake his hand and 
congratulate him. Mr. T. W. Akin followed with a spirited appeal. 
Upon motion of Mr. Walsh, the resolution was laid on the table, and Mr. 
.Joseph stirred a shout of laughter with this motion: " I move the mole- 
hill now come to the mountain." 

Among the ablest heads of the minority was Mr. Josiah L. Warren, a 
fine speaker, a rare talker, an affluent humorist, an unsurpassed political 
manager and an unsparing opponent of Colquitt. He rose and with 
a soft diplomacy said it had been the purpose of the minority to present 
the olive branch of peace, and they stood ready to unite in friendship 
on some standard bearer " other than the one you have^ Mr. Ross of 
Houston " offered Hon. Alfred H. Colquitt as the man on whom to 
unite." Mr. Livingston of Newton replied, urging the friendly spirit of 
the Colquitt men, alluding to yielding the two-thirds rule and dividing 
the contested delegates. He added: 

" I desire to say that the Colquitt men are not for disruption, and do not intend to 
produce it. I desire to say that if you are tired of your friends, and if you are so 
patriotic as to desire a compromise, present it to us and we will see what we will do 
with it. [Applause.] We have no intention of dropping Colquitt now. [Cheers.] We 
would be untrue to the people and ourselves to do so! [Cheers.] We have no feeling 
in this matter outside of our duty. [Applause.] 

The balloting went on to the 19th with little change: Colquitt 
311§§, Lester 58}^, Hardeman 51, Gartrell 15|^ and Warner 13. Gen. 
Tmboden offered a resolution for four of the minority to meet five of 
the majority and select a candidate whose name was not before the 
convention. He made a strong speech for his motion. Mr. Livingston 
asked if the opposition had centered on a man. Col. Tmboden said 
they could not present a man without his consent, but for the majority 
to name him and the minority would come to him. Col. Geo. M. Nolan 
of Henry county, Avho made some admirable speeches in caucus and 
convention, said this was the same voice in another dress — it was the 
hand of Esau, but the voice of Jacob. The majority had time and 
again presented the name of a spotless character. Mr. Duncan moved 



A COLQUITT DELEGATE BREAKS: THE CONVENTION WILD. 581 

to amend by leaving out the words excluding the present candidates, 
but Col. Imboden withdrew his resolution. 

On Saturday the 4th day this racy convention had a new and tingling 
experience. The Colquitt men were pretty solid, but not wholly so. 
They had sturdily refused to yield Colquitt, and nothing had been able 
to move them. When therefore Judge W. A. Reid of Putnam, a 
Colquitt delegate, arose and urged Judge Thos. G. Lawson for nomi- 
nation, the fury it created was maddening. Mr. Shumate replied in a 
superb response of exquisite felicity and eloquence for Gov. Colquitt, 
urging his support by two-thirds of the people as an evidence that he 
could rally the party around the standard of unity, arid intimating that 
Chatham county could, by a patriotic course, now secure Lester in the 
future. Mr, Norwood charged that the Colquitt men were putting 
Colquitt above the party. Col, Willis Hawkins arose on his crutches 
and in his inimitable and electric way replied that they were there to 
enter up judgment for the people who had rendered their verdict. Mr. 
Murphy retorted that his side would file a bill of exceptions. Mr. J. W. 
Preston declared that he would vote against Gov. Colquitt, if any man 
would prove a single act of wrong against him. It was, however, when 
Mr. Preston alluded to Clifford Anderson having, after fruitless balloting 
in the Congressional convention in the Sixth District, secured J. H. 
Blount's nomination for Congress and broke just such a dead-lock as this 
by an eloquent appeal for harmony, that the most prolonged and 
craziest excitement of the convention occurred. Delegates rose to 
their feet waving hats and handkerchiefs, and peal upon peal of deaf- 
ening cheers thundered through the house. The point was the stronger 
because Mr. Preston himself was defeated by Mr. Blount, for the 
congressional nomination, through this very appeal of Col, Anderson, 
Col. Anderson arose cool, serene and poised, and met the palpable hit 
with consummate force and adroitness; utterly unconfused and undis- 
concerted he drew an elaborate discrimination between Col. Blount and 
Gov. Colquitt, arguing that the former was the only man that could 
unify his District, but Gov. Colquitt could not unite the Democracy of 
the State. Gen. Young put in a question that brought down the house, 
as to whether, when it was found that Hancock had a majority of the 
National Convention, did not every one flock to him. 

The truth is that this debate was sparkling and fervent beyond 
measure, full of hits and oratory, a magnificent and sustained combat 
of eloquence and ready intellectuality. At the proper moment Mr. 
Warren, thinking the fever right, arose, and hoping and planning to 



582 THE COLQUITT PHALAXX UNBREAKABLE. 

carry the convention in one of those mad tornadoes of impulse that 
sometimes seize bodies of men, wearied with strife and unavailing bal- 
lots and ready to drop anybody and go for anybody almost, he moved 
that Thos. G. Lawson be nominated by acclamation. The maneuver fell 
dead. The minority went for it with a wild rush, but the solid Colquitt 
army, compact and immovable, untouched by the frenzy and tempta- 
tion, grimly frowned down the ambuscade. Alarmed that the move- 
ment might release the minority delegates from their candidates, the 
quick-witted Warren, discerning the failure of his plan, and the threaten- 
ing peril, promptly withdrew the nomination and told the minority to 
rally to their leaders. The twenty-fifth ballot was finally taken, and 
the convention adjourned until Monday. 

It must not be overlooked in measuring this remarkable convention, 
that the delegates were getting no pay and were on heavy expense, 
and many of them men of moderate means who had come only prepared 
to stay a day or so. It will show the fire that had become kindled that 
the convention held together. Men raised money to see the battle 
through, and the body re-assembled Monday, the 5th day, in full force. 

It was a settled conclusion, that a number of the leaders of the mi- 
nority meant to default Colquitt at all hazards. Whether they could 
hold their followers was the practical question. Col. Norwood was 
approached Saturday by a Colquitt delegate, and was reported to have 
said there could be no compromise, and Colquitt must be defeated. 
Gov. Colquitt made a speech to the caucus Saturday night, that was a 
miracle of effect. He would gladly withdraw from the contest and the 
responsibilities of office, but he never retired under fire, and the fight 
upon him simply forced him to keep the field. The delegates in strong 
enthusiasm, pledged him continued support. Telegrams poured in from 
various parts of the State to stand firm. 

The convention re-assembled Monday morning. Judge Reid withdrew 
Judge Lawson's name. The twenty-sixth ballot was taken with no 
change. Another episode occurred of a break in the Colquitt ranks, 
but it was powerless to change the alignment. Mr. S. G. McLendon, 
of Thomas county, a very effective young speaker, said that he had stood 
to Colquitt as long as there was a chance of his nomination, that a nom- 
ination was impossible with the names before the convention, and that 
he could not follow Colquitt to the peril of the party. Mr. McLendon 
was followed by a gifted young delegate from Bibb county, Mr. R. W. 
Patterson, who made one of the most brilliant and impassioned speeches 
of the convention — a speech that at once fixed his fame as an orator. 



THE RESOLUTION RECOMMENDING COLQUITT. 583 

He plead for party harmony. The twenty-ninth ballot was taken, and 
the Convention adjourned. 

On Tuesday morning matters came to a focus. In the Colquitt 
caucus Monday night, it was resolved to allow a fair chance for an har- 
monious conclusion of the strife, and if that could not be had, to pass a 
resolution recommending Colquitt as the Democratic candidate for Gov- 
ernor. Judge Harrell offered a resolution requesting the five candi- 
dates to withdraw, but it was voted down. Mr. Walsh then offered the 
following resolution, that has become historic: 

" Resolved, That the Democratic party of Georgia, in Convention assembled, hereby 
renews the expression of its devotion to the great principles of the Democratic party of 
the nation, and pledges the united and enthusiastic support of the Democracy of Georgia 
to Gen. Wiufield Scott Hancock and the Hon. Wm. H. English, the nominees of the 
Cincinnati Convention. 

" 2. Whereas, After a long and tedious session of this Convention, and continuous 
balloting, it appears that no nomination of a candidate for Governor can be made un- 
der the two-thirds rule ; therefore, be it resolved, That this Convention recommend to 
the people of Georgia, Gov. Alfred H. Colquitt as the Democratic candidate for the 
office of Governor at the ensuing election, provided that this resolution shall not go into 
effect until three ballots shall have been had under the two-thirds rule, and it is demon- 
strated that no nomination can be effected thereby. 

" 3. Resolved, That a committee of nine, consisting of one from each Congressional 
District, be appointed by the Chair to notify Gov. Colquitt of the action of this Conven- 
tion and request his acceptance." 

The reading of the resolution created a profound sensation. Mr. 
Walsh said, in his resonant accents, that the argument was exhausted, 
and he moved the suspension of the rules and called the previous ques- 
tion. The excitement was intense. The minority resisted bitterly. 
The fiery young Watson said gamely, " We were tied to the names 
before us, hemmed up, penned up, starved out. I said that these gyves 
being upon me, T could never go to Colquitt, and I never will." The 
rules were suspended. The first resolution about Hancock and English 
was unanimously adopted. Dr. Carlton offered a resolution that was 
read by courtesy, "That this convention nominate Alexander H. 
Stephens by acclamation." Dr. Carlton tried to speak. Cries of 
" order." Mr. Brown, of Fulton, began to say something of " why sen- 
tence of death should not be passed upon the Democratic party." Cries 
of "order" and "go on." It was a confused time, but the Chairman, 
Mr. Trammell, held the Convention to its business with a steady hand. 
It was evident that the crisis had come. The majority had the power, 
and were firm. Judge Willis of Talbot, asked Mr. Walsh to withdraw 



584 A STIEBING TIME. 

the resolution long enough to allow the minority time to consult. An 
adjournment was made until 3 o'clock for this purpose. 

The minority met in caucus first at the Kimball, and then at the 
Markham House, It was apparent at once that the solidity of the 
minority was broken. Strong men refused to go farther in the fight 
upon Colquitt, and in the disintegration of the Democracy, notably 
Col, Clifford Anderson, Judge J, T, Willis, and R, W. Patterson. But 
the greater part of the minority stood immovable and unrelenting. The 
convention met in the afternoon, under very intense feeling, the ma- 
jority quiet but expectant of success, and the minority depressed and 
divided, but with its opposition element stubborn and watchful. The 
resolutions of Mr. Walsh were adopted. The 30th ballot was taken, 
and was unchanged, save that the minority concentrated on Col. Harde- 
man, and for the first time the contest was narrowed to two men. The 
31st ballot showed a concentration of the minority on Lester, but with 
a grim adherence of each side to its man. 

Mr. Reid of Putnam, offered a resolution^ for a Conference Committee' 
of three from the majority, and two from the minority, to consult and 
report. Gen. Young favored the resolution. The rules were not sus- 
pended, so the resolution failed. Col, P. W. Alexander of Cobb, of- 
fered a resolution that it was the svipre'me duty of the convention not to 
adjourn until it nominated. A fiery discussion ensued. There is little 
doubt that some of the minority leaders drove the discussion, to heat 
the body and solidify the minority. It was a debate full of fire and 
taunts. There is no doubt, either that some of the utterances of the 
majority speakers, thus provoked, stopped the change to Colquitt. Dr. 
Carlton and Col, Alexander made speeches, and were replied to by Col, 
Preston and Col, Livingston, When Col, Preston said the minority 
was determined not to nominate Colquitt, the response "no! no! 
never! " pealed from that side. Col, Livingston declared that it had 
been the policy of the minority " to stuff into our face everybody's 
name, but that of Alfred H, Colquitt," and that " persistency on that 
line was an insult to the Colquitt delegates," Prolonged applause, 
hisses and great confusion followed this statement. He thus con- 
cluded: 

"It cannot mean that they are in earnest ; it cannot mean that they hope to accom- 
plish anything by it, because I give these gentlemen credit for good common sense. If 
you do not hope to gain anything by it, why persist in it ? If you do not intend to 
insist and stir up the baser »feelings of our nature, and get up turmoil and strife in the 
convention, why insist ? It has been manifested by Colquitt's friends that they intend 
to nominate him under the two thirds rule if they can ; or if not to elect him by the 



COLQUITT RECOMMENDED. 585 

people, and you might as well receive it now. [Applause, long continued.] And they 
intend to put him in office next November. [Renewed applause.] " 

The heated sparring continued until Col. Anderson asked a recess of 
half an hour. The convention re-assembled, and the 32nd ballot pro- 
ceeded. Col. Clifford Anderson cast 2| votes for Colquitt as " an offer- 
ing of peace." The applause was prolonged over this noble act of moral 
firmness. Judge R. F. Lyon, of the Macon delegation, with fierce 
emphasis, stated that he cast 1^- vote for Thomas Hardeman, in the 
hope that it will " unite the Democratic party in solido." Applause and 
hisses greeted this. Judge Willis, in an eloquent speech, cast 3 of the 
Talbot county votes for Colquitt, saying that they were now testing the 
question whether they should dissolve the organized party, or cling to 
their preferences. Applause and hisses accompanied this manly utter- 
ance. The last ballot went on in blinding excitement, and the result was 
announced ; Colquitt, 220^-g, Lester, 58|, Hardeman, 46/;^, Gartrell, 
15|-, Warner, 8^. Gov. Colquitt still lacked 14 votes of a two-thirds 
nomination, but stood the recommended candidate of the party for 
Governor. 

The convention then elected candidates for Hancock and Tilden elec- 
tors. Hon. J. C. C. Black and R. E. Kennan were chosen at large, and 
A. P. Adams and L. J. Glenn, alternates. The District electors were 
S. D. Braswell, W. M. Hammond, C. C. Smith, L. R. Ray, John I. Hall, 
R. B. Nisbet, T. W. Akin, Seaborn Reese, and W. E. Simmons. The 
next day N. C. Barnett was nominated by acclamation for Secretary of 
State, and W. A. Wright for Comptroller General. A spirited contest 
occurred for the nomination for Attorney General, between R. N. Ely, 
J. W. H. Underwood and J. T. Glenn. Maj. Ely had a heavy majority, 
and Mr. Jemison offered a resolution in sport, that he be declared nomi- 
nated, and that his resolution was offered to carry out the letter and 
spirit of the two-thirds rule. A shout of laughter greeted this rally. 
Col. J. S. Boynton's name was put in and withdrawn. Col. Clifford 
Anderson's name was announced, and he received the nomination. 
Maj. D. N. Speer received the nomination for Treasurer. 

In the afternoon, W. A. Harris moved to adjourn si?ie die. Judge 
Willis, in voting against it, appealed to the minority to come to Colquitt, 
and make a nomination. Before the vote on adjournment was an- 
nounced, Mr. Dendy, of Harris county, said he did not wish the conven- 
tion to adjourn Avithout a nomination, and he changed four votes to Col- 
quitt from Hardeman, bringing Gov. Colquitt within 9 votes of a two- 
thirds majority. The enthusiasm over this was immense, and the cheering 



586 THE CONVENTION ADJOURNS. 

prolonged, and there is no doubt that the changes would have con- 
tinued, and secured the nomination. But both Dr. Carlton and Col. 
Norwood objected to any changes of votes for the nomination, on a 
motion to adjourn. The convention adjourned with matters in this 
condition, and Gov. Colquitt was before the people as the selected 
choice of the Georgia Democracy for Governor, through the action of 
the most extraordinary convention of Georgia political annals. 

The conduct of the convention was in the highest degree revolu- 
tionary, and it resulted in a schism in the Democratic party that the 
people alone could settle, and which they did settle with an overwhelm- 
ing emphasis. 



CHAPTER L. 
GOVERNOR COLQUITT'S OVERWHELMING RE-ELECTION. 

The memorable Colquitt Election Campaign of 1880. — The Minority Organize a Eevolt 
from the Action of tlie Convention. — J. C. Dell and Mr. Wade. — The Invitation to 
Dr. Felton to Run. — Hon. Thomas M. Norwood put out as the Minority Candi- 
date for Governor. — Gov. Colquitt Accepts. — Judge Hiram Warner Resigns from 
the Supreme Bench and Speaks Against Gov. Colquitt. — The State Press for Col- 
quitt. — The Discussion between Colquitt and Norwood — A Dis<:^raceful Scene at 
Macon. — Attempt to Silence Colquitt, by a Violent Mob. — The Benefit to Col- 
quitt. — The Leaders of the State Against Colquitt. — The Masses of the People for 
Him. — A Sharp Tilt between Gen. Gordon and Gov. Smith. — The Inspiration of 
the Opposition to Colquitt. — The Republican Convention makes no Nomination. — 
A Desperate Campaign of Calumny Against Colquitt. — Ben. C. Yancey's Charge 
and its Withdrawal. — Gen. Henry R. Jackson's Superb Speech. — The very Safety of 
Society and the Preservation of Character at Stake. — The Convict Catechism. — 
The Appointment of Gov. Brown as United States Senator, a Leading Issue. — 
The Race between Gov. Brown and Gen. Lawton. — Gov. Brown's Work. — The 
Colquitt Workers. — Gov. Colquitt's Election. — The State House officers and their 
Aids. — The Canvass for United States Senator. — Gov. Brown's Election. 

The adjournment of the stormy convention of August, 1880, was 
the beginning of the second and still more heated phase of the memo- 
rable Colquitt gubernatorial campaign. The members of the minority 
were asked to remain in the hall. Mr. Norwood was made' chairman. 
A committee of nine was appointed to prepare an address to the people 
and business for the meeting. The committee was H. H. Carlton, R. F. 
Lyon, F. G. Wilkins, J. L. Warren, T. M. Iraboden, J. W. Staton, D. 
B. Harrell, W. R. Brown, P. W. Alexander and H. T. Hollis. At 
night a resolution was reported that the recommendation of Gov. Col- 
quitt was not binding, and the minority should have a candidate for 
Governor. There could not be a finer exhibition of moral courage than 
the action of Mr. J. C. Dell and JJ. P. Wade, of Screven county, minor- 
ity delegates, in opposing this resolution, in fearless dissent from the 
sentiment of the meeting, which expressed itself in hisses, though both, 
were cheered. Their remarks were thus reported: 

"Mr. Dell continued, and declared that the resolutions would inaugurate a new party 
in Georgia. The question is, shall we submit to the inevitable, or shall we begin reve- 
lation in the party. I speak for myself and for Jiiue-tenths of my people that we shall 



588 HON. T. M. NORWOOD, THE MINORITY CANDIDATE. 

abide by the action of the majority of this Convention. It has declared that Governor 
Colquitt is the choice of the people, and I believe the people will endorse that verdict. 
[Cheers.] It is the duty of patriotism to adjourn now and go home without stirring 
up mischief in the party. [Cheers and hisses ] 

Mr. Wade, of Screven, said he had battled with the minority and had followed it 
everywhere. But the question now is, if we are not putting weapons into the hands of 
these men? I shall tell my people that it is best to submit to the inevitable. Gov. Col- 
quitt will be elected in spite of us. [Great cheers and hisses.] I cannot approve these 
resolutions and I will clearly speak my sentiments. No men or set of men shall ever 
deter me from doing what I deem my duty. [Cheers and hisses.]" 

A. P. Adams, S. H. Jemison, H. Van Epps and S. W. Small made 
applauded speeches full of fire and opposition to Colquitt. For 
several days the air was full of rumors as to who would be presented by 
the minority. It was a heavy blow to the minority when it came out 
that on the 10th of August, before the convention adjourned, H. H. 
Carlton, J. L. Warren and Wm. -Garrard had telegraphed to Dr. Wm. 
H. Felton, the acknowledged leader of the Independents in the State, 
asking him if he would make the race against Gov. Colquitt, assured 
of strong support, a request that Dr. Felton declined, as his friends 
wished him to continue the race for Congress. It was with a grim and 
exultant glee that Dr. Felton gave this significant correspondence to 
the public, and it so handicapped the minority that the gentlemen, who 
did the mischief, endeavored to break the force of the injury by as- 
suming it as a personal act of their own. 

It was rumored that Mr. Stephens, Col. Candler, Gen. Wofford and 
others would make the race. The problem was solved when Col. 
Thomas M. Norwood was declared the candidate of the minority. The 
committee of the minority, with G. M. McDowell as an additional 
member, issued an address explaining their course, and published the 
correspondence with Mr. Norwood. A large Executive Committee 
was appointed, with Col. P. W. Alexander, chairman, and a campaign 
central committee, with Col. M. A. Candler as chairman, and C. H. 
Williams as secretary. There is no doubt of the efficient labors of 
these committees. They conducted a campaign of remarkable vigilance 
and vigor. Mr. Williams, the secretary, was at his jDost to the last, 
and kept the struggle lively. Mr. Norwood's letter of acceptance bore 
date the 13th of August, 1880. 

On the 12th of August the committee appointed by the convention, 
Philip L. Cohen, R. Ridgeley, R. Jones, W. A. Hawkins, F. M. Long- 
ley, Geo. M. Nolan and Samuel Hall notified Gov. Colquitt of the ac- 
tion of the convention, and requested that he bear the standard of the 



JUDGE HIEAM WARNER ENTERS THE CONTEST, 589 

party. Gov. Colquitt replied in a singularly strong and dignified let- 
ter. He thus epitomized his administration: 

" It has been gratifying to s6e a steady improvement in individual welfare and in 
every phase of the public condition, and I am not insensible to the compliment con- 
veyed in your letter that you accord to me credit for these results to the full extent that 
an executive may properly claim in our scheme of public polity. Among the valuable 
)'esults wrought in these j'ears are, an elevated state credit, a diminished public debt, a 
decreased rate of taxation, enlarged sources of income, exaltation of the state's dignity 
abroad, and an abatement of sectional strife through Georgia's influence. To these 
may be added liindlier relations between the white and colored races, due to a liberal 
spirit in the encouragement of popular education and equal justice in the protection of 
all races in every right of citizenshiiJ to the fullest extent of executive authority." 

The issue was thus made up, and the most intense and desperate 
political contest of Georgia history began. T. N. Rucker, a minority 
delegate from Clarke, had said when the convention adjourned, " it will 
be the bitterest campaign ever known in Georgia," and he predicted 
correctly. Mr. Norwood wrote to Gov. Colquitt, proposing a mutual 
retirement. Gov. Colquitt declined to retire under the heavy arraign- 
ment made by the minority against him, and contrasted his own candi- 
dacy as the choice of nearly two-thirds of the party with that of Mr. 
Norwood, as the nominee of a committee of nine. Both sides came 
down to work. It would require a volume to record the notable inci- 
dents of this unparalleled campaign. The contest preceding the con- 
vention had been a hot one. It was child's play compared to the 
struggle leading up to the election. It was a species of black flag fight. 
Judge Hiram Warner resigned his place as Chief Justice on the 16th 
of August, " for reasons of a private nature exclusively." In a speech 
in Greenville, during the campaign, he gave the following reason for his 
resignation, in connection with a decision of the Supreme Court on a 
suit of the State against the securities of H. A. Alston: 

" The Governor thought proper to take an appeal before the people from the Supreme 
Court of the State, of which I was at the time Chief Justice. I had no intention at 
that time of resigning. I was able and willing to perform the duties of the office as I 
had been for the ten years, so far as I knew ; but when I saw one department of the 
government arraigning another department of the government before the country in 
a manner calculated to weaken public confidence in its Judiciary, I felt that I could no 
longer, with honor to myself and credit to the people, hold that position. * * * * 

" Therefore I tendered my resignation so as to give the Governor an opportunity to 
appoint a personal judge who might be willing to decide upon his official acts in accord- 
ance with his own personal wishes, and thereby save him the trouble of appealing to 
the people to review the judgment of the Supreme Court." 

There was no more remarkable incident of this unprecedented cam- 



590 THE ISSUE MADE UP. 

paign than this slip of the venerable Chief Justice. It showed the 
rancor of politics; it showed the excess to which an honest man can 
go under a virulent anger; and it demonstrated the severity of this 
canvass. The people thought too highly of Judge Warner to believe 
him earnest in a reason for resigning that was neither just to him or 
Gov, Colquitt. 

Mr. Norwood spoke in Atlanta, and Gov. Colquitt replied to him in 
a letter. This speech and letter formulated the issues of the canvass, 
and were both able and exhaustive. Mr. Norwood tripped up upon 
some of his facts and figures, and thus put himself at some disadvan- 
tage. But his speech was bold, earnest and aggressive. Gov. Col- 
quitt's letter was the strongest document of the campaign, and it will 
pass into history as a model of political disputation. It was felicitous, 
dignified, concentrated and unanswerable. It was trenchant without 
discourtesy, and handled his antagonist unsparingly in a decorous man- 
ner. It covered every point of attack against him, and rested impreg- 
nably upon official facts and figures. Mr. Grady, the chairman of the 
campaign committee, sent it into every county in the State for the 
quiet perusal of every voter, and its clear statements supported by the 
records, carried an irresistible weight. 

The large majority of the State papers took ground for Gov. Col- 
quitt, led by the four powerful dailies, the Atlanta Constitution, Au- 
gusta Chronicle and Constitutionalist, Savannah News, and Macon 
Telegraph and Messenger. The strongest opposition to Gov. Colquitt 
was in the cities and towns, and all of these papers had a noisy and 
vigorous sentiment to antagonize. In Savannah and Macon it was 
especially bitter. Col. Estill of the News, was menaced in Savannah, 
with the loss of patrons and business. This was the home of Col. 
Norwood, and the campaign on that side ran into proscription. Col. 
Estill, with cool nerve, pursued his course, regardless of the pressure, 
while Col. Thompson wrote some of the best leaders of the campaign. 
The four Titans of the press wielded a prodigious influence. Tlio 
Columbus Tiines later came out for Colquitt, and put in some telling 
blows. The Columbus Enqxdrer- Sun, Atlanta Post-Appeal, Savannah 
Hecorder and Augusta News kept the liveliest sort of a fusillade 
on the Norwood side, and well exemplified the power of an earnest 
press. 

A discussion was arranged between Gov. Colquitt and Col. Norwood 
and covered seven appointments, beginning at Augusta and ending 
with Columbus, and including the intermediate points of Madison, Co- 



COL. NORWOOD AS THE MINORITY LEADER, 591 

vington, Griffin, Macon, Butler, Talbotton and Columbus. It was an 
amusing peculiarity of the canvass that both sides claimed the complete 
triumph of their respective champions, and the utter demolition of 
their opponents. The matter depended very much upon whose side 
happened to have the majority present. Whoever had the numbers 
made the largest racket. Perhaps the fairest statement came from 
the Augusta Chro7iicle. It thus measured the speakers: 

" Candor compels us to say that Hon. T. M. Norwood is no stump speaker. His two 
speeches in the Senate led our people to believe that he was a gentleman of oratorical 
power. He has no magnetism whatever, and as a public speaker he is not above the 
grade of mediocrity. Our whilom Senator is no match for Gov. Colquitt on the 
stump." 

The selection of Col. Norwood was not a fortunate one in many 
respects. An elaborate and logical pleader, and possessing an affluent 
but not a ready or contagious intellectuality, he lacked fire and the 
magnetic element. A plain man in appearance, he was cold and un- 
electrical. He was not the leader for the masses. His antecedents too 
Avere against him. He had not participated in the war; he had taken 
the unpopular side as a. receiver of back-pay in the Senate; he had been 
agent for some of our contested Bullock bonds; he had used some very 
hard things in his speeches about the negroes, whose votes were needed 
to elect him. All of these matters were used effectively against him. 
In Macon and Columbus the majority of the people assembled to hear 
the discussions were against the Governor, but at the other points were 
for him. An incident occurred at Macon that did great injury to Mr. 
Norwood's cause. He had the opening and the conclusion. The scene 
was unparalleled for a civilized community. Mr. Norwood made a 
severe arraignment of Gov. Colquitt. The Governor arose to reply, 
introduced by Hon. A. O. Bacon. The Macon Telegraph and Messenger 
thus describes the wild time that ensued: 

" Thereupon occurred one of the most remarkable scenes ever witnessed, probably, in 
the state. For two hours the man stood before the people, speaking amid a storm of 
cheers, hi.'^ses, groans, cries, cat-calls, jeers and insults. Eloquence was powerless before 
it, and the presence of the most substantial and dignified citizens of Macon had little 
effect A dozen times the speaker was forced to stop entirely, and several times Col. 
Whittle, Capt. A. O. Bacon and others sought to calm the people in vain. It was only 
when Colquitt's time dwindled down to thirty minutes that he secured a comparatively 
quiet interval. 

" It was the most disgraceful scene ever witnessed in this citj', but let it be said to the 
credit of the greater portion of the crowd, that when called upon to endorse or condemn 
the confusion, there arose a shout of condemnation that for a little while awed the 
remainder into silence. The speaker struggled through it all, reminding a looker-on of a 



593 THE WILD SCENE IN MACON. 

strong swimmer batillng with the waves. He kept his temper nearly all tlie way 
through, letting his indignation only find voice when it seemed as though human courage 
and patience could endure no longer. Whatever else his enemies may say of him, 
there were few who last night did not admire the unconquerable spirit that would not 
be overwhelmed. 

" No intelligible report of the speech as delivered can be given. It was broken up 
into snatches through wliich were mixed the questions of the crowd and his answers." 

The conclusion of this brave exhibition of manhood and endurance is 
thus portrayed by the Telegraph: 

" At this time the crowd kept up a pretty lively fuss, but when the speaker ended his 
description of how Norwood was nominated, the excitement and confusion became over- 
whelming. Gentlemen advised the Governor to cease, but he refused. No one could be 
heard for a long time. Finally Captain Jg^con addressed them, and in a sharp speech 
shamed the crowd into silence. 

" When the speaker could be heard he attacked Norwood's war and senate record, 
but the confusion became so great that even the reporters within a few feet of him could 
not hear his words. Some one said something about Joe Brown, and the governor 
singled him out, and calmly said : " I will give you Joe Brown, if you wish it." 
He then gave them in clear language his reasons for the appointment. Brown was a 
democrat ; had voted the ticket for twelve years ; had acted with the democratic com- 
mission in Florida. He had voted for Grant; the democrats had voted for Greeley ; 
he had favored the reconstruction measures; the democrats 'had afterwards endorsed 
them; he had not always been a democrat, but there were whigs in the crowd around^ 
him. 

" This latter part burst from his lips in a torrent of writhing sarcasm, and, wearied, 
the Governor took his seat." 

This occurrence will afford some conception of the desperate crusade 
against Gov. Colquitt, and of the lengths to which this stormy canvass 
ran. Here was the Executive of the State insulted by a howling mob; 
here was an officer whose record had been assailed, refused a hearing in 
reply to his assailant. The incident made hundreds of votes for Gov. 
Colquitt. His splendid bearing, under this trying ordeal, demonstrated 
the game quality in the man that all men so much admire. The stirring 
incidents of this canvass would fill a volume of the most dramatic type. 
It was a curious feature of it all, that the drift and the noise seemed to 
belong to the minority. The huzzaing and fire appe.ared overwhelm- 
ingly on that side. It looked like Gov. Colquitt was being swept away, 
yet to the critical and posted observer it was apparent that the great 
heart of the people, in its trust for him, was true and untouched. 
Strong leaders, one after another, threw themselves into the current 
against him, and unavailingly added their best energies for his defeat. 

Ex-Chief Justice Hiram Warner, ex-Gov. James M. Smith, ex-United 
States Senator II. V. M. Miller, Gen. A. R. Lawton, Hon. Rufus E. 



Norwood's heavy support of leaders. 593 

Lester, Gen. Robert Toombs, Gen. Wm. T. Wofeorcl, Col. J. C. C. Black, 
Hon. Milton A. Candler, Maj. Joseph Ganahl, Hon. A. P. Adams, Saml. 
H. Jemison, Esq., S. B. Spencer, Esq., H. Van Epps, Esq., Col. John 
D. Ashton, Samuel W. Small, Hon. Louis F. Garrard, Hon. Mark 
Blanford, Hon. Thomas W. Grimes, Col. J. T. Jordan, Gen. Eli Warren, 
Hon. Nelson Tift, W. M. Bray, Rev. J. R. Respess, Col. David E. But- 
ler, Mr. Walter G. Charlton, Mr. Alvin Freeman, Dr. H. H. Carlton and 
others, joined in the affray and spoke or wrote letters against Colquitt. 
An effective worker on the Norwood side was Col. George W. Adair, 
brimful of resources and expedients, and of a sleepless energy, and 
withal one of the wittiest of speakers. There was a close canvass of 
the whole State, and in many places elaborate discussions. Perhaps 
the attitude of Gov. Smith created the most varied commentary. It 
had been charged, that when he accepted the office of Commissioner of 
Railroads from Gov. Colquitt, he had stated that he would resign it 
whenever he antagonized his administration. Be this as it may, the 
criticism upon him was not kind, and in his speech in Atlanta he said 

he would resign, but it should be to Gov. Norwood that he tendered 

his resignation. His speeches were very aggressive. He and Gen. 
Gordon struck at each other sharply. 

Gov. Smith commented severely upon Gen. Gordon as urging that 
Gov. Colquitt was " persecuted for floating the banner of the King of 
Kings." And*he continued with sarcasm: 

" He has preached, as I have been informed, and as he says himself, to the colored peo- 
ple of the State. Again, we say all right. But did our good Governor ever think it 
worth while to preach to a camp of convicts in Georgia^ [Great cheering.] Thousands 
of holy men have enlisted to teach Sunday schools, but who has felt himself commis- 
sioned to visit the camps of these poor unfortunates, and teach them the way of salva- 
tion? Has our Governor ever done so? If so, when and where? [Continued applause 
from whites and blacks.]" 

To this Gen. Gordon made the telling reply: 

"But Governor Smith makes his climax against the pi'esent administration, when he 
charges that Governor Colquitt does not preach to the convicts. [Laughter and ap- 
plause.] Of all the marvelous things which have transpired in this marvelous campaign, 
the most remarkable and farcical is the spectacle of James Milton Smith lecturing 
Alfred H. Colquitt upon his duty as a christian. [Great laughter and cheering.] Why, 
I thought the charge against Colquitt was that he spent too much time running 
around to Sunday schools, and was neglecting on this account his duty as Governor ; 
but it seems that this was all a mistake, and that the real complaint is that he did not do 
enough running about. [Laughter.] Fellow-citizens, it would take forty of the best 
lawyers in Georgia to tell what Governor Colquitt's opponents would have him to do. In 
one breath he is wasting too much time on religion, and in the next he is not wasting 
enough. [Laughter and applause.]" 
38 



594 . GENERAL GORDON" AND GOVERNOR SMITH. 

This was keen sparring between these strong' talkers. Another 
practical matter that was the subject of a racy tilt between these 
gentlemen, was the endorsement of the North Eastern Bonds. Said 
Gov. Smith: 

" The opinion of Attorney General Hammond was adverse to the indorsement, and 
the same I hold has never been nor can be successfully met. It is still on file in the ex- 
ecutive office. Disregarding all these, however, the Governor at last allowed himself 
to be persuaded to make the indorsement. But not until after the ratification of the 
constitution of 1877, which provides that the credit of the State shall not be pledged in 
aid of any work of internal improvement. Tlie fundamental law Avhich the Governor 
was sworn to obey, took away from the Governor, and from every other official, the 
power to pledge the crfedit of the State in such cases. Kevertheless the Governor, in 
the face of this provision of the constitution, made this pledge. The constitution said 
he should not do it. But he made the pledge. He swore to obey the constitution. I 
make no comment upon this. [Applause.]" 

Gen. Gordon thus replied to this assault, the interruptions showing 
the fever of excitement that prevailed: 

" But Governor Smith places his chief objection to Colquitt's endorsement on the ground 
that Attornejr General Hammond, the former Attorney General of the State, had ad- 
vised against the endorsement. Well, if Attorney General Hammond's opinion ought 
to have controlled Governor Colquitt, who did not appoint him to office, it certainly ought 
to have controlled Governor Smith, who did appoint him to office. Mr. Hammond was 
Governor Smith's legal adviser when he was in the Executive chair. Mr. Hammond was 
not Governor Colquitt's legal adviser, since he occupied that chair. Governor Colquitt's 
legal adviser (Major Ely) did not advise against Governor Colqmtt's indorsement of 
the North-eastern Railroad bonds, and Governor Colquitt therefore, with the advice of 
the ablest counsel, gave the indorsement. Governor Smith's legal adviser did advise 
liim not to indorse the bonds of the North and South railroad, but Governor Smith 
turned a deaf ear to his legal adviser and indorsed them notwithstanding. Governor 
Colquitt, with the advice of able lawyers, indorsed for a broad gauge road at the rate of 
$6,000 per mile. Governor Smith, contrary to the advice of his own Attorney General, 
indorsed for a narrow gauge road to tlie amount of $12,000 a mile. Governor Col- 
quitt's indorsement never cost the State one dollar in money. Governor Smith's in- 
dorsement cost the State the loss of nearly or quite a half million dollars. [Cries of 
" Give it to him," " Hurrah for Gordon," " Hurrah for Smith," Laughter and hisses.] 
Governor Smith indorsed for the North and South Road, to the extent of S240,000 in all. 
Two hundred thousand of this was lost as principal, besides the interest for twenty yeais 
on the bonds which you are bound to pay. But this is not all. Govei'uor Smith indorsed, 
against the advice of the Attorney General, for another railroad, narrow gauge at that, 
called the Memphis Branch up here at Rome, and he lost the State nearly every dollar of 
that money. [Laughter.] This railroad has long since gone "where the woodbine twin- 
eth." [Great laughter, cheers and hisses.] It is among the things that were. [Laughter] 
There is nota car, nor engine, nor bar of iron, nor cross tie left to mark the place where 
it once was. [Laughter.] Colquitt, according to Governor Smith, is a very weak Gover- 
nor. Well, I am glad he has left no such monument of strength as this. [Appl.ause J 
I rejoice tliat he was not strong enough to brave the advice of his own Attorney General 



THE republica:n^ convention. 695 

and pocket such a loss for Georgia. [Great applause.] Oh, my countrymen, what do 
you think of this warfare made upon Governor Colquitt by an ex-Governor who indorses 
one narrow gauge railroad for $240,000, and then bu_ys it for $40,000— [cheers and 
hisses] — and who indorses for another narrow gauge road and loses it all except the 
pittance for which the iron and cars sold, leaving nothing else save the bare and gullied 
earth where it once was. [Loud cheering.]" 

Botli speeches were delivered at Columbus, though at different 
times. These speeches will also give an "idea of the heat pervading 
this acrimonious contest. Against the powerful array of Norwood 
orators were enlisted and speaking for Gov. Colquitt, Gen. John B. 
Gordon, Col. Raphael J. Moses, Col. John D. Stewart, Gen. .0. C. 
Home, G. W. Mabry, Esq., Grigsby E. Thomas, Esq., Walter B. Hill, 
Esq., R W. Patterson, Esq., Hon. I. E. Shumate, Col J. A. W. John- 
son, W. C. Glenn, Col. Jenks Jones, Geo. Fry, Willis Hawkins, David 
Vason, J. A. Billups, and others. The odds in the number of orators 
were against Gov. Colquitt. 

One of the Colquitt papers presented a list of the Norwood leaders, 
showing that the majority of them had been defeated candidates for 
some place and shrewdly surmised that the movement was a powerful 
effort to build up a new party, that would bring the " outs " in, and 
the extraordinary personal crusade against Colquitt, was the selected 
means to accomplish the end. It was the fact that attack on Colquitt 
was the weapon of opposition. Mr. Norwood had his point of assault 
written out under some sixteen heads or more, and the document was 
so bulky that the huge and formidable indictment evoked a storm of 
badinage and retort. It certainly was an incongruous thing that so 
many ordinarily conservative men were engaged in this bitter personal 
campaign, so foreign to them, and so inconsistent with their character. 
It was a deeper motive than one man's alleged shortcomings. 

The Republican convention met on the 7th of September, 1880, after 
the split. It was composed chiefly of colored delegatbs. The question 
of the Republicans nominating a candidate for Governor was a very 
important one. The Republican Executive Committee of the State 
had questioned their own authority to act, and had called a convention 
of nine delegates from each Congressional District. W. A. Pledger, a 
bright young colored man, was Chairman of the Executive Committee, 
and called the convention to order. W. J. White was elected President. 
The convention was a very turbulent one, but still quite unanimous. 
Col. Jonathan Norcross was a delegate, and offered a resolution for the 
Republicans to support Norwood, He made a speech supporting his 
resolution, and declaring that he had a letter from Marshall Jewell, say^ 



596 THE FINAL SLANDER. 

ing it was for the interest of the Republican party to go for Norwood. 
A hot discussion ensued. Tlie convention finally passed a resolution 
by 72 yeas to 9 nays, to make no nomination. This left the Republi- 
cans free to vote for whom they pleased. The colored voter was a strong 
factor in the contest, and was sought by both sides. The penitentiary 
lease system entered very largely into the canvass. A number of col- 
ored speakers took the stump on both sides. 

Qen. Woiford made the most effective talks to the negroes, and was 
very potential in changing them to Norwood, The battle waxed hotter 
as it neared the election day. The whole State was in a turmoil. The 
papers were filled with the notes of the angry strife. In the midst of 
the stormiest time, an incident occurred that gave a tremendous shock 
to the Norwood cause. Col. Ben. C. Yancey published a letter charg- 
ing that Gov. Colquitt had drawn from the State $7,500 for the State 
Agricultural Society, and not accounted for the money. The next day 
followed the statement of the Secretary of the Society, Col. Malcolm 
Johnston, showing by the books the charge to be utterly unfounded, 
and every dollar accounted for. Col. Yancey Avas in Athens, and seeing 
the reply of Col. Johnston, he telegraphed his prompt withdrawal of 
the frightful error. This was the straw that broke the camel's back. 
The people had before become sickened with the crusade of calumny 
against the Christian Colquitt. 

It was in the unparalleled turbulence of this phase of the conflict 
when the opposition was thundering its heaviest volleys against Col- 
quitt; when it looked as if an unsparing enmity would be satisfied with 
nothing less than the moral wreck and political annihilation of a noble 
Georgian; but when the great public sense and feeling were quivering 
under an accumulated sense of indignation and injustice, that a chival- 
rous gentleman threw himself, stimulated by his own burning sensibility 
into the rancorous struggle, and gave eloquent, impassioned and unan- 
swerable utterance to the overmastering popular sentiment that had 
been hitherto unvoiced. It was a dramatic incident, full of thrilling 
inspiration. The distinguished and brilliant citizen, who was thus irre- 
sistibly impelled into politics, in which he had taken no part since the 
surrender, was Gen. Henry R. Jackson. With every fiber of his intense 
soul throbbing over the prostitution of a great public election to the 
defilement of private character, this loyal scion of honor and courage, 
with the magnificent inspiration that is the child of truth and genius, 
under the guidance of right, struck the electrical key-note of the great 
conflict. It was not a question of policy or politics, of administrations 



GENERAL HENEY E. JACKSOn's GREAT SPEECH. 597 

or dynasties, it was something grander and more vital; the very exist- 
ence of civilized and Christian society demanded the crushing rebuke 
of slander as a political vpeapon and the protection of private character. 
It has often happened that, in a public agitation there has been some 
crucial idea in the public mind that has been gathering an overwhelming 
silent momentum, and yet been unspoken, until at last, at a timely and 
inspired hour, it has been happily expressed, and carried a mighty force 
due to the fact that it incarnated the popular thought. And if, as in this 
instance, the utterance, so seasonable and suggestive, comes with the 
entrancing accompaniments of poetic diction, lofty spirit and glowing 
eloquence, and with the highest prestige of character in the speaker, 
it more than bears the impression and wields the spell of resistless 
inspiration. The people were inflamed. The State was on fire with 
fierce passion. The mad battle of slander, pursued with reckless audac- 
ity and resisted with desperate resentment, had set the public blood 
throbbing in feverish pulsations. Every fair-minded man in the State 
was in a growing rebellion against the horrible drift of the campaign. 
At this opportune moment it was that this gifted Georgian, Gen. Jack- 
son, the very instrument for such a mission, born an orator, unstudied 
in political policy, careless of results in the search of the right, and a 
rare type of knightly sentiment, mada one spontaneous, fervent, noble 
protest against personal defamation for political purposes, arguing Gov. 
. Colquitt's cause with an unanswerable logic, and formulating an 
appeal of resistless power. 

Public sentiment had been grossly outraged by a secret campaign 
pamphlet, entitled the " Convict Catechism," meant to put the negro 
vote against Gov. Colquitt, appealing to the worst prejudices of the 
blacks, dealing in the vilest falsehoods, and doing great injury to our 
State abroad in furnishing material for aspersing the very civilization of 
the Commonwealth. The direct charge of personal dishonesty against 
the Governor, circumstantially given by a responsible gentleman, and 
withdrawn in twenty-four hours upon the presentation of facts, easily 
in his access, fired the State, and brought the campaign of calumny to 
an explosive focus. The time and the people were both ripe for Gen. 
Jackson's transcendent and potential effort — his single, unsurpassable 
(3onclusive speech. The following extract from that address will afford 
some conception of its style and influence: 

" I ask every true-hearted man who listens to my voice, whether, if he had been one 
of that majority, and if be had believed in the innocence of his candidate, or even hail 
simply believed that the charges against him were yet to Le proved — whether he could 



598 GENERAL HENRY R. JACKSON's ELOQUENT SPEECH, 

have obtained his own consent to surrender that candidate to such a fate ? [Cheers.] I. 
am aware that it is not wise to indulge in strong words, and yet I cannot restrain my- 
self from saying that the delegates who declared upon the floor that rather than do it 
they would " rot in their seats," commanded my cordial sympathy. [Cheers.] It has 
been contended by gentlemen, who possess my highest esteem, that Governor Colquitt's 
supporters, having themselves adopted the two-thirds rule for the control of the conven- 
tion, and he having failed to obtain a two-thirds vote, the majority could not honorably 
recommend him for election, and Gov. Colquitt could not honorably present himself as 
a candidate to the people. This is a conclusion which I cannot accept. [Applause.] 
My whole nature rises up in resistance to it. If I be allowed to refer to myself, I have 
no hesitancy in saying that, were my name placed before such a convention, and were I 
to lose the nomination, not simply by failing to secure a two-thirds vote in my favor, 
but by a two-thirds vote against me, and were I to be satisfied that this result had been 
reached through the belief of charges involving my integrity or my personal honor, made 
falsely against me, I would unfurl my flag of resistance, though it might seem to others 
the frailest of rags. [Cheers.] I would write my declaration of war, though the words 
might be traced on the sands of the seashore. [Cheers.] I would challenge the juris- 
diction of any nominating political convention to pronounce condemnation upon me un- 
heard ; I would, indeed, appeal to my own people for a hearing ; would call forth each 
of my peers to listen to my words, and to look an honest man in the eye ; and if after 
all, their verdict should be rendered against me, while the hair would grow whiter on 
my head and the wrinkles grow deeper in my brow, and the very earth upon the verge 
of my grave crumble and falter beneath my feet, I would at least sink into its embrace, 
proudly conscious of carrying with me a heart M'hich had not been untrue to itself, which 
had not tamely yielded to the despotism of a lie. [Greet cheering.] A man's country 
may call upon him for the sacrifice of his time, his limb, his life ; but for the sacrifice of 
his honor — never ! never ! never ! [Cheers ] That is something betv/een himself, his con- 
science, his prosperity, and his God. Let us beware that, in the excitement of tempo- 
rary conflict, we do not trample upon heaven-born principles which must outlive the stars ! 
"The conclusion cannot be questioned that the minority of the convention, by their 
action during its session, and by placing a candidate in nomination after its adjourn- 
ment, practically resolved themselves into the grand inquest of a criminal court, with the 
prosecutor and the State's counsel enrolled among their number, and proceeded to pre- 
fer an indictment before the people of Georgia. [Applause,] They have thus made of 
every voter a petit juror to try the issue of guilt or innocence. I have not failed to 
pursue the argument of the case, in some instances falling from the most eminent lips, 
and yet wholly ineffective to control my convictions. I have seen that charges, involving 
absolute personal infamy, have been solemnly, and yet most remarkably made. The 
lionorable withdrawal of such may indeed rectify the personal ; I do not think it can 
wholly rectify the public mischief. Despicable appliances have been resorted to, •which, 
as it seems to me, cannot fail to tarnish the character of our State abroad. No author 
can be found to father them ; but unquestionabl}-, the parties wlio engendered the con- 
flict, are practically responsible for their appearance. [Applau.se.] Under these cir- 
cumstances, the fact that I was myself at one time opposed to Gov. Colquitt ; that I, 
too, have made complaints of him, never in public, but among my friends, has made me 
feel the more restless, and the more anxious to repair any mischief which might pos- 
sibly result from a word of mine. [Applause.] Before the wrongs which, in my judg- 
ment, have been inflicted upon him, anything of which I may have complained, has been 



THE BROWN APPOINTMENT. 599 

constrained 'to pale its ineffectual fire.' [Applause.] And now, as the canvass draws 
to a close, so far as I am capable of forming a correct judgment, the calm, exhaustive 
letter which he wrote at the beginning, remains unanswered, and in all essentials is a 
good defense. Therefore have I raised my voice here iu his support, and will hereafter, 
cordially give him my vote." [Great cheering.] 

The effect of this speech on those who heard it was indescribable. 
Cheer upon cheer followed in deafening succession. It was copied all 
over the State, and thousands sent out by mail. It struck a universal 
feeling, and met with an endorsing response everywhere. 

One of the main issues of the campaign was the Brown appointment, 
and, in consequence. Gov. Brown flung himself into the struggle with 
his whole strong energy. But this issue was curiously complicated. 
Col. Norwood ignored it entirely, though Gen. Lawton, who was run- 
ning for the United States Senate, upon a magnificent presentation of 
his name by the people of Chatham county^ for that august office, took 
bold ground against Gov. Colquitt, in conflict Ivith the usual consider- 
ations of prudential policy that govern candidates. Gen. Wofford, who 
was supporting Norwood, favored Brown for the Senate. Gen. Toombs 
took no stock in the slanders upon Colquitt, but opposed the Brown 
appointment. It was right amusing when Gen. Wofford was booked 
for a speech at Columbus, where Gov. Brown had many opponents, that 
he should have been alarmed away by the threatened development of 
his support of Brown. 

The gubernatorial and senatorial issues ran along together. Gov. 
Colquitt warmly championed his appointment of Brown, meeting that 
issue handsomely, and planting himself squarely upon its propriety. 
Gen. Lawton and Gov. Brown were worthy foemen, but the contest 
was not equal. Gen. Lawton stood at that terrible disadvantage result- 
ing when a strong man is shorn of his strength. He was handicapped 
by Norwood's' cause, and carried a double burden. • He had many 
friends among Gov. Colquitt's supporters, yet his course drove them 
from his cause with a few exceptions, notably the powerful Chronicle 
and Constitutionalist of Augusta. Gov. Brown had his own massive 
backing, and he had Gov. Colquitt's too, almost unbroken, since the 
defeat of Brown was the condemnation of Colquitt on a question 
involving alike official honor and personal integrity. It was a striking 
feature of this whole campaign that nearly every issue was foolishly 
freighted by the minority with some uncompromisable question of 
sacred character, to have yielded which would have been an unforgiva- 
ble and crushing dishonor in Gov. Colquitt, and desertion in his friends. 



600 GOVERNOR Colquitt's active friends. 

And this very overmastering subject of conflict of Gov. Brown's 
appointment as United States Senator carried with it the vital repute 
of Colquitt, Brown and Gordon. The opposition made a controlling 
matter of a simple act, practically unimportant, properly regarded. 

The mere filling of a three weeks' vacancy in as high an office as 
United States Senator was a trivial occurrence. When it was con- 
strued to involve betrayal of Senatorial trust in Gordon, barter of Gu- 
bernatorial integrity in Colquitt, and the base purchase of distinction by 
Brown, it became magnified into overwhelming import, it comprehended 
the transcendent idea of the purity of public service, and it engendered 
inevitably a conflict of personal disgrace and political extermination. 
And the intensity and desperation of the struggle were proportioned 
to the magnitude of the cause. Gov. Brown has never been a mediocre 
political fighter. He gave to this supreme contest his best effort of 
brain, experience and energy. He rallied his vast legion of personal 
and political friends to Gov. Colquitt's support. He devoted every 
resource of his extraordinary management to this conflict. 

Effective work was done in all parts of the State by enthusiastic 
coadjutors for the Colquitt cause. A series of unusually trenchant and 
argumentative articles upon the issues appeared in the Macon Telegraph 
and Messenger, over the signature of " No- Axe." Their author was 
Walter B. Hill, Esq.^ one of the foremost young lawyers in the State. 
Among those who did a large work in their localities were ; Dr. W. H. 
Pilcher of Warren, H. W. Hopkins of Thomas, E. F. Lawson and 
Jenks Jones of Burke, Judge E. R, Harden of Brooks, Judge T. G. 
Holt and Charles Bartlett of Bibb, Phillip M. Russell and Gen. George 
P. Harrison of Chatham, G. E. Thomas and H. Bussey of Columbus, 
A. D. Abrahams of Lagrange, A. L. Hawes of Baker, G. W. Mabry of 
Glynn, Judge W. D. Nottingham of Houston, Col. J. W. Preston of 
Jasper, Col. M. C. Fulton of McDuffie, Col. H. R. Harris of Merri- 
wether, Col. L. F. Livingston of Newton, C. M. Bozeman, Gen. O. C. 
Home and George T. Jordon of Pulaski, B. F. Adams of Putnam, 
Judge W. F. Eve of Richmond, B. D. Evans and T. J. Smith of 
Washington, Col. W. A. Harris of Worth, Dr. H. R. Casey of Colum- 
bia, R. L. Barry, and a host of others. Dr. Casey has been a prominent 
figure in State politics, and stands among the first citizens of Georgia. 

The day of election came, and the result was such an overwhelming 
victory for Gov. Colquitt, and crushing defeat for the minority candi- 
date as to excite a wonder that so small an opposition had been able to 
make such a deceiving show of strength, as indicated by the noise. 



GOVERNOR Colquitt's great victory. 601 

The whole vote was, 182,353. Gov. Colquitt received of these, 118,349, 
and Col. Norwood, 64,004. Gov. Colquitt's astounding majority was 
54,345. The import of this triumph may be estimated by comparison. 
In the large Northern States, where there are from a half to three- 
quarters of a million of voters, majorities run to a few thousand only in 
heated contests, and a 40,000 majority is something exceptional. The 
people spoke in no uncertain voice, and with an overmastering emphasis. 
And the condemnation of personal slander as a political weapon was 
befitting our great State. Hon. Clifford Anderson was elected Attorney 
General, Hon. N. C. Barnett, re-elected Secretary of State, Hon. Wm. 
A. Wright elected Comptroller General, and Hon. Daniel N. Speer, 
Treasurer. 

The State House offices were in the main most admirably filled, and 
well organized. The Executive Department proper had the original 
staff of the Governor nearly entire. Major J. W. Warren and Col. I. 
W. Avery, were and are the Executive Secretaries, Col. John B. Baird, 
the Adjutant General, Mr. R, A. Murphy the Warrant Clerk, and Col. 
T. C. Howard in charge of the minutes. Col. Baird has taken a zealous 
interest in the organization of the Military department, whose present 
status is largely due to his labors. Mr. Murphy is a tall, dark-bearded 
gentleman, of uniform suavity of manner, and a most pleasant associate. 
The Comptroller's assistants are Robert A. Hardeman, one of the most 
accomplished book-keepers and rapid and tasty penmen of the State, 
a brother of Col. Thomas Hardeman, and a marvel of figures, memory 
and correctness. Dr. William King and Mr. Will Haralson. Mr. Speer, 
the Treasurer, is aided by his 'brother, W. J. Speer, and both are close 
business gentlemen. The State Librarian is Mr. Frank L. Haralson, a 
handsome and bright young lawyer, talented and aspiring, and with the 
promise of both legal and political distinction before him, Capt. John 
W. Nelms, the Principal keeper of the Penitentiary, a faithful official, 
and a true man, has his half brother, Mr. Turner, doing his clerical 
work. Prof. Gustavus J. Orr, State School Commissioner, has for his 
assistant. Col. Mark Johnston, one of the most pleasant and efficient of 
the State House attaches. The staff of Col. John T. Henderson is a 
strong one, composed of Mr. J. R. Redding, Mr. J. S. Newman, Wm. 
H. Howell and W. B. Henderson, all attentive and skilled in their 
duties. Col. N. C. Barnett has had with him for years a gallant officer 
of the Confederacy, Col. J. F. Jones, who well suits his venerable and 
irreproachable chief. 

The Legislature elected, which convened on the 3d of November, 1880, 



602 JOSEPH E. BEOWJSr ELECTED SENATOR. 

gave an overwhelming endorsement of the appointment of Gov. Brown 
as United States Senator by Gov. Colquitt, by electing him to the 
august responsibility over his worthy and distinguished competitor, 
Gen. A. R. Lawton, by a vote of 146 for Brown to 64 for Lawton, or 
82 majority in 210 votes. Both Gov. Brown and Gen. Lawton gave 
public utterance to their views. It was a right suggestive contest in 
its philosophical aspects, and it was an even, fair battle, honorably 
fought and unobjectionably won. The issues were clearly presented by 
these illustrious intellectual foemen. The night before the election, 
Gov. Brown made a speech in De Gives Opera House in Atlanta, in 
which he made an explicit declaration of his opinions. He reviewed 
the course of the Democratic party, and his own position, on the recon- 
struction measures, and the fourteen and fifteen constitutional amend- 
ments; and showed conclusively, that his present position on those 
questions was identical with that occupied by him in 1868; and that he 
now stood upon the precise platform occupied at present by the Demo- 
cratic party on those questions. He took position in favor of a faith- 
ful and just execution of the constitutional amendments in letter and 
spirit. He was for a free ballot and a fair count. Laying aside obso- 
lete issues, he favored a broad progressive statesmanship, embracing in 
its benefits every section of the Union. " The world moves," said ho, 
" and we must move with it." It was one of the ablest and most 
remarkable speeches of the age — a bold, advanced, progressive enunci- 
ation of public sentiment. An anonymous writer, " John Temple," in 
the Sunday J3anner, gave a sketch of the scene that is well worthy of 
preservation as a clever piece of word-painting. 

" I sat in the Opera House the other night and watched a scene of unusual interest. 

"A crowded house — the beauty and the chivalry of Georgia's capital fairly glittering 
in the blaze of gas-light : an eager, brilliant throng, throbbing in sympathy with the 
occasion, or thrilling with the pain of unavailing regret. * * * The stirring strains 
of music from a band of Union soldiers, a brief demonstration as the prominent figures 
in the General Assembly filed in and took seats upon the stage, and then a pause, a 
hush, and a burst of passionate applause as a gray-bearded and attenuated man walked 
awkwardly in. 

" The members of the Assembly arose and bowed profoundly. 

" The gray beard bowed ungracefully in return. 

"Its wearer sunk into a sofa, and, while the band played a stirring lyric, we had time 
to scan him well. 

" Nothing in the man's appearance or manner suggested the idea of a more than 
ordinary occasion. 

" Not a line of the calm, meek face betrayed emotion ; not a quiver of the thin lips, 
not a flash of the gray eye, or a nervous movement of the frame ; and yet tliat gray- 



A VIVID CONTRAST. 603 

bearded figure, sitting there so quietly under the glare of the footlights, faced the eve 
of a consummated and realized ambition for which he had watched and -waited, toiled, 
planned and hoped for a v.'eary life-time. 

" It was a singular face — not a line or a curve that suggested birth or blood ; not a 
touch of the aristocrat had been born of the twenty years of affluence that had rolled 
over him ; a calm face, with a wonderful depth of quiet patience and tranquil determi- 
nation in its placid outlines — the face of a man who would have smiled calmly at the 
stake, not from warrior pride or fortitude, but because the equable pulse of his disci- 
plined and pliilosophical temperament accepted the inevitable. 

"And now he sat, facing a to-morrow that would bring, with a certainty which he 
had calculated to a mathematical nicety, the realization of his life-dream. 

'' It had come at last. 

" From the plow handles to the helm of State, from Gaddistown to the National Cap- 
itol, and from handling the rope that ' gee'd' or ' havv'd ' the famous ' bull' to handling 
the reins that veered the Government. 

*' He rose to speak. His first sentence, awkward like himself, spoken in the vernacu- 
lar of the masses, proclaimed himself of the people— a commoner indeed. But there 
was a homely strength in what he said, a practical vein of thought, a well-defined and 
evident purpose in his life, a sort of utilitarianism breathing in his policies that com- 
mended him to an impoverished people, and, withal, a telling force in his ideas, that jus- 
tified, perliaps, his elevation to the high position which he fronted. * * * 

" Up above him, in the gallery, with arms folded proudly and gracefully, showing just 
one aristocratic liand in whose blue veins the rich blood coursed calmly in the tranquil 
flow of his high-bred composure, sat another figure. 

" There was the air of the soldier about this man. His erect carriage, his easy and 
yet faultless dignity of dress and manner, the perfect grace of movement, the firm 
mouth and the strong lines of the handsome face, with the flashing eye, all proclaimed 
the old blooded Southerner, fiue-fibered and high-mettled as an Arab steed. 

" He had the magnetism and dash of a born leader. * * * 

" The man in the gallery was the rival of the man on the stage. The prize to be 
awarded on the morrow was sought by both, but the winner was already known. 

" The patrician in the gallery, throned in the hearts of Georgia's chivalry, had 
reached out his white hands, and pointing to his bright record and his stainless charac- 
ter, had asked this splendid gift of the State. And she said to him, ' Nay ! ' with a pang 
at her heart. 

" The plebeian on the stage, deified in the reason of the people, had pointed his 
thin, patient fingers to the pregnant future, which his 'judgment' alone could utilize to 
their advantage, and said, ' I am one of you. Give me this ! ' 

" And with utter faith they gave it to him. 

" The people loved Lawton's purity and his shining character. 

" They trusted Brown's sagacity and his wonderful management. 

" There the two men sat, in the struggle for the best honor in the gift of the State. 
And I could not help thinking of the forces and ideas that were at stake in the contest 
between them. It was the last close struggle for supremacy between the spirit that 
ruled the oid South and the spirit of the new South. The old South was a South of 
traditions, of sentiments, chivalric memories, of lieroic impulses. The new South is a 
South of conservative tendencies, of practical ambitions, of democratic ideas." 



604 SENATOR brown's SERVICE. 

The scene was certainly an impressive one, and the result it prefaced 
was invested with a vivid and philosophical interest. It is a pretty idea 
that contending' forces of variant systems of civilization were involved. 
Perhaps they were to some extent. But there could be no better 
representatives of the best of the Old and New South, than either Gov. 
Brown or Gen. Lawton, while Gov. Colquitt and Gen. Gordon stood as 
striking types of the most cherished sentiments and practices of our 
ante-war civilization. The result had a two-fold significance. It was, 
to a considerable extent, personal in noting the restoration of public 
confidence to Gov. Brown as well as harvesting the fruits of the recent 
victory. And it demonstrated the determination of an honorable but 
practical people to conform to the new order of things to the fullest 
extent necessary for the public welfare. 

The election of Joseph E. Brown to the United States Senate by a 
Legislature so representatively Democratic, over a competitor so for- 
midable, and who would have received the cordial support of the body 
under other circumstances; and after so full, free and searching a test 
of the issue on its merits, was as fair a triumph as has ever been won 
in the State. And it was a victory for both Gov. Colquitt and ex-Gov. 
Brown. The element of Gov. Brown's pre-eminent capacity for the 
great trust entered largely into this battle, and his career as a Senator 
in the session of Congress of 1880 and 1881 crowningly verified the 
anticipation of his usefulness. He had in the three brief weeks of his 
appointment in 1880 placed himself immediately among the foremost 
factors of the august body he entered. In the first lengthy session of 
his elective term he continued conspicuously and prominently his strong 
and valuable service. He made a number of speeches that seized the 
attention of the Senate and people. He steadily grew in influence and 
prestige. He became a recognized party leader. He made a strong 
speech upon the important subject of establishing an educational fund. 
His interest in the cause of free and liberal education has been earnest 
and unceasing. Perhaps the most effective speech that he made was on 
the " Peculiar Coincidence " in the determination of Senator Mahone 
of Virginia to support the Republican party in effecting an organiza- 
tion of the United States Senate. 

That memorable contest is recent in memory. Senator Mahone, a 
Democrat, gave the Republicans a majority by his vote, and his friends 
Gorham and Riddleberger were nominated for Secretary and Sergeant 
at Arms by the Republican caucus. The contest between the Demo- 
crats and Republicans over the organization of the Senate continued 



HIGH OPINIONS OF SENATOR BEOWN. 605 

for weeks. The Democrats refused to go into the election of these 
officers after the committees had been organized. The Republicans 
refused to go into Executive session to transact the business requiring 
attention. Many of the Democrats were for yielding. It was Senator 
Brown who held them to the policy of resistance, a policy that finally 
succeeded and that gave new strength and courage to the somewhat 
demoralized Democratic party. 

Senator Hill first uncovered the position of Senator Mahone, and 
Gov. Brown demonstrated the matter, and was fiercely assailed by 
Mahone, to whom he made a crushing reply. The matter illustrated 
that peculiar quality of successful leadership for which Gov. Brown 
has been so remarkable in his long and varied life. Senator Lamar 
said of him that " the ease, dignity and power with which he estab- 
lished himself as one of the leaders of the Senate was simply marvel- 
ous." Mr. Hill, his colleague, could not find words to express his esti- 
mate of Gov. Brown's " discretion, sagacity and inflexible patriotic 
sentiments." Senator Conkling said that he " looked to see Senator 
Brown one of the most notable men in the country." Senator 
McDonald of Indiana uttered this strong encomium: 

" He is one of the most valuable additions made to the Democratic force in the senate 
for years. More than that, he is a senator whose influence will be felt all over the 
country. He seemed to recognize instantly upon coming into the senate that it was not 
a debating society, but strictly a practical business body. He therefore became at once 
a sensible, straightforward, sagacious worker, and won the confidence and esteem of 
both sides of the chamber. He can be a power for good in the practical questions that 
• must be settled now that sentimental issues have died out." 

These strong opinions from the highest sources will show how Sena- 
tor Brown impressed himself upon the strong brains of the Senate. 
His political stature to-day cannot be estimated. He is in the very 
ripest maturity of his potential faculties, and has the largest possible 
arena for their exercise, a domain of distinction and usefulness com- 
mensurate to any man's abilities. He is fortified by his religious ante- 
cedents and connections, and his christian liberality is an undying monu- 
ment to the man. Mr. J. P. Harrison in his book of Baptist celebrities 
just published, thus speaks of his charities. 

" Through life he has been' a most liberal giver ; yet his charities have been so unos- 
tentatious that few if any are aware of their extent. Some of his donations have 
necessarily been public, and a few of them it may be well to mention. 

" He contributed $800 to the building of the Sixth Baptist Church of Atlanta ; $1,000 
to the Georgia Baptist Orphans' Home; $1,000 to Mercer University; $500 to the 
Southern Baptist Convention ; $.500 for an organ for the Second Baptist church of At- 



606 THE LEGISLATURE OF 1880-81. 

lanta ; S3,000 for repairs and additions to the same church ; $500 (some years ago) to 
the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, and recently (1880) $50,000 to the same 
institution; and last year he contributed $800 towards the payment of his pastor's 
salary. His smaller charities, from one hundred dollars, and downward, have been 
simply innumerable." 

He holds a large variety of heavy trusts: President of the Western 
Atlantic Railroad Company, President of the Dade Coal Company, 
working 350 hands, President of the Walker Iron and Coal Company, 
working over 300 hands, and making 75 tons of iron per day. Presi- 
dent of the Southern Railway and Steamship Association, including 
the transportation companies interested in Southern traffic. Presi- 
dent of the Board of Education of Atlanta, etc. These large responsi- 
bilities practically testify to the versatile -genius of this masterful 
character, and give augury, that in the near future we may expect alike 
in great business enterprises, and august political achievement that 
Senator Brown will enlarge his own fame and give luster to our State. 

The Congressional election resulted in a fine corps of Representatives, 
viz. : George R. Black, Henry G. Turner, Philip Cook, Hugh Buchanan, 
N. J. Hammond, James H. Blount, Judson C. Clements, Alexander 
H. Stephens, Emory Speer. These gentlemen have been alluded to in 
this work. Col. Black has been identified for years in high place with 
the State Agricultural Society, and is a handsome, talented person, a 
fine specimen of our Southern gentlemen. Col. N. J. Hammond has 
been a member of the Constitutional Conventions of 1865 and 1877, and 
Attorney General of the State, under Gov. Smith's administration, and 
is now serving his second term in Congress. He is one of the best 
equipped men we have in public life, with uncommon powers of intel- 
lect, information and eloquence. Somewhat of a cold and exclusive 
individual, with little popular warmth, he has, by sheer force of intellec- 
tual power and available public capacity, clutched high trust. He is a 
marked character, strong and brilliant, and his future is one of large 
promise. 

The Legislature of 1880 and 1881, elected Col. James S. Boynton 
President of the Senate, and Hon. A. O. Bacon, Speaker of the House. 
Col. Boynton is a tall, stately, dignified gentleman of sterling ability, 
the very highest possible character, and of inost agreeable manners. 
He has made an admirable presiding officer, and both he and Mr. Bacon 
are prominently spoken of for Governor. Among the more experienced 
members, who have been mentioned before, we find in the Senate, A. C. 
Westbrook, R. L. McWhorter, Wm. B. Butt, H. H. McDaniel, W. P. 



THE PEESONELLE OF THE LEGISLATURE. 607 

Price, J. M. Wilson, S. M. H. Byrd, B. C. Duggar, R. T. Fouche and 
A. T. Hackett. In the House of the better-known legislators were : P. 
Barrow, W. S. Basinger, J. B. Estes, L. F. Garrard, A. H. Gray, W. M. 
Hammond, A. L. Miller, N. L. Hutchins, T. W. Milner, W. J. Northern, 
E. A. Perkins, J.'H. Polhill, W. R. Rankin, M. P. Reese, H. M. Sapp, 
J. L. Singleton, J. M. Smith, H. D. D. Twiggs, P. B. Whittle, W. M. 
WiUingham, C. T. Zachry. 

Mr. Pope Barrow has been a most useful member with an unusual 
capacity for legislative work, and a happy vigor and courtesy in dis- 
cussion. Col. W. S. Basinger is one of the most original and intellec- 
tual members, a gentleman of thought, conviction and culture. Judge 
H. D. D. Twiggs has taken a high prominence, a fluent, ornate and 
eloquent speaker. He had graced the Bench, and he was equally and 
conspicuously at home in the legislative halls. The other gentlemen 
have been sketched in this volume. This legislative body has been 
unusually rich, in bright young men, just entering public life. 

Hon. P. W. Meldrim, in the Senate, has made a brilliant reputation. 
Representing the critical constituency of the 1st District, including 
Savannah, a handsome, thorough-bred looking gentleman, with a pecul- 
iarly silvery elocution, he has at once become a legislative leader. Dr. 
R. B. Harris, E. P. S. Denmark, A. L. Hawes, James G. Parks, Du 
Pont Guerry, S. G. Jordan, John S. Reid, W. J. Winn, B. F. Payne, 
are new men. These are all promising young Senators. Among the 
young Representatives are F. G. Du Bignon, a classic young gentleman, 
making gems of exquisite speeches, and carrying important measures 
affecting his constituents with a wonderful success; J. C. Branson, Reese 
Crawford, son of Martin J. Crawford, W. C. Carter, J. M. Dupree, E. F. 
Du Pree, F. C. Foster, Henry Hillyer, J. J. Hunt; Davenport Jackson, 
son of Gen. Henry R. Jackson; H. C. Jones, J. J. Kimsey; Lucius M. 
Lamar, Colonel of the famous 8th Georgia Regiment, in the war, and 
ripe now for congressional honors; T. W. Lamb, Edwin Martin, J. H. 
Martin; S. W. Mays, of Richmond, a brilliant young lawyer; W. H. 
Patterson, W, A. Post, W. W. Price, F. P. Rice, H. C. Roney, L. L. 
Stanford, Dr. C. M. Summerlin, J. L. Sweat, W. B. Wingfield, W. 
C. Winslow; Seaborn Wright, a rare young orator, gifted by inherit- 
ance with eloquence from his silver-tongued father. Judge Aug. R. 
Wright. Mr. J. T. Youngblood and U. B. Wilkinson must not be 
omitted from the valuable new members, though not young men. 

The work of this body has not been very valuable, while it has illus- 
trated the impolicy of biennial sessions and the impracticability of the 



608 GOVERNOR Colquitt's aids. 

laws on local legislation. This legislature has been singularly illiberal* 
in many respects, and yet it has expended nearly a quarter million of 
dollars beyond the State expenses. It refused to begin the construc- 
tion of a much-needed new capitol; it declined to even make a bid upon 
some valuable colonial records of the State, on sale in England; it 
killed a general temperance law; it left the railroad commission law 
practically unchanged; it voted $165,000 to enlarge the lunatic asylum; 
it authorized the expenditure of $18,000 for a new revision of the code 
made by Geo. N. Lester, W. B. Hill, and it has improved the convict 
laws without any radical changes. 

It elected as Judges of the Superior Court the following gentle- 
men: William O. Fleming, George Hillyer, James R. Brown, James T. 
Willis, J. C. Fain, F. M. Longley, S. W. Harris, William B. Fleming, 
John D. Stewart, R. W. Carswell, E. H. Pottle and C. F. Crisp. A 
new judicial circuit has been created, the North Eastern, and Hon. C. 
J. Vv^ellborn elected the Judge. During Gov. Colquitt's administration 
the following Aids were appointed on his staff: Col. B. B. Ferrill, of 
Savannah, a pleasant and public-spirited young gentleman,' of one of 
the old families of that city, and Col. W. D. Mann of Albany; and 
recently Lt. Col. J. H. Estill, the proprietor of the Savannah News, one 
of the first citizens of Georgia, Lt. Col. L. C. Jones, of Atlanta, and 
Lt. Col. T. W. H. Harris, of Rome. Of Col. John B. Baird, who, under 
the new law, was appointed by the Governor Adjutant General of the 
State, with the rank of Colonel, the convention of military officers that 
met in July, 1880, in Rome, passed the following complimentary reso- 
lution in appreciation of his services in this department, the resolution 
being offered by Lt. Col. Magruder: 

" Whereas, Col. John B. Baird accepted appointment as Adjutant General of Georgia, 
and has zealously and laboriously discharged the duties of that office without compen- 
sation — 

" Resolved, That in behalf of the Georgia Volunteers we do hereby express our high 
appreciation of the valuable and gratuitous services thus rendered, and we commend 
him as a faithful and efficient officer." 



CHAPTER LI. 
THE JOURNALISM AND LITERATURE OF GEORGIA. 

A fine Endowment of Press Writers. — The Daily Journals. — A Sti'ong Array of Papers. 
— Gifted Editors. — Newspapers running back to the Revolution nearly. — The 
"Weekly Journals. — The Religious Press. — The Literary Periodicals. — A Heavy 
Corps of News and Political Weeklie.s, Original, Independent and Progressive. — 
A Galaxy of Bright Thinkers and Writers — A Steady Growth of a Vigorous 
Journalism. — Model Editors. — Georgia's Picturesque Literature. — The very Home 
of the Nation's Humor. — An Unequaled Quintette of Humorists of wide Repute. — 
Our Historians and Biographers. — Men known to the World. — A Glittering Endow- 
ment of Poets of National Fame.— Our Novelists and Miscellaneous Writers. 

Take them all in all, Georgia has as bright, independent and gifted 
journalists, and as newsy and vigorous a batch of papers as any State 
in the Union. Our press typify admirably the sturdy and self -asserting 
character of our people, and blend a sparkling vivacity with resolute 
conviction and an admitted ability. It is a matter of undeniable fact 
that there have been in the past, and are to-day, more notable and brill- 
iant men that have illustrated and adorned our journalism than any 
State North, East, West or South. There is now a larger endowment 
of superior press writers connected with the papers of this common- 
wealth than any other can show. We have men that can be pitted 
against any workers on the continent, witty, tasteful, scholarly, discrim- 
inating, masterful spirits of the pen — whose labor finds a ready market 
in the metropolitan papers of largest circulation, and the most critical 
magazines of the tines. 

Our ablest statesmen, orators, jurists and business men have been 
many of them connected with our State press. Some of the most pow- 
erful names among our people have vivified and given it honor, — among 
them Alex. H. Stephens, Gen. A. R. Wright, Judge Cincinnatus Pee- 
ples, ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson, Gen. Mirabeau B. Lamar, Col. James 
Gardner, Gen. Henry R. Jackson, H. W. Hilliard, Samuel Barnett, P. 
W. Alexander, Gen. Wm. M. Browne, Dr. H. V. M. Miller, Albert R. 
Lamar, and others. At the present time, as has been stated, we have 
a superb array of known and gifted writers, whose utterances are 
quoted over the wdiole country, and make Georgia a marked State in 

its able and progressive journalism. 
39 



GIO THE AUGUSTA CHRONICLE AND CONSTITUTIONALIST, 

Of the daily press of the State, we can point to Walsh and Randall 
of the Augusta Chronicle, Moore of the Augusta News, Howell, Finch, 
Grady and Harris of the Atlanta Constitution, Clisby and Reese of the 
Macon Telegraph, Thompson and Richardson of the Savannah JVeios, 
King of the Columbus JEnqulrer-Sun, and De Wolf of the Columbus 
Times, while H. H. Jones, J. H. Martin and S. W. Small (" Old Si.") 
still browsing in daily newspaperdom, though not editing, are still rec- 
ognized powers of the press. Dr. H. H. Tucker of the Index, Rev. 
Atticus G. Haygood of the Advocate, and Mrs. Mary E. Bryan of the 
Sunny South, are among our recognized paper celebrities. 

The daily press of Georgia is able, enterprising, independent and 
financially strong. It has a high reputation abroad. Several of them 
are among the oldest journals in the country, running back almost to 
the Revolution, and enjoying the distinction of having been established 
and edited by very illustrious men. The oldest living paper is the 
Augusta Chronicle and Constitutionalist, representing two old jour- 
nals, the Chronicle having been founded in 1785, and the Constitution- 
alist in 1799. A history of this powerful consolidation of venerable 
papers would pretty nearly furnish the chronicles of Georgia for three- 
quarters of a century. Mr. William Smythe was not the editor of the 
Chronicle and Sentinel in 1858, as stated in page 79 of this volume, 
but James M. Jones was chief editor then. In 1846-47, James M. 
Smythe, father of AVm! W. Smythe, was assistant editor. The contro- 
versies in 1850 between the Chronicle and Sentinel and Wm. W. 
Smythe, resulted in a duel between Tom Thomas and Smythe, in which 
the latter, at the third fire was shot in both thighs. In 1859, Mr. 
Jones employed Mr. V. ]M. Barnes to aid in editing the Chronicle, 
which he did with vigor and ability, and in 1860 and 1861, Mr. Barnes 
was chief editor. In 1863, Mr. Barnes edited the Constltutlo7iallst, and 
was a member of the Constitutional convention of 1865. The Consti- 
tutionalist, under James Gardner, from 1850 to 1860, was the most 
potential political paper we have ever had in Georgia, and Gardner 
would have been Governor on the strength of his editorial power but 
for an early indiscretion. The two Wrights, father and son, Ambrose 
R., better known as " Ranse," and Gregg, were two brilliant writers. 
The younger, H. G. Wright, was a witty and felicitous paragrapher, 
capable of heavy work, and yet with a singularly happy fund of keen, 
hearty humor. Its present management is exceedingly able and brig-ht. 
Patrick Walsh, James R. Randall, and a spriglitly young writer. Pleas- 
ant Stovall, conduct it. Walsh lias fine chances to realize Gardner's 




JAMES GARDNER, 
s AUGUSTA "CHRONICLE." 




GEN. AMBROSE R. WRIGHT. 





HENRY 0. MOORE. 



HON. PATRICK WALSH. 

AND « CONSTITUTIONALIST." 



THE COLUMBUS ENQUIRER-SUN, AND ATHENS BANNER. 611 

baffled hope of filling the Executive chair of Georgia, and giving to his 
paper the glittering distinction it so closely escaped a quarter of a cen- 
tury ago, of furnishing the State a Chief Magistrate. Randall is 
perhaps the most scholarly and versatile writer we have on the Georgia 
press. 

The next paper in seniority is the Columbus Enquirer- Sun, which 
was established as the Enquirer in 1828, by Mirabeau B. Lamar, who 
afterwards became so famous as the first President of the Republic of 
Texas. Gen. Lamar ran the paper until 1830, when he was succeeded 
by Hon. Henry W. Hilliard, recent United States minister to Brazil, 
who edited it for a year. Gen. Lamar resumed control, in 1834, for a 
while. S. M. Flournoy was editor, through various changes of proprie- 
torship, from 1834 to 1857, when he died. Mr. Thomas Ragland was 
sole and senior proprietor from 1843 to 1873. Mr. Flournoy was a vig- 
orous writer and ardent whig. John H. Martin was editor from 1858 
to 1876, of whom we have spoken elsewhere. The sons of Mr. Rag- 
land, in 1874, sold the paper to Mr. A. R. Calhoun of Philadelphia, who 
ran it until 1876. Mr. Calhoun made things lively. He cut about at 
men and measures in a manner somewhat unusual to our quiet news- 
paper experiences, and kept in an incessant turmoil of editorial and 
personal conflict. In 1875 he bought out the Sun, and adopted the 
present name of the " Enquirer- SunP Major W. L. Salisbury bought 
out Mr. Calhoun, and conducted the paper, with Mr. J. G. De Votie as 
editor. Major Salisbury was assassinated in 1878. Mr. John King, the 
present proprietor, bought the paper soon after. Mr. De Votie contin- 
ued as editor until his death, in April, 1881, when Mr. King assumed 
editorial as well as business management. The paper is a model of 
typographical beauty, and one of the progressive journals of the South. 
It was made a daily in 1858. Under the enterprising and able manage- 
ment of Mr. King, it wields a powerful influence. 

The Athens Banner, made a daily in 1879, by Dr. H. H. Carlton, 
and now owned and edited by that very high type of our best Georgia 
journalism, J. T. Waterman, runs back to 1816. Athens took early to 
the press. The first paper was brought in a wagon from Philadelphia, 
by Rev. John Hodge, a Presbyterian minister. It lived but a short 
time. A little sheet was published by Samuel Wright Minor, who 
was the first editor that hoisted the name of Gen. Jackson for Presi- 
dent. Jackson remembered him by making him printer of the laws of 
the United States, though Minor had removed to Fayetteville, Fayette 
Co., Georgia. The Southern Banner was published and edited by 



612 THE SAYAXNAII NEWS. 

Albion Chase and Alfred Nesbit, and was the only Democratic paper 
in that part of the State. Alfred Nesbit went to Milledgeville and took 
charge of a paper started by John A. Cuthbert, afterwards United 
States Senator from Georgia. Col. Hopkins Holsey, Mr. James Sledge, 
Mr. S. A. Atkinson, Messrs. T. W. and T. L. Gantt, Dr. H. H. Carlton 
and Messrs. Chapman and Ingraham, in succession, owned the Manner. 
Mr. Waterman bought it in September, 1880. Mr. Waterman is one of 
the really independent and original members of the Georgia press. He 
is a trenchant and a cultured writer, fearless, honest and immovable in 
his convictions, a keen, witty paragraphist, and with a modesty that 
runs to shyness in his manners. 

The Savannah Neios was established in 1850, on the 15th day of Jan- 
uary, by John M. Cooper, publisher, and Wm. T. Thompson, editor. 
Savannah has had a number of papers that have had an honorable 
career, the Georgia Gazette, founded by James Johnson, in 1763, and 
suspended in 1799; the Savannah Republican, by John F. Everett, in 
1802, and running for seventy years, covering twenty-four changes of 
management and including P. W. Alexander and J. R. Sneed among its 
conductors; the Savannah Georgian, in 1818, by Dr. John Harney, living 
to 1859, and numbering those two bright men among its editors. Gen. 
Henry R. Jackson in 1849, and Albert R. Lamar; the Evening Journal, in 
1852, by J. B. Cubbege, and Advertiser in 1865. The Savannah JSFeios 
was started as a cheap business daily, its price being four dollars a year. 
The paper has had a number of changes of proprietorship, but through 
them all Col. Thompson has been the editor for the thirty-one years of 
its varied and influential existence, except from the fall of Savannah in 
December, 1864, to August, 1865, when Mr. S. W. Mason ran the paper 
as the Savannah Herald, a little war affair. Col. Thompson was propri- 
etor from 1855 to 1858. T. Blois and Aaron Wilbur have been among 
the proprietors. Col. J. H. Estill became proprietor in July, 1867, and 
under his business management and the capable editorship of Col. 
Thompson, the Neios has become one of our most powerful representa- 
tive Southern journals, financially successful, boldly enterprising, inde- 
pendent, dignified, and potentially influential. It is a mddel of typo- 
graphical beauty and taste. Col. Estill is destined for large things. 
No man can tell where he will bring up. He has a cool sense, a clear 
judgment, and a firm nerve that are the components of a strong indi- 
viduality. He handles everything well. His executive ability is very 
marked. Whatever he touches, prospers. He owns a street railroad. 
He has erected one of the finest buildings in the State for his paper. 



THE MACON TELEGRAPH AND MESSENGER. 613 

He is President and Director of railroads, benevolent societies, press 
associations, etc., without limit, his energetic and discriminating busi- 
ness 'ability making him valuable everywhere and in all practical matters. 
Mr. B. H. Richardson, one of the brightest journalists of the State, is 
the city editor of the JVews. 

The Macon Telegraph and Messenger was established in 1826. It 
has been a notable paper in Georgia annals. The name that has been 
continuously connected with the Telegraph, since in 1848, like Col. 
Thompson with the Savannah JVews, has been the familiar and honored 
one of Joseph Clisby, but it has had some very brilliant men associated 
with him. Among these may be mentioned J. R. Sneed, of the Savan- 
nah Republican/ Captain Henry Flash, one of our genuine Southern 
poets, the author of that ringing lyric, " Ode to Zollicoffer;" Col. H. 
H. Jones, one of the truest men and most graphic writers of the 
Georgia press; A. R. Watson, another poet; A. W. Reese, an editor 
of trenchant writing capacity, one of the hardest political hitters in 
our State journalism. The Telegraph absorbed the JIessen,ger some ten 
years or more ago, a paper established by Simri Rose, published at the 
time of consolidation by Rev. John W. Burke, and edited, among 
others, by A. W. Reese and Gen. Wm. M. Browne. Gen. Browne 
made fame as a Washington editor; he was on the staff of Mr. Davis 
during the war, and is now Professor of Agriculture at the State Uni- 
versity at Athens. When Mr. Rose started the Jifessenger, Macon was 
a diminutive village. No man did more to make it a handsome city 
than he. The beautiful cemetery bears his name. This and the 
Messenger were his pets. He was a bright Mason-, too. The 3Iessen- 
ger absorbed the Georgia Journal of Milledgeville. The surviving 
associates of Mr. Rose are the Hon. J. T. Nisbet of Macon, and that 
most accomplished writer, Rev. Joshua Knowles of Greensboro, Ga. Mr. 
Clisby has been spoken of elsewhere in this work. His writing has an 
Addisonian purity of style. His treatment of subjects is poised and 
conservative, while underlying and pervading his lucubrations, there is 
a perennial strata of the most exquisite humor. 

The remarkable and unapproached paper of Georgia is the Atlanta 
Constitution. In sparkle, push, versatility, enterprise, genius and suc- 
cess, it has no peer in the South, except the Louisville Coui'ier- Journal. 
Its career has been full of romance, and dramatic in the extreme. 
Duels and libel suits have been among its varied experiences. It was 
established the 16th of June, 1868, by Carey W. Styles & Co. The com- 
pany was J. H. Anderson, and W. A. Hemphill was the business man- 



614 THE ATLANTA CONSTITUTION. 

ager, and has continued in that place to the present, a model of 
managing capacity, and more responsible for the business success of 
the paper than all others combined. Col. Styles edited the paper, and 
a red-hot administration it was, fighting Radicalism without quarter, 
and with a burning bitterness. Styles & Co. ran the paper four months, 
when Styles went out, and W. A. Hemphill & Co. took the paper, the 
company being Mr. Anderson, J. W. Barrick edited the journal until 
May, 1869, when Col. I. W. Avery took editorial charge. In 1870, 
Col. E. Y. Clarke bought Mr. Anderson's half interest. In 1873, the 
paper was changed into a stock concern. In 1874 Col. Avery retired 
from the editorship, buying an interest in the Atlanta Herald from Col. 
R. A. Alston and Henry W. Grady. Mr. N. P. T. Finch came into 
the paper in 1872. Col. Clarke was managing editor until 1876, when 
he sold out to Hon. E. P. Hovvfell. The present proprietors are E. P. 
Howell, W. A.. Hemphill, N. P. T. Finch, Henry W. Grady and R. A. 
Hemphill, who kept the books of the concern for four years in its early 
history, and has recently bought an interest, and become book-keeper 
again, a strong business addition to its corps. 

Capt. Howell decides the political course of the journal, and writes 
editorials like rifle shots, that snap and go straight to the mark, and 
bring the blood. Mr. Finch is an editor of universal versatility and an 
industry that knows no bounds. He reads and culls every one of the 
hundred exchanges that come to the office, and writes fine leaders upon 
every conceivable subject. Mr. Grady's flashing and inimitable sketches, 
editorials and articles give an unremitting sparkle to the paper. On 
the staff of this journal are two of the best writers of the Georgia 
press, Mr. J. C. Harris and Mr. F. H. Richardson, and an industrious 
compiler, Mr. .1. T. Lumpkin. Mr. Harris can compass anything in 
newspaperdom from a strong editorial to a pungent paragraph. Every- 
thing he writes is both strong and dainty. His book reviews are schol- 
arly and charming, with a vein of delicious humor and quaint reflection, 
and often a subtle and aromatic irony most exquisite. His Uncle 
Remus sketches have made him famous. Mr. Richardson is a scholarly 
young writer of rare promise. No journal in the Union has a better 
intellectual and literary equipment than this paper. This is strong 
praise, but it is every bit merited. His contemporaries on the journal 
will not consider it a derogation from their high claims to say that Mr. 
Grady is the genius of this powerful paper. There is a vividness, an 
audacity and a velvety splendor about his articles that are peculiar to 
himself, and that no other man has approximated. 




^.^.^k.^^.:^^^^ 



ATLANTA CONSTITUTION. 



THE ATLANTA CONSTITUTION AND AUGUSTA NEWS. 61*5 

The journal had a romantic time during- Reconstruction. Its editors 
and proprietors had fiv^e dueling affairs. It then took that root in the 
affections of the people of the State that gave to it its first growth, 
and laid the basis for its enduring and remarkable prosperity. Durino- 
those fiery days of Reconstruction, under the editorial management of 
Col. I. W. Avery, it battled with a steady conservatism, yet an unwea- 
ried devotion for the public interest, refusing the patronage of the 
Bullock administration, and fighting every measure of wrong. Mr. 
Grady's connection with the Constitution began then. He was a stu- 
dent at the University of Virginia, and wrote a boyish letter of gossip 
for publication. Col. Avery was struck with the uncommon vivacity 
and grace of the communication, and in accordance with his policy of 
making superior correspondence a special feature of the paper, he 
encouraged the boyish writer. When Col. Hulburt, as Superintendent 
of the State Road, who was a wonderful genius in enterprise, originated 
the first press excursion to go over the State Road, to have it written 
up. Col. Avery telegraphed to Mr, Grady, who had left college to return 
to his home in Athens, to come and represent the Constitution on that 
affair. Grady's letters, under the name of " King Hans," were the best 
of the hundreds written then, and were copied into the whole State 
press. This experience turned the bright boy into his native journal- 
ism, where his genius finds its legitimate field. 

The Augusta Daily Evening News has had a flattering success. It 
was issued November 20, 1877, by Wm. H. Moore, who had been with 
the writer in conducting the Atlanta Herald. Mr. Moore had associ- 
ated with him Messrs. Gow and Weigle, all practical newspaper men. 
Mr. Gow had the material, but none of the gentlemen had any capital. 
The paper paid its way from the start, and has gained a fine circula- 
tion and advertising patronage. Mr. Moore is a peculiarly snappy, 
vigorous writer, with a good stock of shrewd humor and piquant 
observation. He has, to a remarkable degree, the true journalist's 
keen instinct for news. His paper is a paragraphic epitome of current 
events, a trenchant critic upon all things and men, and a very unusually 
rapid and growing success. 

The Coluipbus Times is a fine and influential paper that is the revival 
of one of the most venerable of our anti-war journals. It was started 
in its second career six years ago. It is now run by Wynne, DeWolf 
& Co., and is one of our best journals, conducted in a fair, conservative 
and enterprising way. The Rome Courier started as the Coosa River 
Journal in 1843, by S. Jack, Dr. H. V. M. Miller and W. Spencer. It 



616 THE REMAINING DAILIES OF GEORGIA. 

passed through various hands when, in 1849, A. M. Eddleman and S. 
M. Jack bought it and changed the name to the Rome Courier. Joshua 
Knowles, and Wm. J. Scott, in succession, owned it. In 1855 M. Dwi- 
nell and S. Finly bought, and in 1856 Mr. Dwinell became sole proprie- 
tor, and has owned the paper ever since and made a fortune out of it 
by his successful management. Mr. Dwinell was in the war when the 
paper was managed by B. G. Selvage. The Courier was suspended 
from May 17, 1864, to September 1, 1865. The daily was established 
February 1, 1881, after twenty-one years' successful publication of the 
tri-weekly. Since 1857 the Courier has absorbed four other papers by 
purchase and consolidation, the Calhoun Statesman, the Cedartown 
Patriot, in 1858, the Chattooga Advertiser in 1874, and Rome Commer- 
cial in 1876. Soma of the best writers of our press have edited the 
Courier, notably Mr. Grady, Mr. Willingham and Mr. Harris. Mr. 
Dwinell has written an excellent book of EurojDean travel. 

The Atlanta Daily Post- Appeal was established October 1, 1878, by 
Col. E. Y. Clarke, who sold it January 13, 1880, to David E. Caldwell, 
who has sinoe ovviied and edited it, and has made it a v/ell-established 
and paying property. The Post- Appeal may be called the war paper 
of Georgia. It generally takes the opposition to the majority, and it 
makes matters lively. It slashes right and left and has a large amount 
of vim and enterprise. It has had on its staff Col. Sawyer, one of the 
strong men of the Georgia press, and Mr. Wallace Reed, a graceful 
and well-known Georgia journalist. The Griffin Paihj JSfews was estab- 
lished in 1871. It was run for years by J. D. Alexander. It is now 
conducted by C. A. Niles, a capable and independent journalist. It 
is a staunch little paper, the steadiest, truest, most conservative jour- 
nalistic craft in the State. The Rome Bulletin was started in 1869, 
and is run by the Mosely family, who write well, and all write, Mrs. 
Mosely, who has recently died, being a most excellent journalist. The 
Savannah Recorder was established by R. M. Orme in 1878, but is now 
conducted by other parties. 

One of the best and most pronounced little dailies is the Albany 
News and Advertiser, published and edited by Henry M. Mcintosh & 
Co. This was the consolidation of the News, established '\xv 1844, and 
the Advertiser, in 1877, the union occurring in September, 1880. Mr. 
Mcintosh is one of the most vigorous and independent editors of the 
State press. He comes of the famous Mcintosh blood. 

The weekly press of Georgia has always included an unusual number 
of clear-headed, out-spoken, independent and well-informed editors. 



THE RELIGIOUS AXD LITERARY PRESS. G17 

And it was never in as thriving and influential a condition as it is to-day. 
The mental activity of the age finds in the weekly newspaper, literary, 
religious, scientific or political, the vent for that more quiet and philo- 
sophical phase of its operations, that deals not so much with the fact 
of news, like the daily journal, as with its application to life and society. 
The Georgia weekly papers have some remarkable instances of original 
and striking individuality, and can probably number as iiiany potential and 
successful thinkers and workers as the press of any State in the Union. 

The religious weekly press of Georgia is very powerful and capable. 
The two oldest papers are the Christian Index and JBaptist, founded 
in 1820, published by James P. Harrison, and edited by Dr. Henry H. 
Tucker. Both are remarkable men. Mr. Harrison is the son of Hon. 
Geo. W. Harrison, Secretary of State under Gov. Town's administration, 
who was Governor from 1847 to 1851. He is a business man of extraor- 
dinary enterprise, practical, ambitious, accurate and successful, and 
withal a simple-minded, true-hearted, loyal friend and gentleman. Dr. 
Tucker is one of the large-brained men of Georgia, a profound thinker, 
crystally candid, and a muscular, logical writer. Tha W^sl8ya)l Chris- 
tian Advocate, owned and in part edited by the Rev. John W. Burke, 
with Rev. Atticus G. Haygood as chief editor, one of the most eloquent 
divines and powerful writers of the country, was founded in 1837, and 
is a fine journal. Mr. Burke, too, is a marked man, like Mr. Harrison, 
a marvel of energy and business triumph. In Butler, Taylor county, 
the Gospel Messenger, founded in 1878, and edited by Mr. J. R. Res- 
pess, is published. 

Georgia has a weekly literary journal, the Sunny South, established 
in 1875, by the Seals Brothers, with Mrs. Mary Bryan as editress, that 
equals any paper in the Union. It has a national circulation, and is a 
brilliant publication. Another literary and society weekly of peculiar 
merit, is the Atlanta Gazette, founded by Henry W. Grady, in 1878, 
and now owned and edited by Williams & Palmer. The Atlanta Pho- 
nograph is a weekly literary and political paper, started in 1878, by W. 
H. Christopher, a young man of some uncommon qualities. The Weekh/ 
Post is a good paper owned by Col. E. Y. Clarke. 

The oldest news and political weekly is thg Milledgeville Union and 
Recorder, now owned by Barnes & Moore. This paper was the combi- 
nation of the Southern Recorder and the Federal Union in 1872. The 
Recorder was established in 1819 by Grantland & Camak, who sold 
to Grieve & Orme. The Union was started in 1825, as the Statesman 
and Patriot, and sold to Henry Solomon, and the name changed to 



G18 GEORGIA WEEKLY PRESS. 

the Union in 1830. John G. Polhill was the editor. In 1831 John A. 
Cuthbert, who has just died in Alabama, and who was a congressman 
from Georgia, was associated with Mr. Polhill in 1831. Mr. Wilkins 
Hunt, Park & Rogers, and Armstrong & Campbell, in succession 
owned the paper. Boughton, Nisbet & Barnes bought it in 1851. 
Ex-Gov. H. V, Johnson edited it once. Mr. J. M. Moore became part 
proprietor in 1862. Mr. Nisbet retired in 1867. Mr. Boughton died, 
and Barnes & Moore are the present proprietors. The consolidated 
journal, the Union and Recorder, is one of the honorable land-marks 
of Georgia history, and has furnished to the writer more valuable polit- 
ical historic material than all other sources combined. It is, to-day, a 
progressive paper, representative of the State's best civilization and 
most virtuous and independent public thought. 

The Mountain Signal at Dahlonega, the center of the famous 
gold region, was put forth in 1839. It is now owned by Col. "W. P. 
Price, one of the valuable and most public-spirited men of Georgia. 

The next paper in age is the Sandersville Herald and Georgian, 
founded in 1841,' and now run by Wm. Park. The Lagrange Reporter 
was started in 1813. by Dr. Bronson, with Col. W. B. Jones and Hon. 
John F. Awtry as printers, and the name then was the Lagrange Her- 
ald. B. H. Bigham and Col. Jones owned the paper a while. Wm. J. 
Scott of " Scott's Magazine," edited it for a period. Alexander Speer, 
a most remarkable man, father of Judge Speer of the Supreme Court, 
and grandfather of Emory Speer, the congressman, was editor a long 
time. Thomas J. Bacon, a relative of Speaker A. O. Bacon, conducted 
this journal. The paper had a stirring administration under C. H. 
C. Willingham, who was threatened with arrest for his unsparing 
denunciations of the military reconstruction government. Mr. J. T. 
Waterman bought the Reporter in 1873, and ran it for eight brilliant 
journalistic years, making it a model in every respect. He sold to 
Wm. A. Wimbish, who has recently disposed of the paper. 

The next weekly paper in point of time was that exquisite specimen 
of typography and sustained taste and ability, the North Georgia 
Citizen, published and edited at Dalton by J. T. Whitman. It was 
started in 1847 by Ware & Wyatt, as the Mountain Eagle. Its name 
has been often changed — to Spirit of the Tini's, Worth Georgia Times 
and Citizen. In 1858, the proprietor and editor was J. Troup Taylor, 
and not J. R. Christian, as stated iji chapter ten, page seventy-nine. In 
1859, J. T. Whitman, the present owner, bought the j)aper. It was 
partially destroyed by Gen. Sherman's men, and was suspended a 



GEOKGIA WEEKLY TKESS. GIO 

while. It has been Democratic, conservative and ably conducted, 
and is one of the solid institutions of Dalton. In 1854 Col. C. W. 
Hancock established the Sumter RzpuhUcan in Americus, when the 
place had three hundred people. It was a Whig paper, but has been 
Democratic since the war. It was suppressed by Gen. Steadman a 
month, in 1865. It is a line journal, and Col. Hancock is a leader of 
the Georgia press. It has a splendid scope of territory, it has grown 
steadily in circulation, and its present and only proprietor, if he lives 
fifty years longer, will leave it a legacy of honor and profit to his 
descendants. The Southern Watchniaa, at Athens, was also estab- 
lished in 1854. The Souther)% Enterprise, at Thomasville, began its life 
in 1855, and is now brilliantly run by Mr. C. P. Hansell. 

In 1856 the Monroe Advertiser was launched at Forsyth. J. P. 
Harrison ran it long. J. C. Harris began his bright journalistic 
career upon it. It has always been a model of a paper, and Henry H. 
Cabaniss now keeps it up to its unsurpassable standard. In 1857 the 
Cartersville JE,cpress was put forth. In 1858 the Gainesville E^jle 
commenced a strong career, J. E. Redwine long managing it. Its edi- 
tor is a bright writer, H. W. J. Ham. In 1859 the Early County 
Ke'L^s, at Blakely, and the Elberton Gazette, at Blberton,were established, 
both first-class journals. 

The Warrenton Clipper, so far as we can learn, is the only war-born 
paper in existence, it having been established in 1863. It has had a 
stirring time, one of its editors, Mr. Wallace, having been murdered. 
It is now run by Rev. John A. Shivers, one of the noted men of the 
State press, a bold, born editor. After- the surrender, the Newnan 
Herald came to us first in 1865, and also the Georgia Enterprise at 
Covington. The year 1866 saw an increased activity in the birth of 
papers. The Marietta Journal, Waynesboro Herald and Expositor, 
Dawson Journal, Eatonton Messenger, Greenesboro Herald, Hawkins- 
ville Dlsp>atch,iQsn^ Sentinel, Sparta Times and Planter, ^indys^Sishmg- 
ton Gazette, all vigorous bantlings, inaugurated healthy, influential jour- 
nalistic lives. The Marietta Journal was issued when the town was in 
ruins and garrisoned by Federal soldiery. It served a good mission, 
and gave hope to the county. It fought reconstruction boldly, and 
was menaced time and again. R. M. Goodman & Co. owned it up to 
1875, when Neal & Massey bought, and still run it. It is a first-class 
journal. The Waynesboro Herald and Expositor is under control of 
R. O. Lovett, and was a consolidation, in 1880, of Expositor, started in 
1866, and the Herald in 1878. The Eatonton Messenger has been a 



G20 GEORGIA WEEKLY PRESS. 

specially valuable and vigorous paper. It was called first the J^res.-^ 
and Messenger. It has changed hands and names several times. Its 
publisher and editor is Geo. W. Adams. It is one of the progressive 
journals of Georgia. 

In 18G7 the Valdosta Times was established. In 1868 the Barnes- 
ville Gazette was introduced to the public by Lambkin & Pound. 
Mr. Pound, McMichael & Allen, and lastly J. C. McMichael owned the 
paper in succession, the last gentleman now being the proprietor. The 
journal has been twice enlarged, so great has been its prosperity. It is 
read in six counties, and is a strong publication. The Brunswick 
Appeal was started also in 1868. The year 1869 saw several excellent 
weeklies given to the public, the Madison Ifadisonian, the Calhoun 
Times, the Fort Valley Mirror, the Perry TTome Journal, the Rome 
Bidletin, and the Talbotton Register and Standard. The Madisonian 
was the project of Dr. J. C. C. Blaekburn, for thirty years identified 
with our State journalism. It is ably conducted, Dr. Blackburn being 
aided by his son, B. M. Blackburn, and especially and wisely devoted to 
local news. The Talbotton Standard wa.s, the enterprise of two remark- 
able young men, John B. Gorman and J. T. Waterman. Mr. Gorman 
was a gallant soldier, has been a successful business man, and a great 
walker, traveling on foot over 1,200 miles, and is altogether a genial and 
original character. The Standard ^ys^s consolidated with the Megister'ux 
1880, and is now owned by J. B. Gorman and 0. D. Gorman, and edited 
by O. D. Gorman, who is a facile writer, and noted for his enterprise 
and fearless views. It is one of the model papers of the State, and 
wields a deservedly great influence in the progressive county in which 
it is published. 

In 1871 the Catoosa Courier was published, and has a large circula- 
tion, under R M. Morris. The Hinesville Gazette was first issued in 
1871, and that sterling journal, the Gwinnett Herald, published now 
by Col. Tyler M. Peeples, at Lawrenceville. This is one of the strong 
weeklies, and edited by an ornament of the newspaper calling. The 
McDuffie Journal, at Thompson, and the Louisville N'eios and Farmer 
and Bainbridge Democrat by Mr. Ben. Russell, complete the list of 1871. 
The Carroll Cotmty Times is a vigorous weekly, founded in 1872 by 
Edwin R. Sharpe. It has a pure moral tone, and steadily strives to ele- 
vate public sentiment. Carrollton is the terminus of the Savannah, 
Griffin and North Alabama Railroad, and the county is large and its 
prospects bright. The Eastman Times, the Toccoa JVews, the Green- 
ville Vindicator by J. T. Revill, the, Lumpkin Independent, all came 



GEORGIA WEEKLY PRESS. 621 

out in 1872. The Vindicator is conducted with singular power and 
independence. The Greensboro Georgia Home Journal was founded 
in 1873 by Rev. J. Knowles, an eloquent preacher and an able writer. 
The Hamilton Journal and Middle Georgia Argus at Indian Springs, 
Oglethorpe Echo at Lexington, and Montezuma Weekly, and the 
Thomasville Times by J. Triplett, also appeared in 1873. In 1874 the 
State Line Press at West Point, by S. P. Callaway; the Covington Star 
by J. H. Anderson, the Jonesboro Weios, Quitman Reporter, Summer- 
ville Gazette, and the JDarien Timber Gazette, by Richard W. Grubb, 
were established. These are all the very highest types of weekly jour- 
nals, bold, able and enterprising. Mr. Callaway aided to found an 
admirable system of public schools. ' Mr. Anderson's career has been 
romantic, he figuring largely in the famous Kansas troubles, and is one 
of the strong men of our press. Mr. Grubb is a genius. His bright, 
newsy paper has been a departure in journalism, and is to-day a recog- 
nized leader among our State publications. In its files it has embalmed 
the local history of its county and the famous citizens. It has given 
some twenty-five sketches of the journalists of the State. His office has 
been twice destroyed by fire. As delegate to political conventions, 
member of State Democratic Committee, he has been unusually honored. 
The Gazette has a large circulation, copies of it going to Hong Kong, 
Calcutta and Europe. The year 1875 saw the birth of the Berrien 
County JVews at Alapaha, the Brunswick Advertiser, the Carnesville 
Register, Hartwell Sun, Irwinton Southerner and Appeal, Jefferson 
Forest JS'eios. 

The Rome Tribune, the Marion County Argics, the Dublin Gazette, 
the Ellijay Courier and Butler Herald, Crawfordsville Democrat, now 
under charge of a bright Atlanta youth, Mr. Ed. Young, De Kalb 
News at Decatur, Franklin Neios, Henry County WeeJdy by Brown & 
McDonald, Walton County Vidette at Monroe, Coffee county Gazette, 
Svvainsboro Herald, all had birth in 1876. The Crawfordsville Democrat 
was established by W. D. Sullivan, then sold to M. Z. Andrews, who 
disposed of the paper to Ed. Young & Co. Mr. Young has doubled the 
size and circulation of the paper in a month, and its editorial manage- 
ment shows the first order of ability. The Tribune was founded by that 
powerful writer. Col. B. F. Sawyer, and is now run by an efficient 
editor, T. E. Hanbury. The Argus, published by W. W. Singleton at 
Buena Vista, is a conservative and well conducted journal, having a 
large scope of territory. The Dublin Gazette was the enterprise • of 
John M. Stubbs. It had a number of editors, A. T. Allen, J. M. G. 



622 GEORGIA WEEKLY PRESS. 

Medlock, Ira T. Stanley, J. H. Etheridge, and now it is managed ably 
by David Ware, Jr. The Ellijay Courier was begun by Lumsden & 
Blatts. It changed hands several times, until in 1877 it came into the 
vigorous control of W. F. Combs, its present efficient editor. It is the 
official paper of Fannin, Gilmer and Pickens. It has been a faithful 
advocate of our public school system. The Du Pont OkefeenoJiean, 
Walker County Messenger at La Fayette, Quitman Free Press and 
Griffin 8un belong to the year 1877. Mr. C. R. Hamleiter edited the 
8un vigorously, and recently sold it to Randall & Randall. 

In 1878 the Dade County Gazette, the Conyers 'Weekly, and the 
Dalton Argus, Blackshear N^ews, Cartersville Pi'ee Press, by C. H. C. 
Willingham, that sturdiest of our political editorial fighters, the Cedar- 
town Advertiser, the Dublin Post, and Louisville Courier, came forth 
to healthy usefulness. The Rev. J. A. Darr put out the Gazette, Dr. 
T. J. Lumpkin bought it in 1879, and runs it now. Its motto well 
exemplifies its management — " Faithful to the right and fearless against 
the wrong." Mr. J. N. Hale established and now conducts the Conyers 
W^eekly, and it is a paragon of good administration, run strictly on a 
cash basis. The Argus was the bantling of H. A. Wrench at Dalton, 
and was a spicy, outspoken, combative, keen-cutting striker. It is now 
run by Hamilton & Willingham, and is still a piquant paper. 

In 1879 several most excellent journals were established, one of them 
in its scholarly, forceful and vivid editorials equaling any journal. North 
or South. This paper, the Sparta Ishmaelite, edited by Sidney Lewis, 
is marked by a commanding ability, thorough fearlessness, and an 
incisive discrimination in its editorial conduct. Mr. Lewis is certainly 
a strong and gifted writer, and one of the ornaments of Georgia jour- 
nalism. The Fort Gaines Tribune was the enterprise of S. E. Lewis, and 
1ms deservedly grown into large circulation. The Douglassville Star 
was founded by Rev. J. B. C. Quillian, and sold the same year to its 
present proprietor, Robert A. Massey, who has made it one of the live 
j^apers of Western Georgia. The other papers, born in 1879, Avere the 
Arlington Advance, Cochran Enterprise, Americus Recorder, Bellton 
Georgian in Hall county, Dawsonville Mountain Chronicle, Fort 
Gaines Tribune, Fort Valley Advertiser, Harlem Columbian, McVille 
/South Georgian, Newnan Leader, Sylvania Telephone, Thomaston 
Middle Georgia Times, Thomasville Post, and Warrenton Our Country. 
The year 1880 was right prolific in new journals, the Walkinsville 
Advance, Spring Place Times, Danielsville Yeoman, Cleveland Adver- 
tiser, Canton Advance, Camilla Despatch, and Elberton JSfeios. 




GEORGIA HUMORISTS. 



OUR GEORGIA HUMORISTS. G23 

The year 1881 has witnessed the establishment of several successful 
papers; the Walton ISFeioshy B. S. Walker, which from January to Sep- 
tember has obtained the extraordinary circulation of 1,100 ; the Pike 
County JVeivs, by that veteran and accomplished journalist, Col. J. D. 
Alexander, who so long conducted the Griffin Neios. Col. Alexander 
was a gallant Confederate, a good lawyer, and has been one of the best 
editors in Georgia. He is a pleasant gentleman, true, able and full of 
the honor of his calling. His paper has had a remarkable success. He 
has just sold his journal to E. T. & J. E. Pounds. 

It has been an extraordinary mark of progress that the colored people 
have two well established weekly newspapers, one the Journal of 
Progress at Cuthbert, edited by an intelligent man named Wright, and 
the other the JBkicle at Atlanta, edited by W. P. Pledger, Chairman of 
the Republican State Executive Committee, and a very well educated 
and smart person, a good writer and excellent speaker. This account 
of the journalism of Georgia is the beginning of what constitutes an 
interesting part of our State history, and is necessarily imperfect from 
the difficulty of collecting information of so multifarious an interest. 

The literature of Georgia has not been voluminous, but it has been 
in many respects original and picturesque, and marked by a vivid 
individuality. The field in which Georgia literary genius has been most 
affluent is that subtle and delicate range of intellectual demonstration 
known as Humor. Our State can point to five writers of national 
reputation, who have rightfully won the fame due to genuine and 
original humorists. No state or country on the globe can show in one 
generation such a galaxy of humorous writers as Georgia. These five, 
in the order of their seniority, are Judge A. B. Longstreet, author of 
" Georgia Scenes," Col, William T. Thompson, author of " Major Jones' 
Courtship," Col. Richard M. .Johnston, author of the "Dukesboro Tales," 
Charles H. Smith, our " Bill Arp," and Joel Chandler Harris, our " Uncle 
Remus." The first three, Longstreet, Thompson and Johnston, have 
pictured the racy flavor of country life ; Mr. Smith has ranged over the 
whole domain of humorous thought, touching up the world of human 
foible with a gentle satire ; while Mr. Harris has portrayed with a 
master hand that wonderful and obsolete character, the plantation negro 
of the gone slavery days. Perhaps it is not invidious to say that the 
younger one leads the quintette. " Uncle Remus " has gone to Europe 
to capture the critics and literary savans there, and it is not less an 
inimitable and sustained piece of character drawing, imbued with a 
matchless humor, than a priceless contribution to ethnological science. 



024: Georgia's humorists. 

The South owes a debt to this author for snatchhig from oblivion 
pictures of a personality so pathetic and so valuable. 

Mr. Harris is versatile. He writes dainty poems, strong political 
leaders, business editorials, discriminating literary criticisms, pungent 
paragraphs upon the absurdities of the day, and he has sketched a 
serial story, the " Romance of Rockville," that betokens the power of 
the novelist. He is now engaged upon a story for " Scribner's Mag- 
azine," depicting the old slave life in the South. The most attractive 
quality of Mr. Harris' genius is his own utter unconsciousness of its 
versatile power. 

Judge Longstreet valued very little his talent for humorous writing, 
and was said to be ashamed rather of his successful venture. His 
" Ransey Sniffle " will live forever. Col. Thompson wrote also " Major 
Jones' Travels," the " Chronicles of Pineville," " Hotchkiss' Codifica- 
tion of the Statute Laws of Georgia," a dramatization of " The Vicar of 
Wakefield," and " The Live Indian," a comedy out of Avhich John E. 
Owens, the comedian, made fame and money, without pay to the author. 
And strangely too. Col. Thompson was tricked out of the copyright of 
his " Major Jones' Courtship," in the very flood tide of its extraordinary 
sale, and by a chain of curious circumstances has reaped no profit from 
its great circulation. This book was first published in the Madison 
Miscellany. A chaste writer and an inimitable humorist. Col. Thomp- 
son will live in our literary annals enduringly. 

Col. Johnston is writing regularly for the magazines, " Harpers' " and 
" Scribners'." His " Puss Tanner's Defence," in Harpers' several months 
back, is simply unsurpassable. It, like his " Dukesboro Tales," is a 
delicious piece of characterization, veiling in its exquisite humor, and 
faultless portrayal of personality, a pathos as gentle and an underlying- 
tragic intensity as strong as any man's pen ever embodied. As for " Bill 
Arp," the man seems perennial. Week after week for years he has sent 
out his unfailing messengers of wise fun, scalping with a kind keen- 
ness the every day fatuities of life, and beneath it all btibbling out a 
never ceasina;' current of touching- human nature. His book " Peace 
Papers " had a fine run. Judge Longstreet has gone to his long home. 
Col. Thompson, in his editorial labor, does no literary work. Long may 
he and Johnston and Arp and Uncle Remus be spared to scatter their 
humorous wisdom and illustrate Georgia in the world of letters. 

We have had considerable Historical writing in our State. McCall 
and- Stevens gave us fragments of Georgia History. The Rev. George 
White furnished valuable contributions in his " Statistics of Georgia," 



COLONEL CHARLES C. JONES, JE'. 625 

and " Historical Collections of Georgia," coming to 1854. In 1779, 
we had the " Historical Account of the Progress of the Colonies of 
South Carolina and Georgia," by Rev. Mr. Herbert. In 1869 a " History 
of Georgia " was printed by T. S. Arthur and W. H. Carpenter. Hon. 
Thomas R. R. Cobb wrote in 1858 an " Historical Sketch of Slavery." 
Stephen F. Miller in 1858 published his " Bench and Bar of Georgia." 
Judge E. J. Harden printed a " Life of Gov. George M. Troup." Hon. 
A. H. Chappell put forth in 1874 " Miscellanies of Georgia," and 
Thomas Gilbert of Columbus was the publisher. Hon. William A. 
Stiles wrote before the war a " History of Austria," a scholarly work. 
Judge Garnett Andrews was author of " Reminiscences of an Old 
Georgia Lawyer." A very remarkable book of historical Biography by 
a Georgian is " Reminiscences of Fifty Years," by .William H. Sparks, 
a work of uncommon vividness, value and dramatic power. Col. Sparks 
has a second volume of these interesting Reminiscences ready for the 
press. 

The undisputed head of our Georgia historic writers is Col. Charles 
C. Jones Jr., a gentleman of the highest literary culture and a born 
antiquarian. He has published twenty-five books and pamphlets relat- 
ing to Georgia matters, and is now engaged upon a three volume work 
covering the entire field of Georgia History from the founding of the 
colony to the present. His most important work, that has attracted 
the attention of the literary savans of Europe and won him the degree 
of LL. D., from the University of the City of New York, is the 
" Antiquities of the Southern Indians, Particularly of the Georgia 
Tribes." This volume has a large scientific value, is a model of ornate 
and strengthful style, and is the fruit of antiquarian research, critical, 
accurate, and profound. Col. Jones numbers among his other valuable 
publications, " Indian Remains in Southern Georgia," " Monumental 
remains of Georgia," " Historical Sketch of the Chatham Artillery," 
" Ancient Tumuli in the Savannah River," " Ancient Tumuli in Georgia," 
" Historical Sketch of Tomo-chi-chi, Mico of the Yamacraws," " Remi- 
niscences of General Henry Lee," " Kasimir Pulaski," " The Siege of 
Savannah in 1779," " The Siege of Savannah in December 1864," " Ser- 
geant William Jasper," " General Officers of the Confederate Service," 
" The Dead Towns oi- Georgia," " The Life of Commodore Josiah Tatt- 
nall," " Aboriginal Structures in Georgia," " Hernando De Soto, His 
March Through Georgia," " Memorial of Jean Pierre Purry," " The 
Georgia Historical Society," " The Colonial Acts of the General Assem- 
bly of Georgia, 1754-1774." Besides these important publications, whose 

40 



626 Georgia's poets. 

scope and variety give token alike of the literary labors of this classical 
writer and accomplished antiquarian, Col. Jones has contributed innu- 
merable articles to the reviews and periodicals of the country. He adds 
the graces of a charming gentleman to his literary tastes, and has a superb 
collection of original historical manuscripts and important Indian relics. 
He writes with remarkable fluency and taste, in a chirography like copper- 
plate. His " History of Georgia" will be a work of unspeakable value, 
and it is fortunate that the important labor has fallen to one so capable 
and finely equipped. 

Interesting sketches have been written of Savannah by ; of 

Macon, by J. Butler; and of Atlanta, by E. Y. Clarke. Ex-Gov. 
Wilson H. Lumpkin left valuable manuscript of record of a number of 
years of Georgia History, that has never been published. Col. Herbert 
Fielder has ready for the press, manuscript of a History of Georgia 
covering the late war which must prove a valuable work. One of the 
most important books of historical bearing is the famous " War Between 
the States," by Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, in two volumes, which 
has had a wide circulation, and is a profound and accurate presentation 
of the philosophy of the great civil war. Two very interesting biog- 
raphies of Mr. Stephens have been written, one by Henry Cleveland, and 
the other by Richard M. Johnston and William H. Browne. Another 
brilliant Georgia biography is the " Life of Linton Stephens," by J. 1). 
Waddell. 

Georgia has had a lavish affluence of poets, and can number among 
them some of the admitted masters of poetry. Such names as James 
R. Randall, Paul H. Hayne, Sidney Lanier, Charles W. Hubner, F. O. 
Ticknor, Harry Flash, Henry R. Jackson, and Richard Henry .Wilde, 
constitute a galaxy of genuine poetic genius. Mr. Randall has won an 
immortal fame by his " My Maryland." His handsome face, lit with the 
inspiration of his soul, is a noble outward indication of his exalted strain 
of pure poesy. His newpaper work is uniformly of the highest order, 
chaste, glowhig, thoughtful, alike full of solidity, faultiessness and radi- 
ance. Mr. Hayne has taken a high stand in the world of literature, he 
being the only one of our writers who devotes himself to it as a pro- 
fession. He has published several volumes of poems. He is a fine 
master of versification. He has written some 'very fine sonnets. He 
has just furnished the ode for the opening of the International Cotton 
Exposition at Atlanta, that is a fair out-giving of his poetic genius, 
warm, scholarly, musical and vivid. 

The name of Sidney Lanior evokes the tenderest thought of the 



SPARKLING GEORGIA POETS. 627 

reader. His recent death, so young and yet so established in fame, and 
with such affluence of distinction before him, has made him rarely 
mourned. He was a singularly gifted person. His mind early dis- 
played originality, brilliance and critical taste and beauty of scholarship. 
He published " Tiger Lilies," a novel, in Georgia, a book full of his 
individuality. He moved North and fixed himself in the literary world 
easily and shiningly. He was chosen from the whole rich range of 
American poets to deliver the opening poem at the Great Centennial at 
Philadelphia — a glittering pre-eminence. He published in succession 
with increasing fame, " The Science of English Verse," and " Bovs 
King Arthur." And he died in the midst of a new project, and occupy- 
ing the distinguished chair of lecturer in literature at the John Hopkins 
University. Lanier was a genuine genius. He had the true poetic 
inspiration and a divine master's faculty of poetic utterance. Richard 
Henry Wilde's " My Life is like a Summer Rose," will live with the 
language. Gen. Jackson is a true poet, and has written some exquisite 
gems of poetic feeling and expression. He published in 1850 a volume 
entitled " Tallulah and other Poems." Perhaps " My Father,'''' and 
"Jiy Wife and Child,'''' are his best poems and breathe the true inspi- 
ration. Harry L. Flash, editor of the Macon Telegraph, was a poet of 
rare power. He has settled down in some distant State to the sale of 
pork, but to that prosaic business in which he is said to be succeedinp- 
admirably, he is devoting a poetic faculty as dainty as exists. In 1860 
he published a volume of poems, and he has written fugitive pieces 
as exquisite as anything in the English language. 

One of the daintiest and sweetest poets we have in Georgia is 
Charles W. Hubner, now employed upon the editorial staff of the 
Christian Index. He has published a number of volumes, all rythmi- 
cal, fervent and sparkling. His " Souvenirs of Luther," " Wild Flow- 
ers," "Cinderella," and "Modern Qommunism," have given him an 
admitted standing as the possessor of the true poetic faculty. He is 
now issuing, through the fine publishing house of Brown & Derby, a 
volume of " Poems and Essays " that Avill enlarge his rising fame. 
There is one name upon which every Georgian can linger with a tender 
admiration. Dr. F. O. Ticknor. His poems were thrown off carelessly, 
and never published in book form until after his death, but he had a 
flashing vein of poetic genius, and deserves to rank among the true 
poets of America. His " Little Giffen of Tennessee " is one of the Hv- 
ing lyrics of the English language. J. R. Barrick, once editor of the 
Atlanta Constitution, and A. R. Watson of the Macon Telegraph, were 



628 GEORGIA BOOKS OF A SERIOUS NATURE. 

both fair poets. Mrs. M. C. Bigby of Newnan, Ga., has written some 
meritorious verses. Mrs. E. B. Castlen of Macon, published a sprightly 
volume of poems under the title of " Autumn Dreams." Miss Annie 
R. Blount of Augusta, printed a volume of poems before the w^ar. Mr. 
S. Yates Levy of Savannah, wrote a successful drama, " The Italian 
Bride," for Miss Eliza Logan, that evinced merit. Father Ryan wrote 
some of his best poems in Georgia while editing the Banner of the 
South in Augusta. His " Conquered Banner " has become historic. 
Miss Carrie Bell Sinclair of Augusta, published a volume of poems. 
Mr. John C. Langston of Bolingbroke, has recently printed a volume. 
Mrs. Jennie Porter has published " Valkyria" this year, a work com- 
memorating the war, with many poetic flashes, and having an excellent 
circulation North. Mr. James Maurice Thompson, formerly a lawyer of 
Calhoun, Ga., has become a regular and popular poetic contributor to 
the literary journals of the country. He has written many fine tales. 

Of serious works, Georgia has produced quite a number. Mr. John 
S. Wilson published the " Necrology of the Synod of Georgia" in 1871; 
Rev. James P. Simmons of Lawrenceville, the " War in Heaven; " Prof. 
Joseph Le Conte, a " Text Book of Geology," and with his brother, 
Dr. John Le Conte, a " Text Book of Chemistry;" Dr. P. H. Mell, the 
present aible Chancellor of the University of Georgia, " Baptism," 
" Predestination," " Corrective Church Discipline," and a " Manual of 
Parliamentary Practice;" Rev. F. R. Goulding wrote "Life Scenes 
from Gospel History," besides an inimitable series of boys' books that 
have had a world-wide circulation. "The Young Marooners " was 
printed in 1852 and has been issued by the tens of thousands in America 
and Europe. Mr. James P. Harrison has just issued one of the most 
valuable publications of the day, a volume of 900 pages, giving the biog- 
raphies of Southern Baptist divines, illustrated with over 400 portraits. 
It has been edited with great ca^re, and printed by his own publishing- 
establishment, the Franklin Printing House. A remarkable work just 
published is " Our Brother in Black," by that powerful writer and 
eloquent divine, Rev. Atticus G. Haygood, president of Emory College 
and editor of the Methodist Advocate. It is an able, fearless, original 
and conservative work, dealing with the problem of the colored race in 
the South with both a Christian and statesman-like hand. It is one of 
the most sententious, pregnant and philosophical publications of the 
time, and deserves the general circulation it is getting. Capt. M. 
Dwinell, of the Rome Courier, gave us " Common Sense Views of Foreign 
Lands," a remarkably clear book of travels, written with force and sim- ■ 



OUR GEORGIA NOVELISTS. 629 

plicity. Rev. J. M. Bonnell, president Wesleyan Female College, Macon, 
issued a " Manual of the Art of Prose Composition." Prof. R. M. 
Johnson published " The English Classics " as a text-book in colleges, a 
work clear, accurate and discriminating. Col. W. S. Rockwell printed 
a " Hand-Book of Masonry." Mrs. Mel R. Colquitt is one of our most 
gifted lady writers, who has written no book, but gained high reputation 
for her varied contributions to the periodicals of the day. Mr. White 
of Athens has written a book on " Southern Gardening " that is an 
authority. 

In the domain of fiction Georgia has done well. The leading novelist 
of the South, Miss Augusta J, Evans, now Mrs. Wilson, author of 
" Beulah," " Macaria," etc., and is a Georgia born lady. Hon. Henry W. 
Hilliard, recent U. S. Minister to Brazil, Congressman from Georgia 
from 1845 to 1851, issued a novel, " De Vane: a Story of Plebeians and 
Patricians," in 1866. Mr. Clifford A. Lanier, a brother of Sidney Lanier, 
has given the State two novels, " Thorn-Fruit " and " Two Hundred 
Bales;" Rev. Mr. Warren of Macon, the novel of "Nellie Norton;" 
Mrs. Maria J. Westmoreland, " Heart-Hungry " and " Clifford Troup ; " 
Mrs. Mary E. Tucker, the " Confessions of a Flirt; " Mrs. Emma L. 
Moffett of Columbus, "Crown Jewels;" W. D. Trammell, " Ca Ira;" 
Miss L. A. Field, " Plelen Freeman on the Right Path; " Mrs. M. J. R. 
Hamilton, "Cachet;" Mrs. Fannie Hood of Rome-, "Maude, a Life 
Drama;" Mrs. Hammond. of Atlanta, has recently put out the "Geor- 
gians," a novel of unusual power. 

Our two romance writers at present, of largest celebrity, are Mrs. Mary 
E. Bryan and Prof. William Henry Peck. Mrs. Bryan has published 
" Manche " and " Wild Work," two very dramatic novels, given out 
under the strong imprimatur of the Appletons, and displaying talent 
of a high order. She has been for years editing the Sunny South. 
That she has found time and been able amid her severe absorption of 
journalistic duty to produce two such fictions, is something remarkable. 
"Wild Work" is a reconstruction romance, founded in fact, and 
depicting some of the anomalous phases of that strange era in the South 
following the war, that has been narrated in this volume in its place in 
the march of turbulent events. Mrs. Bryan has genuine literary genius, 
and it is finding a wide and appreciative recognition. She is also a lady 
of lovely character and delightful social qualities. Prof. William Henry 
Peck has probably made more money than all the rest of our literary 
workers. He has been professor, president of a college, editor and 
novelist. His fecimdity of literary production is extraordinary. He 



630 GEORGIA JOURNALISM AND LITERATURE. 

had published thirty-four serials up to 1869, many of them stories of 
the late war, the "Renegade," "The Conspirators of New Orleans," 
" The Phantom," " The Confederate Flag of the Ocean," " The Maids 
and Matrons of Virginia," etc. In 1868, Prof. Peck moved to New 
York and lived there until 1875, when he located in Atlanta. In New 
Fork he wrote only for Bonner's great paper, the Ledger, the New 
York Weekly and the Philadelphia Saturday Night. Mr. Bonner, with 
that bold management that has marked him, has for years monopolized, 
the genius of our Georgian, whose stories have so largely contributed 
to his paper's success, and paid him the salary that railroad presidents 
receive. Mr. Peck has had 15,000 for a single story. His novels are 
principally historical, requiring laborious study before the author begins 
to fill out his plots. He writes usually five hours a day, sometimes ten. 
He studies five hours a day, and in addition reads everything published 
and keeps up with the press. He is a student of faces, voices, manner- 
isms and peculiarities, and combines the result of his observation in his 
characters. 

It has been no accident or stratch that enables this industrious Geor- 
gian to lead the serial writers of the world, to command a princely 
income, and to maintain his hold upon the largest reading constituency 
in iVmerica and England. Since 1870 he has written some forty novels, 
among them " The Stone Cutter of Lisbon," " The King's Messenger," 
" The Queen's Secret," " Flower Girl of London," " The Miller of Mar- 
seilles," etc. 

The characteristics of both our Georgia Journalism and Literature 
are marked, — healthy sentiment, independent thought, and a rapidly 
increasing culture. The genius of our Georgians is pure, original, and 
of a sunny, picturesque quality, but lacking in discipline and equipment. 
The epoch of reconstruction has in many respects favored the demon- 
stration of our Southern literary talent. The stimulus of necessity has 
forced latent intellectuality to vigorous exercise. Success, of unquestion- 
able capacity, has only been possible in competition with the trained 
methods of literary professionals, and to this end have our bright 
Georgia intelligences studied and striven. The warm fancy and strong, 
vivid, ready brainfulness of the minds of a race, gifted by nature and 
inheritance, have developed wonderfully. And, in the light of the ver- 
satile intellectual activity in our State in the last decade, reaching the 
demands of cosmopolitan criticism, grasping the attention of the world 
of letters and running into the highest forms of manifestation, we can 
indulge in large augury for our State's literary future. 



■ CHAPTER LII. 

THE RAILROADS, RESOURCES AND FUTURE OF 
GEORGIA. 

The State use of Eailroads. — Stupendous Railway Schemes Centering in Georgia 
recently. — Our State Railways. — The Central, Georgia, Air Line and State Rail- 
roads. — Wm. M. Wadley and his Great Plan.— E. W. Cole and his Dramatic Vicis- 
situdes. — The Erlanger Syndicate. — The Richmond and Danville, and Georgia Pa- 
cific Combination. — The Louisville and Nashville Organization and Gen. E.P.Alex- 
ander. —Over 2.50 Millions of Railroad Property Focalizing on Georgia; and 25 
Millions Building on Georgia soil.— Our Railroad Superintendents. — L. N. Tram- 
mell, Railroad Commissioner. — Georgia's Mineral Affluence.— A Grand State in 
Mineral Wealth. — The Results of the Geological Survey. — Our Agricultural 
Attractions.— The Work of our Agricultural Department.— Cotton Production.— 
Fruit. — Immense Range of Production! — Productive Fertility. — Stock. — Water 
Power Illimitable. — Small Farms. — Cotton Manufacture. — Free Schools. — The 
International Cotton Exposition. — An Amazing Enterprise. — A World's Fair put 
on foot in 108 days. — The Men of this Great Work. — The Opening of the Expo- 
sition. — Great Speeches. — Senators Z. B. Vance and D. W. Voorhees. — The 
Scope of the Exhibit. — A New Era betokened, and Georgia its Apostle. — The 
Summing up of Georgia's Career and Destiny. — A Noble Statehood, leading in the 
rush of Civilization and Progress. — The End. 

One of the most powerful elements in Georgia's striking progress 
lias been that her people early learned the value of the railroad, as an 
irresistible instrumentality of advancement. And it has been a curi- 
ous exemplification of her potential destiny, that in the last year or two 
this State has been the focal point of five stupendous railroad combi- 
nations, including thousands' of miles of track, radiating through a 
quarter of the vast Union, and involving hundreds of millions of property. 
And it is a fact, significant and honorable, that the majority of the mas- 
ter spirits of these colossal enterprises are from Georgia. It is no acci- 
dent that this supreme pre-eminence has fallen to our commonwealth, 
but it is the result of adequate causes — her geographical advantages, 
her superb resources, and the genius of her men. 

We have now in Georgia 2,616 completed miles of railroad property 
in the State, estimated as worth sixty millions of dollars. The capi- 
tal stock in 1880 was $31,380,650; funded and other debt, $24,136,- 
727— total 155,517,342. These roads cost 149,676,723. They earned 



633 LEADING GEORGIA RAILROADS. 

18,416,625, net earnings being $3,429,018, of which 11,619,936 was paid 
as dividends, and $1,051,111 as interest. The first railroads built were 
the Central, from Savannah to Macon, 191 miles in length, and the 
Georgia railroad, 171 miles, from Augusta to Atlanta. The experimen- 
tal survey for the Central Road was made by Col. Cruger, at tlie cost of 
the city of Savannah, in 1834. The Central Railroad and Banking Com- 
pany was organized in 1835, the road begun in 1836, and completed 
in 1843. The master spirit of this initial enterprise was W. W. Gor- 
don, Esq., a gentleman of uncommon energy and administrative ability. 
The charter of the Georgia road was granted in 1833. A part of it 
was operating in 1837, and the road completed in 1845. The 
Macon and Western Railroad was chartered in 1833, the charter 
amended in 1836, and the road completed from Macon to Atlanta, 103 
miles, in 1846. These roads had been constructed by private capital. 
Our enterprising people immediately turned their energies to connect- 
ing our completed triangular system from Savannah and Augusta, to 
Atlanta, with the great West. Some bold spirits, among them Hon. 
Alex. H. Stephens, chartered, and voted the State's money to the West- 
ern and x'Vtlantic Railroad, 138 miles, from Atlanta to Chattanooga, 
Tenn. This road was completed in 1850. The Air Line was chartered 
in 1856. Mr. Jonathan Norcross was the first president. The road 
was located in 1860. Work was not begun until 1867, under Col. 
Buford as president. The first ground was broken March, 1869, and 
the first rail laid October, 1869. The road was completed August 26, 
1872, the 265 miles from Atlanta to Charlotte costing $7,950,000. 
The name, Col. J. G. Foreacre, has a powerful and honorable connection 
with this great road. He was its general manager for years, and is a 
gentleman of extraordinary ability and enterprise. He is now presi- 
dent of the North-Eastern Railroad. Still another name of strong- 
prominence that had connection with the Air Line, is Maj. John B. 
Peck, who has long managed the South Carolina road, an able railroad 
writer as well as manager. 

To show the benefits of railroads, on the Air Line road, the popu- 
lation decreased from 1850 to 1860, when there was no railroad, at least 
two per cent., or from 108,800 to 105,247, while on the Western and 
Atlantic railroad it increased thirty-five per cent., or from 98,208 to 
132,549. The enhancement of property in value was over twenty-two 
millions, or eighty per cent, greater on the State road. After the Air 
Line road was built, the increase in fourteen counties was fifteen 
millions in four years, and 2,000 voters, representing 14,000 people. 



WILLIAM M. WADLEY. G33 

The South-western Railroad, 143 miles, from Macon to Eufaula, 
Ala.; the branch from Gordon to Eatonton, 38 miles; the branch from 
Augusta to Millen, 53 miles; from Barnesville to Thomaston, 16 miles; 
from Fort Valley to Columbus, 71 miles; from Perry to Fort Valley, 12 
miles; from Smithville to Arlington, 59 miles; from Cuthbert to Fort 
Gaines, 22 miles; from Griffin to Carrollton, 60 miles, all now belong- 
by purchase or lease to the Central, making 787 miles. 

The Georgia Railroad, 171 miles; Macon branch, 78 miles; Washing- 
ton, branch, 18 miles; Athens branch, 40 miles; Hartwell road, 10 
miles, and Lawrenceville road, 10 miles, making 327 miles, have been 
leased by the Central Railroad, giving that enormous corporation 1,114 
miles of track in the State, besides its outer connections of the Western 
Railroad of Alabama, Montgomery and Eufaula road, and Port Royal 
and Augusta road, running its total to 1,494 miles of road. It is in 
close sympathy with the Atlanta and West Point Railroad, 89 miles, 
one of the most valuable and best managed railways in the South, whose 
stock has valued high, and whose governing spirit has been Col. L. P. 
Grant, one of the most capable railroaders in the Union. The gentle- 
man whose name is most identified with the Georgia Railroad is Hon. 
John P. King, once a United States Senator, and for forty years a real 
railroad monarch, able, far-seeing, public-spirited and influential. The 
genius of this powerful combination is William M, Wadley, a gentle- 
man of iron force of character and a capacity for broad enterprises. 
Mr. Wadley is a large, noble looking man, with a face of singular 
benevolence of expression. He began in the humblest capacity on the 
Central Road. He has risen to a masterful pre-eminence through an 
individuality, unusually strong, simple and direct, with a vigorous posi- 
tiveness of will, and far-reaching conceptions, and yet with a narrowed 
range of thought in some matters due to lack of early culture. He is 
a great-brained and indomitable man. His superb system, grasping the 
most vital railways of the State, connecting at Savannah with the 
Northern ports by a magnificent line of Ocean steamers, clutching the 
South Carolina seaport metropolis of Charleston, with its roads, holding 
a direct link with Alabama and Mississippi and the great West, is a 
monument to his consummate and sagacious audacity. Mr, Wadley 
builds solidly, and he is one of the Railway Kings, not only of Georgia 
but of the South. 

The Macon and Brunswick Railroad was begun in 1859 and finished 
in 1869, costing four millions for the 196 miles, including the branch to 
Hawkinsville. Col. George H. Hazlehurst was the ruling spirit of this 



^034 COLONEL E. W. COLE. 

enterprise, a charming gentleman, and an accomplished railway manager. 
This road, whose history is romantic in the extreme, is the corner stone 
of the famous Cole-Seney combination. The history of these colossal 
railway movements in Georgia is a glowing chapter of startling sur- 
prises, sudden, secret and overwhelming purchases on a gigantic 
scale, splendid demonstrations of individual management, and formidable 
coalitions of capital and genius. And connected with these dramatic 
audacities of railway enterprise, have been some touching episodes of 
personal strategy, success and disappointment. Col. E. W. Cole, long- 
in charge* of the Georgia Railroad, had while President of the Nashville 
and Chattanooga and St. Louis roads, conceived and carried out appar- 
ently a powerful scheme that gave him supremacy to the Georgia coast. 
In the very hour of success, the Louisville and Nashville Railroad, under 
Victor Newcomb's daring young guidance, bought the Nashville and 
Chattanooga road, dethroned Cole and clutched his great scheme. It 
was like Sedan to Napoleon, seemingly, the end of an empire. 

Col. Cole bore his downfall philosophically. He had in his long rail- 
road career demonstrated abilities so conspicuous, judgment so sound, 
executive power so superlative, and a scope of conception so accurate 
and broad, that when he organized in a few days a plan covering a cash 
expenditure of sixteen millions of dollars, and gathering into a compre- 
hensive and symmetrical chain the scattered links that railroaders had 
struggled with for years, the country gave to the indomitable Cole the 
acclaim due to his enterprise and genius. Taking Brunswick, Georgia, 
as his ocean terminus, he bought the Macon and Brunswick road, Selma, 
Rome and Dalton road. East Tennessee and Virginia road, leased the 
Memphis and Charleston road, and has thousands of hands building the 
gaps from Macon to Rome, through Atlanta. Baffled in leasing the 
Cincinnati Southern, he has perfected his scheme by securing connec- 
tion with Norfolk and by Knoxville to Kentucky, and from Morristown 
to the Carolina roads. His associates are Mr. George I. Seney of the 
Metropolitan bank of New York, whose gifts to the Georgia colleges 
have so endeared him to the people of our State. The whole line of 
this combination includes 2,138 miles, penetrating the seven states of 
Georgia, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Kentucky, North Carolina 
and Virginia, and represents fifty millions of dollars. 

The Brunswick and Albany railroad, like the Macon and Brunswick 
road, a Georgia enterprise full of romantic eventfulness in its construc- 
tion, begun before the war and finished since, a memento of the most 
tragic episode of Reconstruction, embroidered with the association of 



THE p:klakger syndicate. G35 

over five million of fraudulent bonds, has been made the initial link of 
another vast railway scheme, known as the Erlanger syndicate of Frank- 
fort capitalists in Europe, represented by Mr. Fred Wolfe. This line 
extends from Brunswick, Ga., to New Orleans, and from New Orleans 
through Chattanooga to Cincinnati, and from New Orleans to Texas. 
It o-wns besides the Brunswick and Albany road, the Vicksburg and 
Shreveport, and the Vicksburg and Meridian, the Memphis, Holly 
Springs and Selma roads, and has leased the Cincinnati Southern, it 
has invested over twelve millions, and is building between three hundred 
and four hundred miles of new road. The Erlanger line embraces at 
present one thousand six hundred and thirty-one miles of road, worth 
forty millions of money, and it is still extending. It includes at present 
the following lines: 

Cincinnati Southern, 326 miles. 

Alabama Southern, 296 " 

Meridian to Vicksburg, . 145 '' 

Vicksburg to Shieveporf, 196 " 

Meridian to New Orleans, 193 " 

Kutaw to Memphis, . . ........ 17.5 " 

Eutavv to Selma, .... 52 " 

Selma to Albany, 163 " 

Albany to Brunswick, . 85 " 

Total, 1,631 " 

Mr. Wolfe has twenty-five millions to invest. Baron Erlanger, the 
head of the syndicate, is the husband of the daughter of John Slidell, 
Confederate Commissioner to Europe, captured on the British steamer 
Trent. To the historic fact of Slidell's embassy and the affectionate 
devotion of his daughter to the South, do we owe this enormous invest- 
ment of capital, commencing in Georgia, in the railways of the South. 

The Georgia Western Railroad, running from Atlanta into the inex- 
haustible coal fields of Alabama, has been a cherished project of Georgia 
enterprise for years. Starting and failing, organized and reorganized 
time and again, finally Gen. John B. Gordon caught up the unutilized and 
affluent opportunity, and has given it life. He and his brothers, E. C. 
Gordon, Walter Gordon and Gov. A. H. Colquitt, organized the Georgia 
Pacific Syndicate, with twelve and a half millions of capital, to build a 
line from Atlanta through Birmingham, Ala., to the Mississippi river. 
That rich and powerful syndicate, the Richmond and Danville, already 
owning the Air Line road in Georgia, has taken in the Georgia Pacific. 
This magnificent scheme covers the following roads: 



636 



THE GREAT LOUISVILLE AND NASHVILLE EAILKOAD CO. 



Eichmond to Danville, Va., 

Piedmont Railroad, Danville to Greensboro, N. C, . ' ". 
North Carolina Railroad, Goldsboro via Greensboro to Charlotte, N. C., 
North-western North Carolina Railroad, Greensboro to iSalem, N. C, 
Atlanta and Charlotte Air Line Railroad, Charlotte to Atlanta, Ga., 

N. & C. Narrow Gauge branches, 

Charlotte, Columbia and Augusta Railroad, Charlotte via Columbia to 
Augusta, Ga., ........ 

Columbia and Greenville Railroad, Columbia to Greenville, 

C. & G. branches, 

Spartansburg, Union and Columbia Railroad, Alston to Spartansburg, S. C 

Ashville and Spartansburg Railroad, Spartansburg to Heudersonville, N. C 

Western North Carolina Railroad, Salisbury to W. F. Ashville, 

Virginia Midland Railroad, Alexandria to Danville, Va., 

Manassas Junction to Strasburg, Va., 

Franklin Junction to Roey Mount, (N. G.,) 

Orange C. H. to Gordonsville, Va.,. . 

Warrenton Junction to Warrenton, Va., . 

Richmond, York River and Chesapeake Railroad, . 

North-eastern Railroad and Georgia, Athens to Lula, Ga., 



140 
49 

223 
29 

269 
70 

191 
143 

85 

68 

48 

155 

233 

62 

37 

9 

9 

39 

40 

1,899 



miles 



Add to this net-work of 1,895 miles the Georgia Pacific from Atlanta 
to Greenville, Miss., and Arkansas City, and its branches, of 500 miles, 
and we have the superb aggregate of 2,395 miles, worth seventy-five 
millions of dollars, with Atlanta and Richmond its centers. The Pres- 
ident of the Richmond and Danville Company is N. S. Buford of Rich- 
mond ; Vice Presidents, George W. Perkins of New York and A. Y. 
Hokes and T. M. Logan of Richmond, with T. M. R. Talcott as General 
Manager, A. Pope, General Agent, and R. Temple as the Chief Engineer. 
The Georgia Pacific remains under the Presidency of Gen. John B, 
Gordon. 

We now come to the powerful combination, that seems to be invinci- 
ble, spreading its strong tentacles ubiquitously, clutching new conquests 
with a giant's hand, preserving an acknowledged supremacy amid all 
the shifting changes of railway domination, and enlarging its colossal 
rule with a steady, irresistible force. Working in an impenetrable 
secrecy, its purposes are only discovered when successful. It in some 
way crushes rivalry, while it has a masterful capacity of beneficial coali- 
tion. The Louisville and Nashville combination is the mysterious and 
potential organization to which allusion is made. It inaugurated its 
first startling movement in invading Georgia and dethroning the irrepres- 
sible Cole. It is bound in a cordial alliance with Wadley's gigantic 
.system in Georgia. It bought a majority interest in the Western and 




<^7^C^ 



/ 



GEORGIA'S 



^ o(T5^ cy>iv?rCo^. 




H' ''/'/<! 



^,^^^^ 



RAILWAY MAGNATES. 



GENERAL E. P. ALEXANDER. C37 

Atlantic railroad, and but for the wily brain and firm nerve of Joseph 
E. Brown, whose forethought framed, and whose skillful management 
enforced, the provision in the law of the lease that kept the control of 
the road in the hands of the original lessees, and made a forfeitiare of 
the lease the penalty of discrimination, this subtle and iron-handed cor- 
poration would have obtained the possession and guidance of this 
regnant little State road of ours. And it has been a curious piece of 
railway drama, that this steady, diminutive railway of 138 miles, planted 
in Northern Georgia, has held its imperial monopoly of power and 
business, firm amidst toppling syndicates, unaffected in a hurly-burly of 
vast changes and the war of massive schemes, making every one of the 
stupendous enterprises of thousands of miles of steel track, typifying 
millions of aggressive capital, pay tribute to its sovereignty. No rival 
has yet sprung into life, though King Cole is seemingly about to accom- 
plish the achievement. 

It is an interesting fact, that the active spirit of this colossal combi- 
nation, the Louisville and Nashville, is our own brilliant young Georgian, 
Gen. E. P. Alexander, a noble officer of the South in the war, and now 
one of the railway magnates of the Union. He is carrying ably a vast 
responsibility. Wadley and Cole are nearing sixty years in age. 
Alexander is in the forties, and may well be called the young Napoleon 
of the railways. The Louisville and Nashville has over 3,300 miles of 
road, worth one hundred millions of dollars, covering the South and the 
West. An instance of its daring and watchfulness is shown in the fol- 
lowing recent movement in Georgia. 

In 1853, the Savannah, Albany and Gulf railroad was projected. Dr. 
John P. Screven was the master-spirit, and his son, Col. John Screven, 
succeeded him. The road was done to Thomasville, 200 miles, in 1861, 
and almost destroyed during the war, and rebuilt to Bainbridge, 236 
miles, in 1867. It has branches, Dupont to Live Oak, forty -nine miles; 
Thomasville to Albany, fifty-eight miles; and the Waycross and Florida 
division from Tebeauville to Folkston, thirty-four miles, extending to 
Jacksonville. This road had a million dollar subscription from the 
State, and $1,200,000 from Savannah. It is in the hands of a new com- 
pany, and bears the name of the Savannah, Florida and Western rail- 
road. The Louisville and Nashville road has, with its accustomed 
sagacity, combined with the Savannah, Florida and Western railroad, 
which extends its line to Chattahoochee, Florida, connecting with the 
Pensacola and Mobile road, now constructing by the Louisville and 
Nashville Company, and forming a direct and unbroken trunk line from 



638 GEORGIA THE CENTER OF GREAT R. R. SCHEMES. 

New York by Savannah to New Orleans. Thus does a Georgia line, 
starting from a Georgia seaport, afford the main Atlantic Southern 
outlet for another grand scheme. The Louisville and Nashville covers 
its shining tracks of steel from Norfolk to New Orleans by two routes, 
from Louisville to Pensacola, and from St. Louis to the Gulf of Mexico 
and the Atlantic Ocean. 

Again, Mr. Garrett, President of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, is 
said to be seeking his own line from Danville, Va., through Spartansburg, 
S. C, to Atlanta, at a cost of ten millions of dollars. These colossal 
enterprises stagger the imagination, and yet they are realities. The 
whole tendency of railway management is to vast consolidation, which 
is now experiment. It remains to be seen whether the huge net-works 
of railway will prove homogeneous and successful systems, or loosely 
knit schemes, heterogeneous and inharmonious. One thing is certain, 
and that is that in the face of these sweeping systems. State railroad 
commissions, governing isolated links of great chains, must be power- 
less to regulate them, especially in the absence of a uniformity of policy 
in the States. It looks as if a National commission must ultimately be a 
necessity. 

It is another evident contingency of this consolidating phase of rail- 
roadism, that the still larger combinations of the North and West may 
be expected to have an eye to the South, sooner or later, and with their 
illimitable capital and herculean enterprise, we may look for disarrange- 
ments of our Southern syndicates. Jay Gould has 12,000 miles of rail- 
way, from New York to California and Mexico. Railroads are secured 
by purchase of a bare majority of their stock. When it becomes to the 
interest of Gould or Vanderbilt, in the rushing development of Georgia 
and its enhanced value in a commercial view, to turn a longing eye 
here, we may not unreasonably anticipate a flutter and displacement of 
our present syndicates. 

Be this as it may, Georgia to-day occupies a position unparalleled in 
the Union. Ten thousand miles of railway corporations, aggregating 
300 millions of money, are pouring capital into and seeking control of 
Georgia commerce. Between twenty and twenty-five millions of capital 
from the Noi'th are being invested in railways in Georgia to perfect 
grand schemes. In every part of the State new iron pathways, besides 
those long lines already mentioned, are opening up the counties to the 
march of progress. The Marietta and Noi-th Georgia railroad, twenty- 
four miles from Marietta to Canton, is building on to the Carolina 
border. The North-eastern road, thirty-nine miles from Athens to Lula, 



THE RESOURCES OF GEORGIA. G39 

is swiftly extending; a road from Gainesville to Dahlonega is in process 
of construction; from Arlington to Blakely in Early county, the link 
is almost done; the North and South road from Columbus to Hamilton 
is booked for Lagrange; the Augusta and Knoxville road has its four- 
teen miles built in Georgia, and is going on; innumerable charters have 
been granted; Atlanta and Alabama, Rome and Chattanooga, Rich- 
mond county railroad, Rome and Lagrange, Cumming and Suw^annee, 
Buena Vista road, Logansville road, Rome and Carrollton, Kingston 
and Gainesville, Tennille and Wrightsville, Covington and Ocmulgee, 
Covington and North Georgia, Covington and South River, Hawkins- 
ville and Florida, Jeffersonville and Southern, Belt road, Cleveland and 
Lulu railroads. 

It would not be proper to conclude reference to our Georgia railroads 
without some allusion to its fine array of Superintendents, men of 
superior capacity and character. Among these are Mr. Raoul, Mr. 
Wm. Rogers and W. F. Shellman of the Central, Gen. Wm. McRae of 
the State road. Col. H. S. Haines of the Savannah, Florida and 
Western, Mr. I. Y. Sage of the Air Line, Mr. John Green of the 
Georgia, and Mr. J. M. Edwards of the Macon & Brunswick. A change 
has been just made in the Railroad Commission, Col. N. C. Barnett 
retiring, and Col. L. N. Trammell taking his place. Col. Barnett filled 
the place well. Col. Trammell has all the qualities to make a superior 
Commissioner. He brings to the high duties a splendid practicality, 
ambition to serve the public interest, and natural diplomacy. 

The resources of Georgia are not fully known. The Geological sur- 
vey, so well conducted for five years by Dr. George Little, still incom- 
plete, presents such an exliibition of varied wealth, even in its partial exe- 
cution, as places our commonwealth foremost in its transcendent natural 
advantages. 

The results of the survey have been: 1st, a collection of ten thousand 
specimens of minerals, rocks, ores, fossils, plants and woods, represent- 
ing every county in the State, arranged in geographical position, so 
that any one may walk through the room on county lines and see 
samples of everything which would be seen by traveling over the whole 
State. 

2. A topographical map of the State, half completed, showing the 
county lines as now established by law, county towns, villages, post- 
offices, churches, schools, mills and roads. 

3. A geological map of the State, showing the different formations 
and periods in its history, and the mines in operation. 



G40 THE MINERALS OF GEOnGIA, 

4. A hypsometric map sliowing the elevations from tide water to 
4,811 feet on the Blue Ridge. 

5. A map showino- the river systems and drainage areas. 

6. County maps of Dade, Walker, Catoosa, Chattooga, Murray, 
Whitfield, Gordon, Bartow, Floyd, Polk, Cobb, Fulton, Hall and Haber- 
sham, and of the Okefenokee Swamp, embracing portions of Clinch, 
Ware and Charlton counties. 

7. A map of the Ocmulgee River, from Covington to Macon, show- 
ing all the sites for manufactories in a distance of seventy miles, with 
an aggregate fall of 400 feet, with an atlas representing the topography 
of the separate falls. 

8. A map of North-West Georgia with two sections, showing the 
g:eolo2:ical features from the North-west corner of the State to the line 
of metamorjDhic rocks, in Bartow county. 

9. Unfinished maps of the counties in the western half of the State, 
for which all the data have been collected on sectional maps. 

10. Gold mines have been put in successful operation in Rabun, 
Towns, Union, Fannin, Gilmer, Pickens, Cherokee, Cobb, Paulding, 
Haralson, Dawson, Lumpkin, White, Hall, Habersham, T^incoln, Ogle- 
thorpe and Meriwether. In 1874 there were twenty-five stamps in 
Lumpkin; in 1881, 425. The 400 increase represent about 400,000 dol- 
lars of investment of capital. 

11. Copper has been worked by the Hunt & Douglas process, in 
Haralson county. 

12. Lead has been mined in Lincoln county. 

13. Manganese mines have been opened in Polk, Flo^'-d and Bar- 
tow. From the last 160,000 worth was shipped during the last year. 

14. Iron mines have been opened, and large shipments made, from 
Bartow and Polk and Dade counties, and over 100 miles of outcrop of 
fossiliferous iron ore located in Dade, Walker and Chattooga counties. 

15. Coal has been mapped over a territory of 175 square miles. 

16. Soapstone is now worked into blocks for furnaces and kilns and 
stoves, in Atlanta, from the mines in Cherokee. 

17. The largest acid chambers in America have been built at At- 
lanta, for the manufacture of sulphuric acid and the mills for produc- 
tion of acid phosphates. These form the basis for the fertilizers, of 
which Georgia consumed last year $i5, 000,000 worth. 

18. The North-eastern railroad is well under way to reach the gold, 
asbestos, serpentine and corundum of North-east Georgia. 

19. The Marietta and North Georgia railroad is moving toward 



MINING IN GEORGIA. 641 

the iron, marble, mica, graphite, talc, soapstone and gold of North 
Georgia. 

20. The Georgia Pacific is building to the gold, copper, magnetic 
iron, asbestos, mica and corundum of West Georgia, the coal-fields of 
Alabama, and the cotton belt of the Mississippi. 

21. Georgia has taken the first rank of the Southern States, from 
the publication of its resources for mining, manufacturing and agricul- 
ture, its climate, health resorts, mineral waters, timber and variety of 
soils. 

Up to this time there have been collected and placed in the geological ^ 
rooms, at the State Capitol, carefully labeled with the name of the 
owner, and the number of the lot, district and section, and arranged by 
counties: Asbestos from nine counties; Barite or Heavy Spa, two; 
Buhrstone or Mill Rock, twenty-seven; Chrome for paints, two; Coal, 
three; Copper, twelve; Corundum for Emery wheels, six; Diamond, 
one; Graphite or black lead, ten; Granite for building, forty-five; 
A GIass sand, two; Green sand, fertilizer, four; Grindstone and Whet- 
stone, four; Gold ores, sixty-one; Gypsum, land plaster, two; Hy- 
draulic Cement, two; Iron ores, seventy-one; Iron Pyrites (sulphur), 
seven; Kaolin, for china ware, eleven; Lead ore, eight; Lignite, fuel, 
four; Limestone, forty-eight; Manganese, fifteen; Marble, six; Marl, 
fertilizer, twenty-two; Mica, eleven; Nickel, one; Nitre, two; Peat, 
four; Quartz (opal, amethyst), forty-six; Slate, roofing, four; Soapstone, 
twenty-two; Serpentine, mantels, etc., eleven; Rutile, seven; Zinc ore, 
two. 

The following counties have minerals as follows: Rabun, Gold, 
Asbestos, Serpentine; Toiciis, Gold, Copper, Corundum; Union, Gold, 
Mica; Fannin, Gold, Copper, Iron, Marble, Talc; Gilmer, Gold, Copper, 
Iron, Marble, Soapstone; Pickens, Gold, Iron, Mica, Marble, Graphite; 
Cherokee, Gold, Copper, Iron, Mica, Soapstone; 3Iilton, Gold, Iron; 
Forsyth, Gold; Daioson, Gold, Corundum; Jjumphin, Gold, Copper, 
Iron; White, Gold, Asbestos, Diamond; Habersham, Gold, Iron, As- 
bestos; Hall, Gold, Lead, Iron, Mica, Asbestos; Dade, Iron, Coal, Fire- 
clay, Holloysite; Walker, Iron, Coal, Marble; Catoosa, Iron, Marble, 
Limestone. 

We have now in Georgia fifty gold mills with 500 stamps, the ma- 
chinery worth 1500,000; one copper mine,|50,000; one Sulphuric Acid fac- 
tory, $200,000; one Soapstone mill, 110,000; one Asbestos mine, $10,000; 
one Manganese mill, $100,000; eighteen Iron Furnaces, $2,000,000; one 
Lead mine, $1,000,000; one Corundum mine, $10,000; one Mica mine, 
41 



642 AGRICULTURAL DEPARTMENT. 

15,000; Lime Kilns, $20,000; one Ferro-Mang-anese Furnace, $10,000; 
aggregating four millions dollars of mineral establishments. Georgia 
has grown from the production of 9,634 tons of ii'on in 1870 to 35,152 
tons in 1880. 

The State of Georgia has the honor of being the first State in the 
Union to organize a Department of Agriculture, presided over by a 
Commissioner charged with the administration of the office, untram- 
meled by an advisory board. 

The administration of the Department throughout, and especially by 
Hon. J. T. Henderson, has been vigorous and profitable to the State by 
educating the farmers through many valuable publications, by increasing- 
production and elevating the pursuit of agriculture. It contributed too, 
more largely than any other instrumentality, to the advertisement of 
the resources of Georgia, and to the enhancement of her reputation 
abroad. It is a source of gratification to Georgians, when traveling in 
other states of the Union, to hear the encomiums passed upon their 
State, and especially upon the work of their Department of Agriculture. 

The commissioner has control of the inspection and analysis of 
commercial fertilizers, and by the thorough system of supervision the 
farmer is very thoroughly protected from loss, by the purchase of spu- 
rious goods. 

The fee for the inspection of fertilizers is fifty cents per ton. The 
State derived during the last season the sum of 164,060.23 in revenue 
from this source. Previous to 1877, the inspectors received the fees as 
compensation for their services. 

Under the law of 1877, the inspectors receive salaries and the fees are 
paid into the treasury. Since that time nearly $200,000 have been 
paid into the treasury, in fees for inspection, or $100,000 more than the 
Department of Agriculture has cost since its organization. 

The influence of the publications of the department have exerted a 
silent, yet decided influence on the agriculture of the State, which has 
been overlooked by many, but which has not failed to impress itself 
upon the observant of this as well as other states of the Union — nor has 
this influence been confined to Georgia, but has been felt for good in 
adjacent states. The manuals on S/ieep-husbandri/, the JJbg, on Cattle, 
Farmers Scientific Manual, the Hand-book of Georgia, Manual of 
Georgia, the reports of the soil-tests of commercial fertilizers in the 
different sections of the State — the crop reports — indeed all of the 
publications issued by the department, have exerted a most salutary 
influence upon the productive industries of the State, by supplying a 



GEORGIA THE SECOND COTTON STATE. G43 

vast amount of useful information to the tillers of the soil, which they 
have not failed to turn to practical account. 

A few facts and figures in this connection will serve to illustrate 
some of the beneficial effects of the work of this Farmers' Department 
conducted by farmers in the interest of farmers. The production of 
oats in the State in 1870 was, according to the census, 1,904,601 bushels. 
The census of 1880 shows a production of 5,544,161 bushels, on 612,- 
350 acres. This increase has been induced, in the main, through the 
agency of the publications of the Department, which informed the 
farmers in every section and county of the State as to the varieties 
which had given best results. The influence of the information in 
regard to the Rust Proof variety of Oats, published by the Depart- 
ment, has been most marked. 

The influence of the Department in inculcating correct ideas in 
regard to the use of commercial fertilizers, has been decisive in the 
increase in cotton production. According to the census of 1870, the 
Cotton Crop of the State was 473,934 bales, while the census of 1880 
shows a production of 814,398 bales, upon 2,617,138 acres, aggregat- 
ing 193,430 tons of lint cotton, and 386,859 tons of cotton seed. This 
increase in cotton production has not been accompanied by a reduction 
in grain. On the contrary, besides the increase in oats already mentioned, 
the last census shows that Georgia produced 5,544,013 more bushels of 
corn in 1879 than in 1869. The census reports of 1880 reveal the 
complimentary fact that Georgia stands the second State in the Union 
in the total production of cotton, a fact due to "better cultivation of 
the soil, the use of fertilizers and the thrift of an industrious popula- 
tion." It has been a remarkable fact in the cotton production of 
Georgia, that the use of the commercial fertilizer has made Northern 
Georgia a large cotton-producing section by hastening the seasons. 

Georgia, in her versatility of climate and soil, is adapted for every 
Variety of fruit, and is making rapid progress in fruit culture. The 
raising of early fruits and vegetables for the Northern and Western 
markets, is becoming a vast business. Judge Cunningham, of Atlanta, 
is the leader in the fruit industry. He has the largest orchard in the 
South, 60,000 trees covering nearly 600 acres. The first peaches bring 
thirty-five dollars a bushel in the New York market. 

The range of production in Georgia is very wide and varied. Sea 
Island cotton, rice, sugar and tropical fruits, in the Southern part; cot- 
ton, corn, fruit and the cereals all over the State; and grasses and 
clovers in the middle and Northern parts, afford any kind of farming, 



644 FERTILITY OF GEORGIA SOIL. 

that any one can desire. The vast pine forests in the lower portion 
have supplied an immense and growing lumber and turpentine trade. 
The tea production has been proven a success, offering an illimitable 
source of wealth with the proper labor. 

Some remarkable cases of productive fertility have been shown. 
Mr. R. H. Hardaway, in Thomas county, raised 117 bushels of corn 
to the acre; Mr. S. W. Leak, of Spalding county, has obtained 
40^ bushels of wheat on an acre; Mr. J. F. Madden, in the same 
county, raised 137 bushels of oats; Mr. T. C. Warthen, of Washing- 
ton county, five bales of cotton; Mr. J. R, Winters, of Cobb county, 
over three tons of clover hay; Dr. T. P. Janes, of Green county, five 
tons of clover hay; Mr. R. Peters, Jr., of Gordon county, nearly five 
tons of Lucerne hay; Dr. W. Moody, of Greene county, seven tons of 
Bermuda hay; Mr. John Dyer, of Bibb county, 398 bushels of sweet 
potatoes; Dr. J. S. Lavender, 1552 bushels of turnips in Pike county, 
on one acre. These are fine results, and show alike the fertility of the 
soil, and the excellence of the farming. 

In stock raising, Georgia has the best capacities, and has achieved 
good results. The Jersey cattle are taking strong and general hold on 
our people. Col. Richard Peters, of Atlanta, has been the leader in 
the introduction of stock. He has experimented in every variety of 
thoroughbred cattle and hogs. He has tried Devon, Ayrshire, Brahma, 
Durham and Jersey cattle, settling down finally upon the Jersey breed, 
the Merino sheep and the Angora goats. Col. W. B. Cox has made a 
specialty of Jerseys, and also Mr. Rhode Hill, Judge John L. Hopkins, 
and Mr. J. B. Wade, and others. 

The water powers of Georgia are almost innumei'able, covering three- 
fourths of our counties. There are mineral springs of strong potency 
in 23 counties. The development of cotton manufactures is progress- 
ing with a giant stride. The manufacture of cotton where it is grown 
is an idea that is seizing the world, it has proven so profitable. In 
Augusta 170,000 spindles are running, and the profit for eleven 
years of one mill, has been 18 per cent. The Eagle and Phenix mills 
of Columbus, in 1870 used 1927 bales, and in 1880, 19,000, and have 
made 25 per cent, profit. The following figures taken from an article 
in the Savannah JVews will tell the tale of our manufactures: 

" There are two classes of factories ia our State— those exempt from taxation for a cer- 
tain period, and those whicli pay taxes annually to the Comptroller General. Through 
the courtesy of Rohert U. Hardeman, Esq., the able chief of this department of the 
Comptroller's office, we have verified our figures, as far as such a thing was possible.. 



FACTORIES, FARMS AND FREE SCHOOLS. 645 

Of the taxable factories, Bibb county has invested within her borders $77,500, Brooks 
$13,935, Clarke $260,000, Cobb $156,750, Coweta $7,500, Decatur $5,000, Early $6,500, 
Greene $52,000, Hancock $10,800, Harris $75,000, Hart $t;,000, Houston $25,000, 
Muscogee $501,565, Newton $15,500, Pulaski $6,000, Riclinioud $546,000, Taylor $11,- 
000, Troup $40,000, Upson $45,000, Walton $56,000, Warren $30,000, making a total of 
$1 ,966,070. Of the non-taxable corporations Cobb county has invested $53,000, Chattooga 
$225,000, Coweta $75,000, Chatham $100,000, Cherokee $16,000, Bibb $70,000, Brooks 
$30,000, Bartow $49,000, Early $37,000, Eulton *286,000, Muscogee $500,000, Pickens 
$15,000, Richmond $1,700,000, making a total of $3,176,000. and a grand total of 
$5,142,070. This, however, does not include the splendid new cotton factories under con- 
struction at Augusta, in Richmond county, which, when fully completed and put in 
operation, will add over $2,000,000 to the foregoing grand total." 

These are marvelous figures. 

The policy of running small well-tilled farms in the place of the baro- 
nial plantations is becoming engrafted beneficially upon our husbandry. 
From 1868 to 1873 our small farms had increased 32,824, and now the 
enlargement will number 138,626, of which 76,451 are owned, and the 
balance rented. Only 3,491 are 1,000 acres and over; 7,017 of 500 acres 
to 1,000; 53,635 of 100 to 500; 26,059 of 50 to 100; 36,524 of 20 to 50; 
8,694 of 10 to 20; 3,110 of 3 to 10; and 101 under 3 acres. Georgia 
has more farms than any Southern State. The colored people have 
become thrifty and own 680,000 acres of land. The farmers must gen- 
erally adopt the policy of raising provisions and making cotton a sur- 
plus crop, and then with the multiplication of manufacturers we shall 
see an era of prosperity that can not be measured. 

In free education the State is marching apace with the age. Prof. 
J. G. Orr, the State School Commissioner, has done a noble work. 

The attendance since the inauguration of the school system in 1871, 
exhibits the gratifying fact of a steady growth of the system in each 
year. In 1871, white pupils, 42,914; colored, 6,664; total, 49,578. In 
1873, white, 63,922; colored, 19,755; total, 83,677; increase, 34,099. 
In 1874, white, 93,167; colored, 42,374; total, 135,541; increase, 51,864. 
In 1875, white, 105,990; colored, 50,358; total, 156,394; increase, 20,808. 
In 1876, white, 121,418; colored, 57,987; total, 179,405; increase, 
23,011. In 1877, white, 128,296; colored, 62,330; total, 196,626; in- 
crease, 11,211. In 1878, white, 137,217; colored, 72,655; total, 209,872; 
increase, 19,246. The total number of children of school age is 433,444. 

Cities and towns have local school laws, paying $200,000. With the 
State school fund the sum of 1600,000 is paid for free schooling. The 
State gives an endowment of 110,000 to the State University at Athens, 
and $8,000 to the colored college at Atlanta. The State Universitv and 



646 CONDENSED STATEMENT OF GEORGIA ADVANTAGES. 

its branches at Dahlonega, Milledgeville, Cuthbert, and Thomasville, 
educate free in the highest college curriculum over 2,000 pupils. We 
'lave flourishing denominational and private schools and colleges. Mr, 
Geo. I. Seney of New York, deserves a large share of State gratitude 
and appreciation for 1100,000 donation to Emory College at Covington, 
and 170,000 to Wesleyan Female College at Macon. The State is espe- 
cially affluent in Female Colleges. Wesleyan, at Macon, is the first 
Female College that was established in the world. The Southern 
Masonic Female College at Covington, Catholic Pio Nono College at 
Macon, Rome Female College, Rome Cherokee Baptist Female College, 
Houston Female College at Perry, Martin Institute at Jefferson, Con- 
yers Female College, Collingsworth Institute, Levert Female College 
at Talbotton, Southern Female College at La Grange, West Point 
Female College, and two Female Colleges at Dalton, are among our 
prosperous seminaries of learning. 

The following succinct and condensed statement of the advantages of 
Georgia was made by Hon. Joseph E, Brown, and gives an admirable 
recapitulation of our great State: 

" The climate is genial and healthy, with every variety to suit the preferences of the 
immigrant, whatever may he his intended pursuit. If he desires to raise rice, sea island 
cotton and semi-tropical fruits, including the orange, and have fish in abundance, or 
desires to engage in the culture of early vegetables and fruits for Nortliern consumption, 
he can find a suitable location upon her soutliern coasts or islands. If he desires to 
engage extensively in the lumber business, there is no better field open to him in the 
world. In connection with this, he can make turpentine and naval stores to any extent 
that his capital and enterprise may justify. If he desires to raise cotton, and pro- 
duce the cereals necessary for his owu use, there is no better field than Middle and 
Southern Georgia. If he desires to embark in sheep husbandry or the raising of 
cattle, he can do so with great success in all the wire grass section of the State, where 
they winter themselves upon the spontaneous productions of the earth. If he wishes to 
make sugar and syrup for his own use, and even for market, South Georgia affords him 
an ample field. If he wishes to cultivate clover and the other grasses, with corn, wheat, 
oats and cotton, the rich valleys of upper Georgia hold out a most inviting prospect. 
If he wishes to raise the apjde and other fruits of the higher latitudes, the high table 
and mountain lands of North-eastern Georgia afford him an ample field with liberal 
remuneration. If he wants to engage in the culture of potatoes and vegetables in com- 
mon use, he can find a suitable location in almost any part of the State. If he wants a 
lienlthy retreat in the heat of summer he can find among the mountains of North-east 
Georgia localities where the bnds scarcely begin to swell before the first days of June, 
and where he will need fire in liis room every night in the year. If he wants to engage 
in the manufacture of cotton, water power of the best kind abounds without limit, and 
lie will never be interrupted a day during the year by the streams being frozen over with 
ice, or if he prefers the use of steam power, he can have that in the upper part of the 
State, near the coal mines, as cheap as he can have it anywhere in the Union. And if 



THE INTEE^STATIONAL COTTOlSr EXPOSITION. 647 

liis tastes or liis training lead him into the business of merchandising, Atlanta Savannah 
and other centers of the State extend to him an inviting field and a cordial invitation. 
In a word, we offer to the immigrant of every country and of every calling or pursuit 
a cordial welcome and an inviting field of operations, where industry, energy and 
economy soon lead not only to competency, but to the accumulation and possession of 
large wealth. 

The year 1881 will be a memorable one in Georgia annals in marking 
the most momentous and far-reaching event of her extraordinary mate- 
rial progress. It has at one single step placed her indisputably among 
the foremost states of the Union and the leader of the South. It has 
strikingly worked out her "manifest destiny" of supremacy. The 
Internatioi^al Cottox Exposition, the first World's Fair in the 
South, was opened on the 5th day of October, 1881, with imposing- 
ceremonies. In its significance and results it was a massive occurrence. 
An immense crowd witnessed the pageant. The Right Rev. Bishop 
Robert W. Elliott, son of Bishop Stephen Elliott, one of the most 
gifted and pious divines of Georgia, opened the ceremonies with a 
beautiful prayer. The Director-General, H. I. Kimball, gave a brief 
history of the enterprise, and presented the Exposition to the public. 
Gov. A. H. Colquitt, the President of the Exposition, formally received 
the Exposition in a brief address of fervent eloquence. Succinctly 
allufting to the financial and material purposes of the project, he broad- 
ened its inspiration in these noble words, which evoked deafening 
applause: 

" While material objects and results have been wisely considered in this exposition, 
for one, I feel sure that the noble and beneficent impulse of this enterprise is to 
draw the people of every section of this great country nearer and more firmly to- 
gether, and closer to each other's liearfs. The idea that has run like a thread of liglit 
through every measure and labor of this enterprise is, that all sections or portions of this 
vast country are truly, essentially, virtually parts of it. You, gentlemen, propose to 
encircle in the warm embrace of your fraternal love our fellow-citizens of every state, 
and to unify the spirit of our common country. A sublimer work was never designed 
or attempted by mortal agency. * * Let the good work prosper and go on. Let the 
ministering spirit of peace and good will, with strong pinion, take the sweep of this vast 
heritage of ours, and may every patriot feel that in the house of our Father, we cherish 
one heart, one hope, one destiny." 

U. S. Senator, Z. B. Vance, of North Carolina, followed in an 
exquisite little speech. His tribute to Cotton was poetic. Designating 
it as the " infant heir of the blood royal to the empire of trade," he 
continued in these beautiful words: 

" The merchant in the distant city listens for tidings of its coming up ; the manufac- 
turer amid his brick walls and tall chimneys anxiously observes its bloom ; the restless 



G48 U. S. SENATORS Z. B. VANCE AND D. W. VOOKHEES. 

speculator gazes upon its opening bolls ; the mariner, with his broad sails flapping idly 
against his masts, waits for its maturing — and the poor everywhere pray for the gentle 
shower and the soft sunlight on which it feeds, and rejoice at its safe ingathering. 

" Its growth is the idyllic poein of our people — its mature existence is a system of 
political economy. It is the source of the hoarse shout of the steam engine ; it is the 
melodv of the soft song of the spindle and the loom; it is the fair\' of the waterfall; it 
is warmth, it is comfort, it is beauty. It is the pride of our fields, the source of our 
wealth, tiie king of our commerce." 

Mr. Vance gave this soulful Southern welcome, the characteristic out- 
flow of the sunny hospitality of our people: 

" Farmers, merchants, manufacturers, miners, curriers, laboring men and men of 
letters, the great army of civilizers and supporters of progress and free government, 
tiie men of the press, strangers and lookers-on, countrymen and countrywomen, we 
welcome you all. To every one present, or to come, we extend a Soutlieru welcome, 
warm as our sunshine, and bid him behold what can be done by a land wliose fields were 
but yesterday ' kneaded into bloody sods by the maddening wheels of artillery,' whose 
beasts of burden were swept away by devastating armies, whose nol)lest sons were 
slaughtered in battle, whose homes were burned with fire, and wliose governments have 
passed through an era of corruption worse than anarchy. We invite you with pride to 
witness these conclusive tests of the genial nature of our climate, the fertility of our 
soil, the energy of our people, the conservative vitality of our political institutions; in 
short, we invite you to see that we have renewed our youth at the fountains of industry 
and found the hills of gold in the energies of an imperishable race. 

" To every human soul from all the broad domains of Christendom, which may have 
one desire to promote the happiness and stimulate the pi'ogress of our race, which can 
add one voice in praise of the triumphs of peace, we say welcome, in God's name, to 
tlie liearts and homes of this Southern laud." 

The response to this was given by U. S. Senator Daniel W, Voorhees, 
of Indiana, in a speech of eloquence and statesmanship, holding the 
immense gathering upon his stately utterances for one hour and a half. 
This address elaborately recounted the history and triumphs of Cotton. 
The whole speech was a great one. There were expressions in it of 
noble import, and a broad grasp of inspired prophecy. The paragraphs 
following deserve perpetuation: 

" This is a world of compensations, and it seems to me that for the sorrows of tlie 
past we are now standing in the dawn of a better day than American liistory lias ever 
known, and that the splendor of its unclouded sun will soon break over our heads. Sir, the 
South enters the arena to contend, for the first time, for the supremacy in all the 
industrial pursuits. She comes with the light of youth and hope in her face, her eyes 
no longer red with weeping, and every patriotic heart in tlie North salutes her here on 
these grounds with a fraternal embrace. This is a field of peaceful strife over which the 
angels in heaven have joy. The South and the North meet here with one language, one 
territory, one government, one allegiance, one flag and one heart for the prosperity of 
all. Those whom God hath thus joined together let no man seek to alienate or put 
asunder ! 



SENATOR VOOKIIEES' GPwEAT SPEECH. G49 

" Tlie relations which the southeru states bear to tlie great questions of production 
and manni'acture are of vital and overshadowing importance. Here sti'etches that 
mighty cotton l)elt which startled and revolutionized tlie trade of thd world less than a 
century ago ; whose fields, with their tinted blossoms, are richer and more .valuable to 
mankind than all the mines of gold and diamond fields of the earth. It was once 
thought that the cotton jilantation was dependent upon a certain s\ stem of labor. The 
rapidly increasing production of cotton during the la'<t fifteen years has, to the joy 
of tlie M'orld, exploded that error. It is the creature of intelligent industry by whomso- 
ever bestowed. It invites the labor of every na'ivity and color, and remunerates them 
all. 

" There is such a thing as fair play in the history of a people, and the time has now 
come for the south, in my opinion, to enjoy its fruits. There is a gigantic double profit 
within j-our reach if you will put forth your hands and take it. I'he profit of the pro- 
ducer you already have; the profit of the manufacturer — which enriches nations — is 
yours to command ; it awaits your call, and if I mistake not the meaning of this day, 
the call has been made. Be assured that it will be answered. It is my fond hope and 
belief that he who is living twentv-five years hence will behold the transfiguration of 
the south. JS'ew inilustries, incoming capital, and teeming populations are in store for 
her future. The cotton belt proper, extending from Korth Carolina to Texas, will be 
studded with gems more resjilendent than ever shone on the belts or diadem of roy- 
alty. Along the banks of southern streams, inlets and bays, new cities and villages will 
arise, sending to all the markets of the world the manufactured productions of the 
neighboring plains. 

" The Creator has here spread His amplest bounties for the human race, and the south 
now for the first time, with the authority of circumstance and ceremony, invites the capital 
and labor of the world to assist in their development. Throughout all this vast 
extent of country, the capabilities of the south for cotton-rai.^iug and for manufacturing 
her own productions are practically without limit. There are young men and women 
now listening to me, who will as certainly behold a crop of twent}^ million bales in the 
future, as they have seen one of five millions in the past. And they will with the same 
certainty, behold the purchasers of the whole world coming here, not only for their 
sup])ly of the raw material, but also for manufactured goods in such quantities as to 
rule all markets, foreign and domestic. Such is the great and puissant future which I 
foresee for the South, springing forward, as she now is, to grasp all the improvements, 
the inventions, and the progression of the present age, and all the benefits and blessings 
of her government. 

" Sir, I come from the North-west, and I bring to you the hail of hope, good cheer, 
and American brotherhood from every true and manly heart iu all that mighty region. 
A few moments more and the first world's fair on southern soil will begin its three 
months' career. All the nations will take note of the experiment. Your brethren of 
the East, of the North and of the West are looking on, ho])ing all things and believing 
all things favorable to its success. After a little while it will take its place in history, 
and from that point may a new era of national prosperity be opened before the Ameri- 
can people, and may they be inspired with new and lasting affection for each other." 

The ceremonies closed with a fitting poem by Paul H. Hayne, read 
by Col, N. J, Hammond, — a rare tribute to Atlanta, whose irrepressible 
enterprise has made this august achievement a success. The concep- 



650 



THE ORGANIZATION OF THE COTTON EXPOSITION. 



tion of an International Cotton Exposition belongs to Mr. Edward 
Atkinson, of Boston, Mass., and the original idea was to combine in 
one great display, every conceivable form of cotton production, manu- 
facture and invention. This idea was soon enlarged, and the Exposi- 
tion was broadened into a World's Fair. There was much competition 
for the Exposition between southern cities, and some very strong- 
inducements held out, but Atlanta won it. On the 25th of February, 
1881, the first meeting of business men was held in Atlanta, and a tem- 
porary organization was effected. A charter was procured and a per- 
manent organization effected On the 16th of April. The enterprise 
was placed in the hands of an executive committee of 29 members. 
The committee was composed as follows: 



n. I. KIMBALL, Chairman, 



B. E. CRANE, Chairman, />ro tern. 
Joseph E. Blown, .... Atlanta, Ga. 

S. M. Liman, Atlanta, Ga. 

J. W. Kyckinan, . . Philadelphia, Pa. 

11. J. Lowry, Atlanta, Ga. 

R. E. Madolox Atlanta, Ga. 

W. A. Moore, Atlanta, Ga. 

M. C. Kiser, Atlanta, Ga. 

L. P. Grant, Atlanta, Ga. 

.Jno. A. Eitten Atlanta, Ga. 

H. J). Spaldin<: Atlanta, Ga. 

Richard Peters, Atlanta, Ga. 

E. P. Howell, Atlanta, Ga. 

Sidney l^oot, Atlanta, Ga. 

J. W. Paramore, .... 



Atlanta. 
Atlanta. 



B. F. Abbott, Atlanta, Ga. 

T. G. Healey, Atlanta, Ga. 

W. C. NefE, Atlanta, Ga. 

Jno. L. Hopkin.'i, .... Atlanta, Ga. 
Jno. T. Henderson, . . . Atlanta, Ga. 
J. F. Cummincs, .... Atlanta, Ga. 

Jas. R. Wylie, Atlanta, Ga. 

J. C. Peck, Atlanta, Ga. 

E. P. Chamberlin, .... Atlanta, Ga. 
P^dward Atkinson, . . . Boston, Mass. 
Cyrus Bussey, . . . Xew Orleans, La. 
Richard Garsed, . . Philadelphia, Pa. 

Jno. H. Inman, New York. 

St. Louis, Mo. 



Mr. H. I. Kimball was made Director-General, and Mr. J. W. Ryck- 
man, editor of the Textile Heoord, the Secretary. The first President 
of the convention was Joseph E. Brown. He resigned on account of 
family affliction, and Gov. Alfred H. Colquitt was made the President. 
Mr, Kimball has an uncommon talent for enterprises of this kind, possess- 
ing energy, inventiveness and administrative faculty. Mr. Ryekman has 
been the right man in a responsible place. The committee has proven 
to be a body of extraordinary management. Mr. Kimball visited the 
North and West, and Hon. Thomas Hardeman the South and West, in 
the interest of the Exposition, addressing the Boards of Trade of the 
leading cities, and securing some $200,000 of subscriptions to the enter- 
prise. The interest in it was general and profound. Business men took 
hold of it eagerly. Dr. H. V. M. Miller was sent to Europe as agent of 
the Exposition. 

Perhaps never, in the history of such enterprises, has there been any- 
thing to equal this one in the rapidity and completeness of its execution. 



COTTON. 651 

It is an unequaled monument of bold and immense business skill and 
energy. On the 30th of May, 1881, the contract was signed for the 
main building, which had been eixlarged four-fold beyond the original 
size to suit the enlarged demand. On the 1st of June, ground was first 
broken, and in 108 days, to the 5th of October, 1881, when the Exposi- 
tion was opened, buildings have been erected, furnishing twenty acres 
of exhibition space, eleven miles in circumference, using eight million 
feet of lumber, five miles of sewerage pij^e and six miles of steam pipe. 
Beautiful grounds have been created. An hotel for the accommoda- 
tion of 1,000 guests has been erected at the grounds. 

The work done has been simply amazing. Over 2,000 exhibitors have 
sought space, and hundreds have been refused. Every kind of business 
is represented. Some exhibitors have expended 135,000 on their displays. 
The varied exhibition of general industries is complete. In executing 
the chief idea of the Exposition, the show of cotton, textile machinery, 
and the hundreds of appliances and processes that have grown out of the 
great staple all over the world, is something phenomenal. Seed of every 
kind of cotton grown in the world were obtained by telegraphic order by 
Mr. S. M. Inman, the Treasurer of the Exposition, and are planted and 
growing in the same field. There is cotton from India, from Hindoostan, 
from China, from Japan, from Australia, the North coast of Africa, 
Brazil, Chili, and the South Sea Islands, the Cape of Good Hope, Mexico, 
Central America, Bombay, and every other climate in which the cotton 
plant has ever been grown. Each plant preserves its characteristics 
admirably, and side by side may be seen cotton with the perfectly red 
flower growing ten feet high, and the stalks, with perfectly blue flowers, 
growing less than two feet high. There is the queer Chinese cotton 
with a pinched, contracted look that marks everything that comes from 
that country; the Peruvian cotton, with its flowers of Indigo and its 
small bolls; the Indian cotton, with its tropical appearance, but imperfect 
fruitage, and all of them with their various marks crowned by a few 
rows of our own, king of them all. Cognate to this, and a part of the 
same exhibition are bales and bags, and packages of cotton received 
from every country, in which cotton is handled, packed, or baled in the 
manner peculiar to each country. This exhibition of itself is a wonderful 
one, and shows that while the South may be ahead of all other sections 
in growing cotton, that there are older, if not wiser people, who know 
how to pack it better. 

The display of cotton machinery is complete and instructive. Every 
process of manufacture is practically shown, and the aggregate in- 



C52 Georgia's great inventors. 

ventions of this keen-witted age are grouped together in the benef- 
icent collision of peaceful rivalry for the benefit of all peoples and 
countries. 

Among the most picturesque demonstrations, are those made by the 
great railroad systems, of the woods, minerals and agricultural produc- 
tions of the country on their lines of track. States have made similar 
displays of their resources. It is impossible to enumerate the extent 
of this stupendous exhibition. It includes the commerce and manufac- 
tures of the world. Throngs of people are swarming to the Exposition, 
giving the supplement of a vast attendance to the supreme achievement. 
The problem of entertaining thousands of visitors in a city of 40,000 
inhabitants, has been a critical one, but it has been nobly solved by 
hospitably throwing open the homes of the indomitable little metropolis 
to the inundation of welcome guests. 

Reviewing the past of Georgia, impartially estimating her present 
importance and power, it requires no strain upon the imagination to lay 
down for her a great future. She seems to have been selected for un- 
usual achievement. Her history glitters with incidents of moral and 
intellectual supremacy, some of them valuable and important, and 
freighted with associations of renown and humanitarian utility, 

Georgia was the first and only free and anti-slave colony in America, 
and continued thus for a number of years, until the superior growth of 
the slave colonies around her necessitated a change. Her code of laws 
of 1799 was so wise and symmetrical that it was engrafted upon the 
hoary and venerable body of English jurisprudence. The first steam- 
ship that ever crossed the ocean sailed from Savannah, an instrumen- 
tality that has revolutionized the international commerce of the world. 
The first female college in the world, the Wesleyan Female College, 
was established at Macon, Georgia. The Cotton Gin, that omnipotent 
weapon of human benefit was invented in 1793, by Eli Whitney, near 
Savannah, on the plantation of Gen. Greene of revolutionary fame. 
^Vnd it is a fateful coincidence that our great International Cotton Ex- 
position, the first of the world, now progressing in Atlanta, should be 
en Georgia soil, and the outcome of that wonderful invention of nearly 
a century ago that here found birth. 

The first sewing machine was invented by a Georgian, Rev. F. R. 
Goulding, author of the "Young Marooners." The archives of the 
Georgia State Executive Department contain a letter written by James 
Longstreet, father of A. B. Longstreet, author of " Georgia Scenes," 
in 1793, to Edward Telfair, Governor of Georgia, asking his help to 



GEORGIA THE LEADER OF THE CONFEDERACY. 653 

equip the steamboat that he had invented, thus establishing Georgia's 
claim to the first invention of this benefaction. 

The State has witnessed another incalculable contribution to the 
world's great benefits in the discovery, by Dr. Crawford W. Long, a 
native of Athens, Ga., of Anesthesia, in 1842, who thereby takes 
rank among the benefactors of mankind. Science and humanity have 
determined that the two greatest boons conferred on mankind were 
vaccination and Angesthesia. England gave the one and Georgia the 
other. The portrait of Dr. Long was presented to the State of Georgia 
by Mr. Stuart, and formally received by the General Assembly, and it 
now hangs in the Representative Chamber, in the State House in At- 
lanta, among the historic pictures of our distinguished men. 

The four years before the war of 1861, the increase in the taxable 
wealth of Georgia was 176 millions of dollars, an astounding fact. In 
the slavery agitation preceding the war, Georgia was the leading instru- 
mentality, and to Robert Toombs, of this State, is due above all others 
the responsibility for secession. The declaration of defiance for the 
South against the North was fulminated by Martin J. Crawford, a 
Georgian. The first act of war was by the Georgia Governor, Joseph 
E. Brown, in seizing Fort Pulaski. Georgia's reprisal upon New York 
through Gov. Brown evoked the attention of the Congresses of both 
governments. The shaping spirits of the Southern Confederacy were 
Georgians. Howell Cobb was President of the Convention, Thomas R. 
R. Cobb was Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, Francis S. Bartow 
^was Chairman of the Military Committee, Alexander H. Stephens was 
Vice President of the new government, and Robert Toombs was premier 
of the President in the provisional, and the formative period of the per- 
manent, Confederate governments. Mr. Stephens' great Corner Stone 
Speech put the world against the South on the slavery issue. Gov. 
Joseph E Brown made Georgia historic by his eloquent controversies 
with Mr. Davis and the Confederate administration upon the momentous 
issue of preserving the integrity of constitutional principle. Confed- 
erate States Senator, Benjamin H. Hill, became the strong prop of Mr. 
Davis in the closing years of the war, and another strong Georgian, 
Gen. A. R. Lawton, the administrator of the most important depart- 
ment of the Confederate service. 

Georgia became the center of field supply, and of manufacture of 
army stores, as well as the main depository of Federal prisoners. 
Finally the chief battle ground was transferred to Georgia, and the 
decisive campaign of the struggle, resulting in the capture of Atlanta, 



654 GEORGIA A LEADING STATE OF THE UNION. 

Sherman's March to the Sea, the annihilation of one of the twin armies 
of the Confederacy, and the destruction of the subsistence of the other, 
brought the war to its end. The first effort at peace was made by Gen. 
Sherman in this State. The Confederate administration drifted to and 
went to pieces in Georgia, the last order of the Confederate govern- 
ment was issued, and Mr. Davis, the President, was captured in Georgia. 
Georgia sent more troops to the field, lost more soldiers in battle, and 
sacrificed more property than any other Southern State. And a 
Georgia lady, Mrs. Mary A. Williams, was the originator of the Decora- 
tion Day custom, observed by both sections universally in paying honor 
to the dead of the war. 

In the era of Reconstruction Georgia played a more potential part than 
any of her suffering sisters, undergoing three distinct and different 
rehabilitations, furnishing the most conspicuous champions for and 
against that motley experiment of governmental workmanship, fighting 
its abuses most stubbornly, focalizing the public attention most conspicu- 
ously, eliciting more of Congressional legislation, and finally regenerating 
with more sturdy vigor and superb recuperation than any other Confed- 
erate commonwealth. Since the complete restoration to her own State 
sovereignty in 1871, just ten years ago, Georgia has, in the liberality of 
her statesmanship and in material progress, outstripped all of her rivals. 
She is the first State of the Union in the extent and variety of her 
mineral and agricultural resources, the second State in the production of 
cotton and the first in the South in its manufacture. In education, in 
literature, in journalism Georgia has kept apace with the best progress 
of the age. In furnishing the railway genius of the South this com- 
monwealth has had no rivalry, while in the colossal focalization of 
railroad capital and enterprise in her borders, that will bring a tidal wave 
of new population and boundless development, Georgia has had the 
most magnificent possible practical tribute to her unequalable supremacy. 
The prodigious power of these gigantic instrumentalities of commerce 
and increased production must give her irresistible capacities for growth 
and prosperity. Supplement this with the transcendent benefactions 
of the great Cotton Exposition now progressing, which will introduce 
this State to the world as the favored Southern home of Cotton, the 
imperial monarch, and surely no people or country will or can have the 
basis for a more august future. 

But at last the proudest excellence of this commonwealth lies in her 
political, moral and Christian civilization. Lovers of constitutional 
government, devoted to a true, fraternal Union, loyal to law and liberty. 



THE END. 655 

wedded to temperance and morality, cherishing the sanctity of home 
and imbued with the spirit of the genuine religion of the living God, 
her million and a half of God-loving people at last constitute the real 
greatness of Georgia. And most striking of all her glories, this State, 
so potential in severing the Union, is to-day, by her broad-hearted senti- 
ments, her catholicity of patriotism, her genius for substantial enterprise 
and her elevated philanthropy, the dominant agency in re-uniting the 
broken brotherhood of States, in re-cementing the sundered sections of 
the nation, and in restoring the lost harmony of this mighty Republic. 
Thus does the record close in 1881 for Geobgia. 



APPENDIX A. 



GEORGIA OFFICERS 

Who served iisr the Civil "War of 1861-5 in the Confederate 

Service, including General and Regimental 

Field Officers and Captains. 

The following list is admittedly incomplete and painfully imperfect. 
It was taken from the Confederate war records in the custody of the 
Federal Government at Washington, D. C, and has been enlarged and 
corrected as far as possible from thfe meager documents in the Georgia 
archives, and such personal information as has been obtainable and 
authentic. The war department of the Confederacy was most loosel}^ 
run as far as its records are concerned. Regimental muster-rolls were 
curiously mingled and confused, very few of the constantly occurring 
changes in military organizations were noted, and altogether a hap- 
hazard and inaccurate method of clerical work seems to have prevailed. 

It will be found in the following list, faithfully transcribed, that men's 
names are both wrongly spelled and omitted, and there has been no 
opportunity to rectify the one or supply the other. Gen. Marcus J. 
Wright, who is employed to edit the Confederate records, is giving to 
his important work in the War Archives office under Col. R. N. Scott, an 
intelligent and faithful industry, and is daily perfecting the Confederate 
war chronicles. But as his task covers the whole Confederacy, he can 
de-^'ote but a portion of his time to Georgia. 

This list of our Georgia officers is given as a beginning, with the hope 
that in future editions, it may assume something like accurac}^ and com- 
pleteness through the voluntary co-operation of the survivors of the 
Conflict. Those who have been omitted or improperly printed, can, by 
furnishing the author with the facts, appear as they should hereafter. 
And it would be well for commanding officers of organizations to com- 
municate with Gen. Marcus J. Wright, at Washington, D. C, the 
facts about their com"'nands, in order that the publication of Georgia's 
service and personelle in the great civil war, may be as complete as 
possible. 

42 



658 



APPENDIX A. 



The writer is much indebted to Gen. M. J. Wright, for assistance in 
preparing this list, and also to Major Sidney Herbert, for valuable aid 
in making a full roster of Georgia general officers, and for the roster of 
Georgia West Point officers who entered the Confederate service. 
Major Herbert is a disinterested and pains-taking collector of valu- 
able historical information as well as a graceful writer. 



Georgia Generals. 



Alexander, E. Porter 

Capt. Corps of Engineers, C. S. A., April 

2, 18G1. 
Chief of Ordnance, A. of N. Va., Aug. 

18G2. 
Lt. Col. of Artillery, Dec. 31, 1861. 
Colonel of Artillery, Dec. 5, 18G2. 
Chief of Artillery, Longstreet's Corps, 

Sept. 25, 1863. 
Brig. Gen. of Artillery, Feb. 26, 1864. 
(West "Pointer and 2d Lt. Eug. Corps U. S. A.) 

Anderson, C. D. 

13rig. Gen. in Georgia State forces. 

AxDERSON, George T. 

Col. 11th Ga. Infantry, July 2, 1861. 

15rig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Nov. 1, 1862. 

Anderson, Robert II. 

1st Lieut. Corps of Artillery, C. S. A., 

March 16, 1861. 
Major 1st Batt. Ga. Sharp Shooters, 

June 20, 1862. 
Col. .^th Ga. Cavalry, Jan 20, 1863. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C S., July 20, 1864. 
(West Pointer and 2d Lt. luf. U. S. A.) 

Avery, Isa.\c W. 

Private 8th Ga. Vol., May 21, 1861. 
Capt. Ind. Cav. Co., Nov. I, 1861. 
Lt. Col. 23d Ga. Cav. Bat., Aug. 1862. 
Col. 4th Ga. Cav., Nov. 1862. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Feb. 1865. 

Bartow, Francis S. 

Capt 8th Ga. Vols., May 21, 1861. 
Col. 8th Ga. Vols., May" 1861. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., 1861. 

Browne, Wiliam M. 
Brigadier General. 

Battle, Cullen A. 

General. A native Georgian, en- 
listing from Alabama. 

BowEN, John S. 
Major General. 

Benning, Henry L. 
Colonel. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Jan. 17, 1863. 



BOGGS, W. E. 

Capt. Corps of Engineers, 1861. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Nov. 4, 1862. 
Chief of Staff to Gen. E.-Kirby Smith. 
(West Pointer and 1st Lt. Ord. U. S. A.) 

Bryan, Goode 

Col. 16th Ga. Infantry, Feb. 15, 1862. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Aug. 29, 1863. Re- 
signed Sept. 30, 1864". 

Cobb, Howell 

Col. 16th Ga. Infantry, July 15, 1861. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. V... S., Feb. 13, 1862. 
Maj. Gen. P. A. C. S., Sept. 9, 1863. 

Cobb, Thomas P. R. 

Col. Georgia Legion, Aug. 28, 1861. 
Brig. General, Nov. 1, 1862. 

Clayton, Henry D. 

Major General. A native Georgian en- 
listing from Alabama. 

Carswell, R. W. 

Brig. Gen. State forces. 

Colquitt, Alfred H. 

Col. 6th Ga. Infantry, May 27, 1861. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Sept. 1, 1862. 
Major General, March 1865. 

Capers, F. W. 

Brig. Gen. State forces. 

Cook, Philip 

Col. 4th Ga. Infantry, Nov. 1, 1862. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. "S., Aug. 5, 1864. 

CuMMiNG, Alfred 

Major Corps Lif. C. S. A., Mar. 16, 1861. 
Lt. Col. 10th Ga. Regiment, June 1861. 
Colonel " " Sept. 25, 1861. 

Brig. Gen. P. A. C S., Oct. 29, 1862. 
(West Pointer and Capt. Infantry, U. 8. A.) 

Deshler, James 

Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., July 28, 1863. 

Doles, George, killed, 

Col. 4th Ga. Infantry, Mav 8, 1861. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S , NoV. 1, 1862. 



APPENDIX A. 



659 



Du BosE, Dudley M. 

Col. 15th Ga. Infantry, Jan., 1863. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. «., Nov. 16, 1864. 

Evans, Clement A. 

Major 31st Ga. Infantry, Nov. 19, 1861. 
Col. " " May 13, 1862. 

Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., May 19, 1864. 

Gardner, W. Montgomery 

Major Corps Inf. C. S. A., Mar. 16, 1861. 
Col 8th Ga. Infantry, Ang 21, 1861. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Nov. 14, 1861. 
(West Pointer and Capt. Infantry U. S. A.) 

Gartrell, Lucius J. 

Col. 7th Ga. Inf., May 31, 1861. Resigned 

Dec, 1862. 
Member of Confederate Congress. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Aug. 22, 1864. 

Girardey, Victor J. B. 

Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., July 30, 1864. 

Gordon, John B. 

Lt. Col. 6th Ala. Infantry, Dec. 26, 1861. 

Col. 6th Ala., April 26, 1862. 

Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Nov. 1, 1862. 

Major Gen., May 14, 1864. 

Lt. Gen., 1865. 

Hardee, William J. 

Col. Corps of Cav. C. S. A., Mar. 16. 1861. 

Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., June 17, 1861. 
■ Major Gen., Oct. 7, 1861. 

Lt. Gen., Oct. 10, 1862. 

Tendered full Generalship, 1864. 
(West Pointer and Lt. Col. Cav. U. S. A.) 

Harrison, George P., Jr. 
Col. 32d Ga. Infantry. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Feb., 1865. 

Harrison, George P., Sr. 
Brig. Gen. State forces. 

Holtzclaw, James T. 
Brig. Gen. A native Georgian, enlisted 
from Alabama. 

Henderson, Egbert J. 
Colonel. 
Brig. Gen., 1865. 

Jackson, Henry R. 

Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., June 4, 1861. 
Resigned Dec. 2, 1861. 
Major Gen. State troops, Dec, 1861. 
Re-appointed Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., 
Sept. 21,1863. 

Jackson, John K. 

Col. 5th Ga. Infantrv, 1861. 

Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Jan. 14, 1862. 



Jones, David R. 

Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., June 17, 1861. 

Major Gen., Oct. 11, 1862. 
("West Pointer and Capt. in Adj. Gen. Dept. U. 
b. A.) 

IvERSON, Alfred, Jr. 

Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., 1863. 
(1st. Lt. Cav. TJ. S. A.) 

Lawton, Alexander R. 

Brig. Gen. P. A C. S., April 13, 1861. 
Quarter Master Gen. C. S., August, 1863. 
(West Pointer.) 

Longstreet, James 

Lt. Col. Corps Inf. C. S. A., Mar 16, 1861. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., June 17, 1861. 
Major Gen., Oct. 7, 1861. 
Lt. Gen., Oct. 9, 1862. 

Martin, James B. 

Brig. Gen. A native Georgian enlisting 
from Alabama. Killed. 

McLaws, Lafayette 

Major Corps Inf. C. S. A., Mar. 10, 18G1. 
Col. 10th Ga. Infantry, June 17, 1861. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Sept. 25, 1861. 
Major Gen.. Mav 23, 1862. 
(West Pointer aiid Capt. Inf. U. S. A.) 

Mercer, Hugh W. 

Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Oct. 29, 1861. 

McCoy, H. K. 

Brig. Gen. State troops. 

Phillips, William 
Brig. Gen. State troops. 

Phillips, R. J. 

Brig. Gen. State troops. 

Perry, William F. 

Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S. A native Geor- 
gian enlisting from Florida. 

Prather, J. S 
Brevet Brigadier. 

Semmes, Paul J. 

Col. 2nd Ga. Inf., Mav 7, 1861. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Mar. 11, 1862. 

SiMMS, James P. 
Brig. Gen. State troops. 

Smith, W. D. 
Capt. Corps Cavalry, C. S. A., Mar. 16, 

1861. 
Col. 20th Ga. Reg., July 14, 1861 . Brig. 
Gen. P. A. C. S., March 7, 1862. Died. 

Sorrel, G. Moxley 

Chief of Staff to Gen. Longstreet. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S.,Oct. 27, 1864. 



660 



APPEISTDIX A. 



St. John, Isaac M. 
Capt. Corps Engineers C. S. A., Feb. 1 5, 

1862. 
Major Artillery, Head Kitre and Mining 

Bureau, April 18, 18G2. 
Lt. Col. Mining Cor]>s, May 28, 1863. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., and Commissary 

General, C. S., Feb. 16, 1865. 

Stovall, Maecellus a. 

Lt. Cul. 3rd Ga. Bat. Inf., Oct 8, 1861. 
Brig. Gen. P. A, C. S., January 30, 1863. 

Thomas, Edwaed L. 

Col. 35th Ga. Inf., Oct. 15, 1861. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Nov. 1, 1862. 

Thomas, Bryan M. 

Col. of 5 1st Tennessee, IS. Alabama 

and Cavalry Ileginients. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Aug. 1864. 
(West Pointer and 2ud Lt. Inf. U. S. A.) 

Tracy, Edward D. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S. KiUed. 

Toombs, Robert 

Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., July 19, 1861. 

Resigned Mar. 4, 18G3. 
Secretary of State to President Davis. 

Twiggs, David E. 

Major General P. A. C. S., May 22, 1861. 
Died July 15, 1862. 

Walker, Wm. H. T. 

Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., May 25, 1861. 

Resigned Oct. 29, 1861. 
Brig. Gen. State troops, Dec. 1861. Re- 
appointed Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., 
Feb. 9, 1863. Major Gen. May 23, 
1863. Killed. 
(West Pointer and Bat. Lt. Col. Inf. U. S. A. 



Wayne, Henry C. 

Major General State troops and Adju- 
tant General of Georgia. 
("West Pointer and Brevet JNlajor, U. S. A.) 

Walker, W. S. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S. 

Weight, Gideon J. 
Brig. (ien. State troops. 

Wright, Ambrose R. 

Col. 30th Ga. Inf., May 8, 1861. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., June 3, 1862, 
Major Gen., Nov. 26, 1864. 

Wilson, Claudius C. 

Col. 25th Ga. Inf., Sept. 2, 1861. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Nov. 16, 1863. 

Willis, Edward 
Colonel. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S. KiUed. 

Wheeler, Joseph 

Captain and Colonel, 1861. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Oct. 30, 1862. 
Maj. Gen., Jan. 30, 1863. 
Lt. Gen., Feb. 28, 1865. 
(West Pointer and 2nd Lt. IMounted Rifle- 
men, U. S. A.) 

Young, P. M. B. 

Major Ga. Legion, Sept. 5, 1861. 
Lt. Col., Nov. 15, 1861. 
Col. Cobb's Legion, Nov. 1, 1862. 
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Sept. 28, 1863. 
Maj. Gen., Dec. 30, 1 864. 

Zachary, C. T. 

Col. 27th Georgia Inf , 1861. 

Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., March, 1865. 



West Point Georgia Students v)ho entered the Confederate Army 
and served below the Rank of General. 



Andrew J. Ford, Capt. and Asst. Surg. 
Abraham B. Kagau, Major and Pay- 
John T. Mercer, Col. 21st Ga. Inf. 
Leroy Napier, Jr. 
Wilham D. SJnith. 
John R. Church. 
Geo. A. Cunningham. 



Abner Smead. 
St. Clair Dearing. 
Owen F. Solomon. 
Edward F. Bagley. 
Alexander B. Montgomery. 
Aurelius F. Cone. 
Arthur Shaaf. 



Georgians on the Federal Side in the War. 



Brig. Gen. Brevet, Maj. Gen. M. C. Meigs, 
Quarter Master Gen. U. S. A. 

Col. and Bvt. Brig. Gen. John M. Cuyler, 
Surgeon. U. S. A. 

Col. and Bvt. Brig. Gen. Henry D. Wallen, 
U. S. A. 



Brig. Gen. George F. B. Dandy, Quarter 

Master Dept. U. S. A. 
Capt. Mason Carter, 5th Inf. 
Lt. Col. Julian McAllister, Ordnance Dept. 

U. S. A. 



APPE]SrDIX A. 



661 



INFANTRY. 

1st Georgia Regulars, Infantry. 



Colonel Chas. J. Williams, Kesd. 
Wm. J. Magill. 
" 11. A. VVayue.' 
Lieutenant Colonel Wm. J. Magill. 
" " Wm. Martin. 

" R. A. Wayne, 
" " Miller Grieve. 

Major John D. Walker. 
" R. A. Wayne. 
" Miller Grieve. 
" A. A. F. Hill. 
Assistant Quarter Master L. T'e Laigle. 
" W. W. Paine. 
Captain (E) R. A.Wavne. 

(E) J. R. Du Bose. 

(F) J. G. Patten. 
(H)M. Grieve. 

" (I) L. H. Kenan 
(L) A. M. Wallace. 



Captain (C) H. A. Cannon. 
(M) A. A. F. Hill. 
" (G) J. G. Montgomery. 

(D) John Milledge. 
'• \A) H. H. 1). Twiggs. 

T. Fort. 
" G. W. Anderson. 

" John Howard. 

E. P. Bowdre, 

W. W. Paine. 
" R. H. Atkinson. 

" F. M. Mvers. 

Thos. Burden. 

Chas. L. Wvlly. 

B. U. Hudson. 
" J. D. Anthony. 

" (B) Wm. Mariin. 
" (K) Jacob Read. 



1st Georgia Volunteers, Infantry. 



Colonel J. N. Ramsay. 

Lieutenant Colonel Geo. H. Thompson. 

Major Jas. W. Anderson. 

Captain (A) Geo. M. Hanvey. 

(B) T. G. Wilkius. 

(C) John A. Houser. 

(D) H. B. Adams. 



Captain (E) S. A. M. Jones. 

(F) C. A. Stone. 

(G) John W. Evans. 
(H) T. B. Cabaniss. 

" (I) Samuel H. Crump. 
(K) J. S. Pinkard. 



1st Georgia Vblimteei's, Infantry — 510 [2d.) 



Colonel Charles H. Olmstead. 
Lieutenant Colonel W. S. Rockwell. 

M. J. Ford. 
Major W. J. Ford.- 
A. C. S., E. W. Drummond. 
Assistant Quarter Master E. Hopkins. 
" F. M. Hull. 
Adjutant M. H. Hopkins. 
Captain (A) J. H. Flannery. 

(B) David O'Connor. 
" (B) James Dooner. 

(C) J.W.Anderson. 



Captain (C) G. W. Anderson. 

(D) S. Y. Levy. 
" P. C. Elkins. 

(E) J. M. Doherty. 

(F) J. S. Turner. 

" (G) A. C. Davenport. 

(G) G. Eberhart. 
(H) F. W. Sims. 

" (H) J. Lachlison. 

(I) C. Werner, Kd. 

(I) C. A. H Umbach. 
" (K) John Cooper. 



2d Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 750. 



Colonel Paul J. Semmes. 

Edgar M. Butt. 
Lieutenant Colonel Skidmore Harris. 
W. T. Harris, Kd. 
Wm R. Holmes, Kd. 
W. S. Shepperd. 
Major Edgar M. Butt. 
" W. S. Shepperd. 
" Wm. T. Harris. 



Major W. W. Charlton. 

" A. M. Lewis. 
Assistant Quarter Master Jas. Houston. 
A. C. S S.. G. W. Dillingham. 
Adjutant W. Redd. 
Captain (A) D. G. Candler. 

(B) Wm. T. Harris, 

(C) Wm. S. Shepperd. 

(D) Wm. R. Holmes. 



662 



APPENDIX A. 



Captain (E) W. A. Campbell. 

(F) Thos. E. Dickerson. 
G) Roijwell Ellis. 



Captain (H) Jesse A. Glenn. 
" (I) Charles R. Wiggins, 
(K) Jared J. Ball. 



2d Georgia Volunteers, Reoi'ganized. 



Captain (A) W. W. Charlton. 
" (A) John W. Owens. 

(B) A. McLewis. . 

(C) W. S. Shepperd. 
" (C) Robert Howard. 

" , (D) W. A. Thompson, Kd. 



Captain (E) T. J. Morris. 

(F) A. B. Shuford, Kd. 

(G) T. Chaffin. 

(H) B.L. Hancock, Kd. 
(I) Juo. T. Maddox. 
K) J. B. Newell. 



'dd Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 1145. 



Colonel Ambrose R. Wright. 

" Edward J. Walker. 
Lieutenant Colonel James S. Reid. 
" R. B. Nesbit. 
C. Snead. 
Major Augustus H. Lee. 
" John R. Sturgis, Kd. 
" A. B. Montgomery, detailed with 
regiment. 
Major John F. Jones. 

" G. E. Hayes. 
A. C. S., H. S., Hughes. 
Assistant Quarter Master, A. Phillips. 
Adjutant W. W. Turner. 



Adjutant J. B. Habersliam. 
J. W. Perry. 
" S. L. Alexander. 

Captain (A) Wm. C. Musgrove. 

(B) R. B. Kisbet. 

(C) R. L. MeWhorter. 

(D) C. H. Andrews. 

(E) J. R. Griffin. 

(F) Wm. 0. Beall. 

(G) Edward J Walker. 
" (H) John F. Jones. 

(I) N. A. Carswell. 
(K) H. C. Billups. 
" (L) Jas. W. Hendon. 



3c? Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized — 1064. 



Captain (A) S. A. Corker. 
(B) R. B. Nisbet. 

(B) John S. Keid. 

(C) J. T. Geer. 

(D) C. H. Andrews. 

(E) J. A. Hamilton, 
(E) G. W. Allen. 

(E) J. G. Royal. 

(F) J. M. Waters. 
" (F) J. A. Mason. 

(G) E. J. Walker. 



Kd. 



Captain (G) C. Snead. 
" (H) John F. Jones. 
(H) L. F. Luckie. 
(H) J. H. Evans. 
(I) N. A. Cars wen. 
(K) H. C. BiUups. 
(K) D. B. Langston. 
(I) J. J. McKee, Kd. 
(I) W. H. Bearden. 
(I) H. J. Hughes. 



Mil Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 870. 



Colonel George Doles. 
Philip Cook. 
W. H. Willis. 
Lieutenant Colonel John J. Matthews. 
W. T. Jordan. 
« " Philip Cook. 

David R. E. Winn. 
Major Charles L. Whitehead. 
" Wm. F. Jordan. 
" David R. E. Winn. 
" R. S. Smith. 
" Edwin A. Nash. 
" F. H. de Graffeureid. 
" Wm. H. Willis. 
A. C. S., J. B. Morgan. 



A. C. S., Jas. F. Murphy. 

Assistant Quartermaster H. R. Daniels. 

" Wm. H. Tinsley. 
Adjutant Philip Cook. 

" A. J. Roberts. 
Captain (A) B. Cusley. 

(B) Robt S. Smith. 

(C) Ed. A. Nash. 

(D) Geo. F. Todd. 

(E) Y. G. Rust. 

(F) B. R. Maves. 

(G) Geo. F. Bartlett. 

" (H) Same M. Prothro. 
" (I) Wm. L. Johnson. 



APPEXPIX A. 



663 



Ath Georgia Yoltinteers, Reorganized — 720. 



Captain (A) J. P. Strickland. 

(A) Jas. H. Weeks. 

(B) R. S. Smitli. 
(B) M. H. Hill. 

(B) A. C. Gibson. 

(C) E. A. Nash. 

(C) Geo. F. Todd, Dd. 

(C) A. C. Frost. 
" (E) Wm. E. Smith. 
" (E) F. H. de Graffenseid. 
. " (F) Geo. G. Carey. 



Captain (F) Jas. F. Sullivan. 

(K) D. E. E. Winn. 

(K) K M. Bisel, Kd. 
'• (G) Wm. F. Jurdan. 

(G) John T. Lang, Dd. 

(G) C. R. Ezell 

(H) J. W. Caraker. 
" (H) Wallace Butts. 

(I) S. M. Prothro. 

(I) Wm. H. Willis. 



hth Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 825. 



Colonel John K Jackson. 

" Saml. W. Maugham. 

Wm. F Black. 

Wm. T. Beach. 

" Chas. P. Daniel. 

Lieutenant Colonel Thos. Beall. 

" Charles li. Day. 
" " John F. Iversou. 

Major Wm. L. Salisbury. 
" Charles P. Daniel. 
" D. H. Anslev- 
" W. B. Hundley. 
A. C. S., H. B. T. Montgomery. 



Assistant Quartermaster, Jas. M. Cole. 
Adjutant R S. Cheatham. 
Captain (A) Charles A. Piatt. 

(B) Saml. W. Mangliam. 

(C) John H. Hull. 

(D) Ed. H. Pottle. 

(E) C. B. Wootten. 

(F) William H. Lang. 

(G) William J. Sears. 
(H) Hugh M. King. 

" (I) John T. Iverson. 
(K) William J. Horsley. 



bth Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized — 424. 



Caj)tain (A) D. H. Ansley. 
(C) H. P. Steeuey. 
(D)Ulra B. Hundley. 
(F) John F. Ividdor. 



Captain (G) John J. Hurt. 

" (H) Stephen R. Weston. 
" (I) John F. Iverson. 
(K) Wm. G. Horsley. 



<6th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 849. 



Colonel A. H Colquitt. 

" J. T. Lofton. 

" S. W. Harris. ' 
Lieutenant Colonel James M. Newton, 
W C. Cleveland. 
" J. T. Lofton. 

" " S. W. Harris. 

W. M. Arnold, Kd. 
Major Phil Tracy, Kd. 

" C. D. Anderson. 

" W. C. Cleveland. 

" W. M. Arnold. 

" J. M. Culpepper. ' 
A. C. S., T. J. Collier. 
A. Q. M., R. N. Ely. 
Adjutant B. Russell. 



Kd. 



Adjutant J. H. Rogers. 
Captain (A) W. M. Arnold. 
" (B) John Hanna. 

(B) W. M. Tidwell. 

(C) C. D. Anderson. 
(C) J. M, Culpepper. 

" (D) J. D. Watson. 
" (D) S. M. Ralston. 

(E) W. C. Cleveland. 

(F) E. H. Shackelford. 

(G) John T. Griffin. 
(H) W. L. Plaine. 
(H) B.J. Russell. 
(I) J. A. Barclay. 
(K) J. T. Lofton. 
(K) S. W. Harris. 



^th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 891. 



Colonel L. J. Gartrell. 
" W. T. Wilson. 
" W. W. White. 



Colonel G. H. Carmichael. 
Lieutenant Colonel John Dunwoodv. 
W. W. White. ■■ 



664 



APPENDIX A. 



Lieutenant Colonel George H. Carmichael. 

" M. T. AUman. 
Major L. B. Anderson. 

" E. W. Hoyle. 
A. C. S., W. J. Wilson. 
A. Q. M., R. R. Holliday. 
Adjutant E. W. Ho vie. 

J. E. Shaw. 
Captain (A) G. H. Carmichael. 



Captain (B) G. J. Foreacre. 

(C) C. 8. Jenkins. 

(D) J.B. Lindley. 

" (E) John W. Eowler. 

(F) Eli Benson. 
" (G) C. N. Featherston. 

(H) Thos. K. King. 

(I) Wm. W. White. 

(K) W. J. Ballard. 



Uh Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized — 624. 



Major G. H. Carmichael. 
" H. H. Wiet. 
" Jolin Kizer. 
" T. S. Hartridge. 
" M. T. AUman. 
A. Q. M., B E. Henry. 
Captain (A) G. H. Carmichael. 
(B)H. H. Wiet. 
(C) D. T. Peek, Kd. 



Captain (C) I. M. Holcombe. 
(D) J. Kizer. 

(D) T. J. Hartridge. 

(E) W. W. Bradberry. 

(F) J. C. Wadkius. 

(G) M. T.Allman. 
(H) R.B. Hicks. 
(I) W. W. White. 

" (K) Jno. McLendon. 



%tlx Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 745. 



Colonel F. S. Bartow, Kd. 

" Wm. M Gardner. 

" L. M. Lamar. 

" John R. Towers. 
Lieutenant Colonel John R. Towers. 

" " E. J. Magruder. 

Major E J. Magruder. 

" George O. Dawson. 
Surgeon H. V. M. Miller. 
A. C. S., George C. Norton. 
A. Q. M., E A. Wilcox. 
Adjutant J. L. Branch, Kd. 

" A. R. Harper. 

W. F. Shellman. 



Captain (A) E. J. Macrmder. 

(A) S. H. Hall. 

(B) A. F. Butler. 
(B) J. H. Couper. 

(B) J. West. 

(C) H. J. Menard. 

(D) H. E. Malom. 

(E) D. Scott. 

(F) J. T.Lewis. 

(G) T. D. L. Ryan. 

" (II) George N. Yarborough. 
" (I) George O. Dawson. 
" (K) Jacob Phinizy. 
(K) T. J. Bowling. 



9^A Georgia Volunteers, Infantry. 



Colonel E. R. Goulding. 

" R. A. Turnipseed. 

" Ben Beck. 

" E. F. Hoge. 
Lieutenant Colonel R. A. Turnipseed. 

" " John C. Mounger. 

" " E. F. Hoge. 

J. G. Webb. 
Major John C. Mounger. 

" W. M. Jones. 

" C. J. Webb 

" J. W. Arnold. 
A. C. S., J. C. Waddy. 
A. C. S., R. J. Cowart. 
A. Q, M , J. W. Sutton. 
A. Q. M., E. P. Watkins. 
Adjutant A. 0. Bacon. 

" John Jones. 



Captain (*A) John Lane. 

" (A) Gideon J. Norman. 
(B) Wm. M.Jones. 

(B) Wm. E. Cleghorn. 

(C) George Hillver. 

(C) J. W. Arnold. 

(D) J. G. Webb. 
(D)T.A. Hurt. 

(E) P. A. S. Morris. 

(E) R. P. Wellborn. ' 
" (E) S. A. Jemison. 

(F) Ben Beck. 

(F) Hamp Doles. 

(G) E. F. Hoge. 
(G) G. G. Gordon. 
(G) E. A. Sharpe. 

" (H) John C. Mounger. 



♦Transferred to Artillery. 



APPENDIX A. 



605 



Captain (H) R. A. Hardee. 

(H) S. D. Corker, Kd. 
(H) T. J. Hardee. • 
(I) L. C. Belt. 
(I) R. V. Fulclier. 



Captain (I) Thomas Eonght. 

(K) J. M. D. King, Dd. 
" (K) N. C. Duncan. 
" (K) M. E. Sparks. 



10th Georgia Yolunteers, Infantry — 808. 



Colonel Lafayette McLaws. 

" Alfred Gumming. 

" John B. Weems. 

" W. C. Holt. 

" A J. McBride. 
Lieutenant Colonel J. B. Weems. 
Willis C. Holt. 
C. C. Kibbee. 
Major R. R. Hawes. 

" Willis C. Holt. 

" P. H. Loud. 
A. C. S., G. H. Cheever. 
A. Q. M., S. T. Neal. 
Adjutant R. G. Strickland. 

" John H. Dobbs. 

Captain (A) O. S. Kimbrough. 



Captain (B) C. H. Phinizy. 
(B) A. P. Boggs. 

(B) W. S. Davis. 

(C) Willis C. Holt. 
(C) J. W. Keil. 

" (D) Henry L. Leon. 

(E) Andrew J. McBride. 
" (F) Wm. F. Johnston. 

(F) W. G. Green, Dd. 

(F) T. H. Wood. 

(G) C. C. Kibbee. 
(H) P. H. Loud. 
(H) E. M. Foster. 
(1) Y. L, Wootton. 
(K) J. P. W. Bead. 
(K) T. C. Cone. 



Wth Georgia Volunteers, Infantry — 750. 



Colonel George T. Anderson. 


Captain (C) Wm Luffman. 


" F. H. Little. 


(C) W. R. h'amsay. 


Lieutenant Colonel Theo. L. Guerry. 


(D) W. R. Welsh. 


" " Wm. Luffman. 


(E) S. C. Dobbs. 


Major Wm. Luffman. 


(F) J. D. Hvde. 


" W. R. Welsh. 


" (F) J. W. Johnston, 


" H. D. McDaniel. 


" (G) John Y..Wood. 


" C. T. Goode. 


(H) M. T. Nunnallv, Kd. 


A. C. S , Hockenhull. 


(H)E.C. Arnold. " 


Assistant Quarter-master J. Guthrie. 


(I) Samuel Thatcher, Dd 


Adjutant J. F. Green. 


(I) F. M. Bledsoe. 


Captain (A) Wm. H. Mitchell, Kd. 


(f) E. B. Brannan. 


(B) J. W. Stokes. 


(K) G. W. Wimberly. 



\^th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 745. 



Colonel Edward Johnsbn. 
" Z. F. Conner. 
" Edward Willis, Kd. 
Lieutenant Colonel Abner Snead. 
F. B. Scott, Kd. 
Willis A. Hawkins. 
Mark H. Blanford. 
" " J. Hardeman. 

Major Willis A. Hawkins. 
" Edward Willis. 
" J. Hardeman. 
" J. T. Carson. 
Captain (A) Samuel Dawson, Kd. 

(A) S. G. Prior. 

" (B) Isaac Hardeman. 

(B) Jos.N. Beall. 



Captain (C.) John McMullan, Kd. 

(C) T. W. Harris. 

(D) Wm. L. Furlow, Kd. 

(D) D. D. Peden. 

(E) T. B. Scott. 

" (E) Jas. A. Whitesides. 

(F) Wm. F. Brown, Kd. 
" (F) Jas. Everett. 

(G) R. T. Davis, Dd. 
(G) A. S. Reid. 

(H) J. G. Rodgers. 
(H)O.T. Evans. 
(I) J. W. Patter.son, Kd. 
" (I) James M. Briggs. 
(K) Mark H. Blanford. 
(K) R. McMichael. 



666 



- APPENDIX A. 



loth Georgia Infantry, 'Volunteers — 947. 



Colouel Walker Ector, Dd. 

" Marcellus Douglass, Dd. 

" James M. Smith. 
Lieuteuant Colouel James M. Smith. 

" " Jolui H. Baker. 

Major James M. Smitii. 

" John H Baker. 
A. C. S., J. H. Mangliam. 
A. Q. M., M. Gomerly. 
Adjutant 0. K. Walker. 
Captain (A) J. H. Mitchell. 



Captain (B) James McCanley. 

(C) J. L. Moore. 

(D) W. W. Hartsfield. 

(E) W. A. Clarke. 

(E) B. P. Brooks. 

(F) S. tV. Jones. 

(G) J. T. Crawford. 
" (H) Rich Maltha. 

(I) E. W. Robinson. 
(K) J. A. Long. 



\/ \Mh Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 770. 



Colonel A. V. Brumby. 

" Felix Price 

" Robert W. Folsom. 

" R. P. Letter. 
Lieutenant Colonel R. W. Folsom. 

" " W. A. Harris. 

" " James M. Fielder. 

" R. P. Lester. 

W. L. Goldsmith. 
Major W. A. Harris. 

" James M. Fielder. 
^ " R. P. Lester. 

" W. L. Goldsmith. 

" C. C. Kelly. 
A. C. S., T. C. Moore. 
A. Q. M., E. A. Heggis. 
Adjutant A. Tallialerro. 

T. C. Moore. 
Captain (A) J. H. Etheridge, Kd. 



Captain (A) J. 


W 


Maves. 


" (B) 


C 


C. 


Kelly. 


" (B) 


w 


.N 


. Ryle. 


" (C) 


L. 


A. 


Lane. 


" (I>) 


James M. Fielder. 


" (E) 


R. 


P. 


Lester. 


" (E) 


S. 


B. 


David 


" (E) 


R. 


N. 


Rogers. 


" (F) 


R. 


P. 


Harman, Kd. 


" (F) 


W 





Clegg. 


" (E) 


J. 


H. 


Hicks 


" (G) 


William A. Harris. 


" (G) 


T 


T. 


Mouuger. 


" (H) 


Thos. 


M. Yopp, Cashd 


" (H) 


H 


B 


Smith. 


" (I) 


R. 


W 


. McMichael, Kd. 


" (K) 


W 


.L 


Goldsmith. 


" (K) 


R. 


A. 


Holt. 


" (K) J. 


M. 


Evans. 



Ibth Georgia Volunteers, Infantry — 660. 



Colonel T. W. Thomas. 

" William T. Millican. 
D. M. DeBose. 
Lieutenant Colonel W. M. Mcintosh, Kd. 

T. J. Smith. 
Major T. J. Smith. 

" P. J. Shannon. 
A. C. S., J. H. Willis. 
A. Q. M., H. W. F^orbes. 
Adjutant B. H. Lofton. 

" L. Pierce. 
Captain (A) A. B. Cade. 
" (A) J. S. Callawav. 

(B) William T. Millican. 



Captain (C) L. H. O. Martin. 

(C) W. J. Willis. 

(D) S. J. Farmer. 
(D) S. J. Flynt. 
(E)T. J. Smith 
(F) John C Burch. 

" (G) S. Z. Hearuesberger. 

(H) William R. Poole. 

(H) T. H. Jackson. 

(I) William H. Mattox. 

(I) J. A. Gaines. 

(K) J. L. Culver. 
" (K) Mark Latimer. 



/ 



16^;^ Georgia Volunteers, Infantry — 865. 



Colonel Howell Cobb. 

" Goode Bryan. 

" James S. Gholston. 
Lieutenant Colonel Goode Bryan. 

" " Henrv P. Thomas, Kd. 

B. E.' Stiles. 



Major H. P. Thomas. 

" James S Gholston. 

" J. H. Skelton. 
A. C. S., L. McGuire. 
A. Q. M.. R. Thomas. 
Adjutant T. W. Gumming. 



APPENDIX A. 



CG7 



Captain (A) J. S. Gholston. 
(A) H. C. Nash, Kd. 

(A) J. M. Sims. 

(B) A. M. Reynolds, Kd. 

(C) J. H. Skelton. 

" (D) J. N. Montgomery. 
(E) B. E. Stiles. 



Captain (F) J. H. D McRae. 
" (G) A. C. Thompson. 
(H) N. Keeder. 
(H) H. M. Richardson. 
(I) N. L. Hutchins. 
(K) R. J. Boyd. 



llth Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — G26. 



Colonel II. L. Beuning. 

" Wesley C. Hodges. 
Lieutenant Colonel W. C. Hodges. 

" Chas.W. Matthews, Kd 

" " W. A, Barden. 

Major Thomas Walker, 

" J. H. Pickett. 

" W. A. Barden. 

" J. B. Moore. 
A. C. S., G. H. King. 
A. Q. M., T. C. Shorter. 
Adjutant T. A. Klink. 
Captain (A) D. B. Harrell. 

(A) I). H. Wilmot. 

(B) H. L. French. 

(C) F. S. Chapman. 
(C) J. B. Moore. 



Captain (D) C G. Campbell. 
(D) V. A. S. Parks. 

(D) J. H. Martin. 

" (E) John A. McGregor. 

(E) J. N. Tyers. 

(F) D. B. Thompson. 
(F) H. McCaulev. 

(F) J. H. Weeks. 

(G) Aug. C. Jones, Kd. 
(G) A. B. Nichols. 

(H) R. E. Kennon. 
(H) W. A. Barden. 
(I) C. W. Matthews. 
" (K) John H. Pickett. 
(K) A. M. Jones, Kd. 
(K) M. H. Marshall. 
Ensign B F. Shivers. 



18^A Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 750. 



Colonel William T. Wofford. 

" S. Z. Rui¥, Kd. 

" Jos. Armstrong. 
Lieutenant Colonel S. Z. Ruff. 

F. M. Ford. 
Major Jefferson Johnson. 

" J. A. Stewart. 

" W. G Gallahan. 
Captain (A) J. B. O'Neill. 
(B) J. A. Stewart. 



Captain (C) D. L. Jarratt. 

(D) S. D. Irvin. 

(E) E. J. Starr. 

(F) J. C. Roper. 

(G) J. C. Maddox. 
(H) F. M. Ford. 

" (I) Jos. Armstrong. 
(K) Jno. A. Crawford, 
(K) W. Brown. 
(K) L. C. Weems. 



l^th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 752. 



Colonel W. W. Boyd. 

" Andrew J. Hutchins. 
" J. H. Neal. 
Lieutenant Colonel Thos. C. Johnson. 
" " A. J. Hutchins. 

« " Jas. H. Neal. 

T. W. Flvnt. 
" " R. B. Hogan. 

Major A. J. Hutchins. 
J. H. Neal. 
" J. W. Hooper. 
C. W. Mabry. . 
" Wm. Hamilton. 
Adjutant Jas. P. Perkins. 

S. G. Turner. 
Captain (A) F. M. Johnston. 
(B) Jas. H. Neal. 



Captain (B) John Keely. 
(C) J. J. Beall. 

(C) R. B. Hogan. 

(D) Jas. D. Hunter. 

(E) Chas. W. Mabrv. 

(E) D. H. Sims. 

(F) Wm E. Curtis. 
(F) A. H. Black. 

(F) Wm. Hamilton. 

(G) Tilman W. Flvnt. 
(H) John B. Beall. 

(I) John T. Chambers. 

(K) John W. Hooper. 
" (A) John Morrison. 

(B) Jas H. Neal. 

(B) Denis S. Myers. 
" (C) A. J. Richardson. 



668 



APPENDIX A. 



Captain (G) Elliott, Kd. 

(H) J. W. Neally. 
" (I) T. W. Abercrombie. 



Captain (I) Lalor. 

(K) A. J. Kowe. 



20^A Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 764. 



Colonel W. D. Smith. 

" J. B. Cuniiiiing. 

" J. D. Waddell. 
Lieutenant Colonel J. B. Cumming. 

" " John A. Jones, Kd. 

" " E. M. Seago. 

Major John A. Jones. 

" Roger L. Gamble. 

" J. I). Waddell. 

" Wm. Craig. 
Adjutant J. 0. Waddell. 



Captain (A) A. B. Ross. 

(B) John A. Strother. 
" (C) Roger L. Gamble. 

(D) Jas. U. Waddell. 

(E) R. D. Little. 

(F) E. M. Seago. 

(G) John R. Ivev. 
" (H) J. A. Cofiee. 

" (I) Van A. Leonard. 
(1} C. B. Minis. 
(K) Wm. Craig. 



21st Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 749. 



Colonel John T. Mercer, Kd. 
" Thomas W. Hooper. 
Lieutenant Colonel James J. Morrison. 
" " Thomas W. Hooper. 

" T. C. Glover. 
Major T. W. Hooper. 
" T. C. Glover. 
" M. Lynch. 
Adjutant T. J. Verdery. 
L. F. Bakewell. 
Captain (A) T. C. Glover. 

(A) W. M. Butt, Kd. 



Captain (B) A. S. Hamilton. 

(C) J. F. Woddail, Kd, 

(D) H. T. Battle. 

(E) J. R. Hart. 

(F) John T. Boykin. 
" (G) Wesley Kiuman. 

(G) N. B. Hudgins. 
(H) Jas. C. Nisbet. 

" (H) John B. Counties. 
" (I) Michael Lvnch. 
(K) John B. Akridge. 



22/^c? Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 805. 



Colonel Robert H. Jones. 

" George H. Jones. 
Lieutenant Colonel T. W. Pritchett. 

" " Joseph Wasden, Kd. 

Major J. Wasden. 

" Lawrence D. Lallerstedt. 
Adjutant I. A. Girardeau. 
S. L. Bedell. 

" J. I). Daniel. 

Captain (A) L. D, Lallerstedt. 

(A) G. W. Rush. Kd. 

(B) Thomas S. Hundley. 
" • (B) J. W. Walker. 

(B) F. M. Heath. 

(B) I. C. A. Beall. 

(C) B. C. McCurry. 
" (D) John Gibson. 



Captain (D) J. N. Mercier. 
(E) H. N. Howell. 

(E) J. D. Foster. 

(F) P. E. Willis. 
" (G) J. J. Jones. 

(G) W. F. Jones, Dd. 
(G) G. W. Thomas. 

(H) J. D. W. McDonald. 
(H) F. M. Counally. 
(H) J. W. Leonard, Kd. 
(H) H. J. L. Beall. 
" (I) George H. Jones. 
(I) A. B. Rodgers. 
(K) J. T. Albert, Kd. 
(K) J. W. Callaway, Kd. 
(K) F. M. Clayton. ' 



23rc? Georgia Ifantry, Volunteers — 811. 



Colonel Thomas Hutcherson. 

" W. P. Barcbiy, Kd. 

" Emory F. Best. 

" J. H. Huggins. 

" M. R. Ballenger. 
Lieutenant Colonel W. P. Barclay. 



Lieutenant Colonel E. F. Best. 

" James H. Huggins. 
M. R. Ballenger. 
J. J. A. Sharp. 
Major E. F. Best. 
" J. H. Hu<rii;ins. 



APPENDIX A. 



669 



Major M. R. Ballenger. 

'' J. J. A. Siiarp. 

" W. J. Boston. 
Adjutant C. Saunders. 

E. Fort. 
Captain (A) Ben G Pool. 

(A) W. J. Bo.ston. 

(B) J. H. Hng^^^s. 

(" C ") M. li. Ballenger. 



Captain (C) H. T. Kennon. 
'' (D) Jolin L. Steele. 
" (E) James Lovless. 
" (F) B. F. King. 

(F) R. W. Mitchell. 
" (G) John J. A. Sharp. 
" (li) Francis J\I. Young. 

. (I) M. L Pritchett. 
" (K) Andrew Young. 



24ith Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 775, 



Colonel Robert McMillan. 

" C. C. Saunders. 
Lieutenant Colonel C. C. Sanders. 
J. N. Chandler. 
T. E. Winn. 
Major R. E. McMillan. 
" T. E. Winn. 
_" F. C. Smith. 
Adjutant D. E. Banks. 
U. S. Turner. 
Captain (A) J. N. Cliandler. 

(B) P. E. Davant. 

(C) W. L. Smith, Kd. 
(C) F. C. Smith. 



Captain (D) John Corn. 

(U) H. H. Smith, Kd. 
(E) J. N. Cannon, Kd. 

(E) H. P. Cannon, Dd. 

(F) J. H F. Mattox. 

(F) T. E. Winn. 

(G) W. T. Leonard, Dd. 
(G) W. S. Brewster, Kd. 

" (H) John H. Mosely, Dd. 
" (H) George W. Keeling. 

(H) N. J. Dortch, Dd. 

(I) H. L Pool. 

(K) J. G. Porter. 
Ensifrn W. C. Sears. 



25i(A Georgia Infantry, Volunteers. 



Colonel C. C. Wilson. 

" W. J. Winn. 
Lieutenant Colonel W. P. M. Ashley. 
W. H. Wyllj. 

" " A. J. Williams. 

Major W. J. Winn. 

" W. H. Wylk. 

" A. AV. Smitli. 
A. Q. M., W. I). Bacon. 
Adjutant R. E. Lester. 
Captain (A) A. W. Smith. 
(B) M L. Bryan. 

" (C) J. Roberts. 



Captain (D) A. J. Williams. 

(E) W. S. Norman. 
" (F) George T. Dunham. 

(G) W. I). Hamilton. 

(H) W. H. Wylly. 

(I) A. H. Smith. 

(K) M. J. McMallen. 

(L) R. J. McClary. 
" (B) Jos. Brvan. 

(D) J. R. Cooper. 
" (D) A. Jackson. 

(G) Jas. W. Best, 



25^A Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized. — 870. 



Captain (A) W. H. Wvlly. 

(B) A. W. Smith. 

(C) R. J. McClary, 

(D) A. H. Smith. 

(E) G. W. Holmes. 

(F) R. R. Young. 



Captain (F) J. R. Moore. 

(A) J C. Bryan, Cashd. 
(A) J. C. Howell. 
(H) S. D. Bradwell. 
(I) J. M. Smith. 
" (K) J. R, Cooper. 



26i^A Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 951 

Colonel C. W. Styles. 

" E. A. Atkinson. 
Lieutenant Colonel W. A. Lane. 
E. S. Griffin. 
J. S Blain. 
" • " Wm. A McDonald 

Major Thos. N. Gardner. 



Major E. S. Griffin. 

" J. S. Blain. 

" B. F. Grace. 
Adjutant E. A. Atkinson, 

" Andrew J. Lvles, 

Captain (A) G. C. Dent. 

(B) A. S. Atkinson. 



G70 


APrE>;Dix A. 


Captain (C) J. C. Nichols. 




Captain (B) Jas H. Hunter. 


(D) D. J. McDonald. 




(C) Jas. Knox. 


(E) Eli S. Griffin. 




" (D) David Davidson. 


(F) Wm. H. Dasher. 




(E) E. S. Griffin. 


(G) Ben. F. Moselv. 




" (F) John Lee. 


(H) Wm. A. McDonald. 




(G)C.M. Howell. 


" (I) Alex. Atkinson. 




(H) J. P. Smith. 


( K) Jas. S. Blain. 




(H) R. Paxton. _^ 


(L) Ben. A. White, Jr. 




(I) C. W. Hilliard. 


(L) M. R. Coffdell. Reorg 


anized. 


(I) Thos. J. Ivey. 


(A) Jas S. Blain. 




(K) B. F. Grace. 


" ' (A) N. Dixon. 




(K) J. Hilton. 


" (B) A. Atkinson. 


/ 




27th Georgia 


Infan 


try, Volunteers — 721. 


Colonel Levi B. Smith. 




Captain (A) W. E. Doughertv. 


" C. T. Zachry. 




" . (B) J. W. Stubbs. 


Lieutenant Colonel C. T. Zachry. 




(B) J. J. Allen. 


" " — Brewer. 




(C) C. J. Denis. 


John W. Stubbs. 


" (C) J. W. Murray. 


'• " J. M. Dorsey. 




(C) W. W. Johnston. 


" " James Gardner, 


Kd. 


(C) Thomas Grace. 


H. Bussey. 




(D) J. N. Dorsey. 


Major H. B. Holliday. 




" (D) Geo. Latham. 


" C. J. Dennis. 




(E) W. H. Renfroe. 


" J. Gardner. 




" (E) — Abercom.bie. 


" H. Bnssey. 




(F) J. Wilcher. 


" W. H. Kenfroe, Kd. 




(F) — Edwards. 


" I. D. Graham. 




(G) W. D. Redding. 


Adjutant J. Gardner. 




(G) M. L. Billingsley. 


L B. Pve. 




(H) C. T. Zachry. 


A. C. S. Thomas Bacon, Kd. 




(H) W. H. Delamar, Kd 


" J. M. Zachry. 




(H) R. A. Harkie. 


A. Q. M., H. B. Holiiday. 




(I) 0. A. Lee, Kd. 


" G. B. Buchanan. 




(I) J. D. Graham. 


Captain (E) — Spratlin, Dd. 




(I) Baxley. 


(E) J. M. Zachry.- 




(K) H. Bussey. 


(A) P. C. Carr, Dd. 




(K) C. Calhoun. 



2%th Georgia Infantry, Yolunteers — 718. 



Colonel T. J. Warthen, Dd. 

" Tully Graybill. 
Lieutenant Colonel Geo. A. Hall. 

" " James G. Cain. 

W. P. Crawford. 
Major J. G. Cain. 

" Tully Graybill. 

" Jas. W. Banning. 
Adjutant J. W. Robinson. 
Captain (A) Tully Graybill. 

(A) J. R. Tucker. 

(B) E. B. Hook. 



Captain (B) R. W. Flournov. 
(C) Wm. P. Crawford. 
" (D) N. J. Garrison. 

(E) Geo. R. Moore. 
" (F) Jessie Burtz. 

(F) L. R. Wade. 

(G) John Hill, Jr. 

" (H) Wm. L. jolmson. 
" (H) J. A. Johnson. 
" (I) Isaac F. Adkins. 
(Kj John N. Wilcox. 



29^/i Georgia Volunteers, Infantry — 850. 



Colonel R. Spaulding. 

" Wm. J. Young. 
Lieutenant Colonel T W. Alexander. 
W. D. Mitchell. 



Major L. J. Knight. 

" J. C. Lamb. 
Adjutant G. Butler. 
Captain (A) C. S. Rockwell. 



APPE>fDIX A. 



671 



Captain (B) W. J. Young. 
(C) T. S. Wylly. 
(D)J. C.Lamb. 

(E) F. M. Jackson. 

(F) W. W. Billopp. 



Captain (G) I. J. Owen. 

(H) W.D. Mitchell. 
(I) J. W. Turner. 
(K) H. C. Bowan. 



29th Georgia J^ohmteers, Reorganized. 



Captain (A) J. D. Henderson. 

(B) W. W. Spencer. 

(C) L. J. Knight. 

30^/i Georgia Infantry, J^olimteers 

Colonel David J. Bailey. 

" Thomas W. Mangham. 

" James S. Boynton. 
Lieutenant Colonel Miles M. Tidwell. 

" " Thomas W. Mangham 

" " Jas. S. Bo^'uton. 

Major Cicero A. Thorpe. 

" J. R. Boynton. 

" Henry Hendricks. 
A. C. S., A. N. McLarty. 

" J. C. Little. 
A. Q. M., J. C. Hightower, 



Captain (D) J. C. Lamb. 

(E) B. Y. Stanford. 



-7G7. 

Adjutant J. W. McCord. 
Captain (A) John L. Barnett. 

(B) H. Heudrick. 

(C) J. G. Lindsev. 
(D)Thos. C. Bartlett. 

(E) Robert M. Hitch. 

(F) Wm. N. Magonick. 
" (G) John Edmoiidson. 
" (H) Francis M. Harrall. 

(I) C. A. Dollar. 
(K) Wm. B.Richards, 



30th Georgia Yolunteers, Reorganized — 728. 



Captain (A) Felix L. Matthall. 
" (B) Henry Kendrick. 
" (C) R. J. Andrews. 
" . (D) Hudson Whitaker. 

(E) R. M. Hitch. 

(F) Ulm N. Magonick. 



Captain (G) John Edmondson. 
(G) Jno W. McLeod. 
(H) F. M. Harrell. 
(J) C. A. Dollar. 
" (K) Geo. T. Longino. 



dlst Georgia Yolunteers, Infantry — 800. 



Colonel P. J. Phillips. 

" Clement A. Evans. 
Lieutenant Colonel Daniel P. Hill. 

J. T. Crow. 
Major C. A. Evans. 

" J. H. Lowe. 
A. C. S., J. H. Sutton. 
A. Q. M., A. B. Redding. 
Adjutant J. H. Woodbridge. 
Wm. M. Head. 



Captain (A) Apollo Forrester. 

(B) Rodolphus T. Pride. 

(C) Archer Griffetts. 

(D) John T. Crowder. 

(E) L. B Redding. 

(F) Warren D. Wood. 

(G) J. H. Lowe. 

(H) John W. Murphy. 
(I) Geo. W. Lewis. 
(K) R. H. Fletcher. 



31s^ Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized. 

Captain (A) A. Forrester, Dd. 

(A) C. L. Shorter. 

(B) R.T. Pride. 

(C) J. G. Sanders. 

(D) Thos. B. Settle. 

(E) L. R. Redding. 



Captnin (F) M. D. Wood. 
(G) J. H. Love. 
(11) J. W. Murphy. 
(I) Geo. W. Lewis. 
(K) R. H. Fletcher. 
(K) S. W. Thornton. 



32d Georgia Volunteers, Infantry 

Colonel Geo. P. Harrison, Jr. 
Lieutenant-Colonel W. H. Pruden. 
" " E. H. Bacon. 



-880. 



Major E. H. Bacon, Jr. 
" W. Y. Holland. 
Adjutant G. M. Blount. 



6:2 



APPENDIX A. 



Captaiu (A) W. Y. HollaiKl. 

(A) W. D. Comwell. 

(B) J. B. McDowell. 

(C) S. J. Heath. 

(D) R. K. nines. 
( D) J. A. Hiiies. 

" (E) S. A. H. Jones. 



Captain (E) P. R. Talliaferro. 

(F) C. A. Willis. 

(G) J. A. Pliillips. 
(H) S. D. Mubley. 

" (I) J. F. Lewis."^ 
(K) E. G. Godbee. 
( K) J. L. McElmurry, 



33c? Georgia J^olunteers. 



Colonel A Littlefield. 



34:th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers. 



Colonel J. A. W. Johnson. 
Lieutenant Colonel J. \V. Bradley. 
Major Thos. T. Donough. 

" John M. Jackson. 
Adjutant I. J. McLendon. 
Captaiu (A) Caleb Cliitwood. 

" (B) Thomas A. Neal. 
(C) 11. A. Jones. 



Captain (D) Wm. E. Brock. 
" (E) Jordan Rowland. 

(F) W. A, Walker. 

(G) G. M Blackwill. 
" (H) John M. Jackson. 

(I) A. T. Bennett. 
(K) A. P. Daniel. 



?>hth Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 656. 



Colonel E. L. Thomas 

Boiling K Holt. 
Lieutenant Colonel Gustavns A. Bull. 
B. H. Holt. 
W. H. McCullongh. 
Major B. H. Holt. 

" W. H. McCulIough. 
" W. L. Groves. 
" L. A. Williams. 
" J. T. McElvauy. 
Adjutant J. H. Ware, Kd. 

S. W. Thomas. 
Captain (A) Wm. I. Head. 



Captain (B) I. M. White. 

(C) D. B. Henrv. Kd. 

(D) L. A. J. Wniiams. 
(D) J. M. Mitchell. 

(D) LP. Johnston. 

(E) E. R. Whitley. 

(F) R. M. Rawlings, Dd. 

(F) J. T. McElvany. 

(G) Wm. S. Barrett. 

" (H) A. K. Richardson. 
(I) W. L. Groves. 
(I) S. T. Irvine. 
(K) W. H. McCulloch. 



?>(jth Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 986. 



Colonel Jesse A. Glenn. 

" C. E. Broyles. 
Lieutenant Colonel Alex. M. Wallace. 
Major Chas. E. Broyles. 

" Jno. Loudermilk. 
Adjutant John S. Ault. 
Captain (A) J. W. Aderhold. 

" (B) H. J. Sprayberry. 

(D) J. R. Rhodes. 

(E) W. H. Howard, Jr. 

( F) J. P. Girardy. 

(G) R. T. English. 
(H)J. T.Kerr. 

(I) J. N. Edwards. 



Captain (K) E. S. Amos. 
" (A) Joseph Glenn. 
" (B) Geo. A. Cooper. 

(C) B. B. White. 

(C) F. M. Dwigiit. 
" (D) Jno. Loudermilk. 

(E)J.D. Gilbert. 

(F) E. L. Martin. 

(G) D. H. Elledge. 
(H) A. P.Roberts.. 

" (I) J. L. Morgan. 
(K) A. A. Dver. 
(L) Thos. Williams. 



\lth Georgia Infantry, Volunteers. 



Colonel A. F. Rudler. 
Lieutenant Colonel J. T. Smith. 
Major J. J. Bradford. 



Major R. E. Wilson. 
Adjutant G. H. Sherod. 
Captaiu (A) R. E. Wilson. 



APPENDIX A. 



673 



Captain (B) T. E. Blanchard. 

(D) J. G. McMullan, Kd. 
(D) W. M. Clark. 
(I) M. Keudrick, Dd. 



Captain (I) T. D. Wright. 
•' (I) "VVni. Hutchinson. 
(K) W. H. H. Phelps. 



38th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 775. 



Colonel A. R,. "Wright. 
Geo. W. Lee. 

" J. D. Mathews. 
Lieutenant Colonel Geo. W. Lee. 

" " Lewis J. Parr. 

" " J. D. Mathews. 

" " P. E. Davant. 

Major L. J. Parr. 

" T. H. Bomar. 
Captain (A) Wm. L. McLeod, Kd. 

" (B) Robert P. Eberhart. 

(C) John Y. Flowers. 

(D) Geo. W. McClesky, Kd. 



Captain (E) Wm. H. Battey, Kd. 
(E) J. W. Brinson. 

(E) L. W. Farmer, Kd. 

(F) Cornelius \\. Hanleiter. 

(G) Wm. Wright. 
(G) Geo. F. Robinson. 
(H) Thomas H. Bomar. 
(I) Jolin C. Thornton. 
(I) J. O. Maxwell. 
(K) Jas. D. Matthews. 
(K) Chas. A. Hawkins, Kd. 
(K) R. T. Donough. 
(K)L. H.T. Bomar. 



39^A Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 899. 



Colonel J. T. McConnell, Dd. 

J. F. B Jackson. 
Lieutenant Colonel J. F. B. Jackson. 
Major J. H. Randall 
Adjutant W. M. McCallister. 
Captain (A) L. W. Crook. 

(B) T. H. Pitner. 

(C) Timothy Ford. 



Captain (B) J. W. Cureton. 
(E) C. D. Hill. 
(E)H. B. Osborne. 
" (F) Jas. H. Anderson. 
(G) B. J. Brown. 
(K) J. W. Brady, Kd. 
(I) John D. Hayes. 
(H) Wm. H. Edwards. 



AQth Georgia Infantry, Volunteers. 



Colonel Abda Johnson. 

Lieutenant Colonel Robert M. Young. 

Major Raleigh G. Camp. 

Adjutant G. W. Warwick. 

Captain (A) Jno H. Matthews. 

(B) John U. Dobbs. 

(C) Z. B. Hargrove. 



Captain (D) Francis H. Hall. 
" (E) J. F. Groover. 
" (F) John Middlebrooks. 

" , (G) Thos. J. Foster. 
" (H) Joseph L. Neel. 
" (I) A bda Johnson. 
" (K) Alex. Murchison. 



41s^ Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 683. 



Colonel Charles A. McDauiel. 
Lieutenant Colonel Wm. E. Curtis. 
Major John Kniirht. 

" W. S. Nail. 
Adjutant E. Elless. 
A. Q. M., A. D. Abrahams. 
Captain (A) J. E. Stallings. 

(B) Geo. N. Lester. 

(B) D. McCleskey. 

(B) Thomas I. Dobhs. 



Captain (C) Geo. S. Aver v. 

(D) Jno. W. Powell. 

(E) J. C. Curtwright. 

(F) A. D. Abrahams. 

(F) S. D. Clements. 

" (G) Washinjrton Henibree. 

(G) R. A. Wood. 

" (H) Newton J. Ross. 
(I) AV. B. Thomason. 
(K) J. J. Bowen. 



42c/ Georgia Infantry, Voluoiteers — 929. 

Major L. P. Thomas. 
Adjutant H. M. Wylie. 
Captain (A) L. P. Thomas. 
(B) B. P. Weaver. 



Colonel Robert J. Henderson. 
Lieutenant Colonel R. F. Maddox. 

" "• Wm. H. Hulsey. 

■ Major W. H. Hnlsey. 

43 



674 



APJ'ENmX A. 



Captain (C) H. W. Parris. 

(D) Nathan Clay. 

(E) T. J. Mercer. 

" (F) Jas. M. Summers. 



Captain (G) Enocli E. McCollum. 
(H) J. T. Mitchell. 
" (I) John H. Barrett. 
" (K) Wm. L. Callioua. 



4,3rd Geor[/ia Infantry l^olunteers — 1060. 



Colonel Skidmore Harris. 

" H. C. Kellogg-. 
Lieutenant Colonel Hiram P. Bell. 
Major Henr3r C. Kellogg. 
Adjutant J. S. Allen. 
Captain (A) Wm. F. Mullins. 
(A) A. M. Reiuhart, 
(A) W. I. Sloan. 
" (B) M. M. Grantham. 

(C) Ben. F. Hanie. 

(D) Wm. P. Brown. 



Captain (D) M. J. Eagsdale. 

(E) Thos. G. Pilgrim. 
" (F) James F. Law. 

(F) Cicero H. Furr. 

(G) M. M. Mintz. 
(G) J. M. Store V. 
(H) H. E Howard. 
(I) W. C.Lester. 
(K) John F. Rives. 
(L) M. H. West. 



44^/i Georgia J^olunteers — 018. 



Colonel Robert A. Smith. 

" John B. Estes. 

" Sam'l. P. Lumpkins. 

" Wm. H. Peebles. 
Lieutenant Colonel J. B. Estes. 

" " S. P. Lumpkin. 

W. H. Peebles. 
Jas. W. Beck. 
.Major Richard 0. Banks. 

" Jos. W. Adams, Dd. 

" W. H. Peebles. 

" J. W. Beck. 

" John C. Key. 
Adjutant Chas. M. Wiley. 
Captain (A) W. H. Peebles. 

(A) H. M. Credille. 

(B) John C. Key. 

" (B) Jas. Henderson. 



Captain (C) Sam'l. P. Lumpkin. 
" (D) John B. Estes. 

(D) R. R. Hanes. 

" (E) Joseph W. Adams. 

(E) J. H. Counally. 

( F) David L. Hitchcock. 
( F) C. D. Pearson. 
( F) G. G. Green, Kd. 

( F) J. B. Reese. 
" (G) John Huie. 

(G) J. L. Blalock. 
(II) Jno. C. Redding. 
|il) Jno. W, ButlerT 

(I) Chas. W. Alliston, Kd. 
(I) J. H. Harris. 
(I) Jas. W. Beck. 
" (I) Thomas T. Eason. 



45?A Georgia Infantry J^olunteers—6S0. 



Colonel Thomas Hardeman. 
" Thomas J. Simmons. 
Lieutenant Colonel T. J. Simmons. 
W. L. Grice. 
J. W. Carter. 
W. S. Wallace. 
C. A. Conn, Kd. 
Major W. L. Grice. 
" M. R. Rogers. 
" J. W. Carter. 
" A. W. Gibson. 
Adjutant Geo. F. Cherry. 
Captain (A) M. R. Rogers. 
(A) W. H. Sliaw. 

(A) Geo. F. Cherry, 

(B) J. W. Dozier. . 



Captain (C) Jas. M. Carter. 


(C) John H. Raskins, Dd 


(C)H. G 


Lamar. 


(O) Jos. 


H. AVhite, Dd. 


(D) Jesse 


' Mavs. 


(E) Wm. 


S. Wallace. 


(F) Richard M. Bonner. 


(F) John 


Hardeman. 


(G)C. A 


Conn. 


(H) Wm. 


M. Davis. 


( H ) Jolm 


G. Brown. 


(H) W. D. Killeu. 


■ " (I) L.J. 


Dupree. 


(I) J. L 


Hall. 


(1) J. M- 


Carter.' 


(K)A. W. Gibson. 



APPENDIX A. 



O/O 



4:6th Georgia Infantry Volanteers — i 



Colonel Peyton H. Colquitt, Kd. 

" S. J. C. Duulap. 
Lieutenant Colonel VVm. A. Daniel. 
Major Alex M. iSpeer. 

" S. J. C. Duulap. 
Adjutant W. W. Charlton. 

W. R. Bedell. 
Captain (A) T. B. Hancock. 

(B) Sam'l. J. C. Dunlap. 

(C) A. H. Cooper, Kd. 
(C) T. C. Tillman. 



Captain (D) E. G. Raiford. 
" (E) Wm. A. Andrews. 
(F) Johu P Beatv. 

(F) K. M. Dixon.' 

(G) G. A. Ball. 

(G) Malcomb Gillis. 
(H) Eleazer Taylor. 
(I) W. F. Moore. 
(I) W. A. Davis. 
( K) A. G. Bedell. 
(K) I. F. Pou. 



4:7t/i Georgia Volunteers — 814. 



Colonel G. W. M. Williams, Dd. 

" A. C. Edwards. 
Lieutenant Colonel A. C. Ed-\vards. 

W. S. Phillips. 

J. S. Cone. 



Major J. S. Cone. 

" A. G. Cone. 
Adjutant B. S. Williams. 
Captain (A) M. J. Doyle. 

(13) Pat. Gormley, Cashd. 



A:Sth Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 1052. 



Colonel William Gibson. 

" M. P. Hall. 
Lieutenant Colonel R. W. Carswell. 

M. R. Hall. 
Major J. R. Whitehead, 

" M. R. Hall. 
Adjutant Julian Cumming. 

T. H. Gibson. 
Captain (A) A. Kellev, Kd. 

(B) M. R. Hall. 

(C) H. J. Dortic, Dd. 
(C) L. G. Doughty, Kd. 
(C) J. K. Evans. 



Captain (D) 


John W. Harlow, Kd 


(D) U. L. 


Skinner. 


" (E) 


T. H 


Polhill, Kd. 


(E) 


R. W 


. Carswell. 


(E) 


W.J 


Smith. 


(F) 


Thos 


W. Kent. 


(G) Ulysses A. Rice. 


(G) 


T.J. 


Roberston. 


(H) 


Niell McLeod. 


" (H) 


A. C. 


Flanders. 


(I) 


R.J. 


Wilson. 


(K) 


T.J. 


Hamilton. 


" (K) 


D. T 


Wilson. 



49^A Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 762. 



Colonel Andrew J. Lane. 
" S. T. Player. 
" J. T. Jordan. 
Lieutenant Colonel Seaborn M. Manning. 
" " Jonathan Rivers. 

S. T. Plaver. 
O. H. Cooke. 
" J. T. Jordan. 
W. J. Williams. 
Major J. Rivers. 
'■' S. T. Player. 
" J. H. Pate. 
" W. J. Williams. 
" John Durham. 
" J. B Duggan. 
Adjutant M. Newman. 
Captain (A) S. T. Player. 
" (A) J. B. Duggan. 
" (B) Jas. Humphrevs, Dd. 
(B) W. J. AVilliams. 



Captain (C) Wm. M. Carter. 

(C) J. T. Jordan. 

(D) Wm. F Holden. 
" (D) John Durham. 

(E) Sam'l. D. Fuller. 
(K) A. C. McLennon. 

( F) O. H. Cooke. 

(F) T. D. AVilcox. 

(G) Jas. T. Cappell. 
CG) H. B. Stanley, 

" (H) A. D. Jernigan. 

(H) C. M.Jones, Kd, 

(H) W. G.Bell. 
' " (I) Jas J. Lawrence. 
" (T) A. J Lane. 

(I) J. W. Allen. 

(K) H H. Whitfield. 

(K) S. M. Manning. 

(K)J. H. Pate. 

(K) 0. A. V. Rose. 



676 



APPENDIX A, 



bOth Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 974. 



Colonel W. R. Manning. 

" Peter McGlaslian. 
Lieutenant Colonel F. Kearse. 

" " W. O. Fleming. 

Major P. C. Pendleton. 

" D. Cnrm. 

" AV. O. Fleming. 

" P. Sheftall. 
Adjutant Jas. P. Graves. 
Captain (A) Jno. T. Wilson. 

" (B) P. B. Bedford. 

" (B) P. C. Pendleton. 



Captain (C) John M. Spence. 

" (D) Jas. T. Bevill. 

" (E) Cicero 11. Young. 

" (F) Duncan Curry. 

« (F) W. 0. Fleming. 

" (G) John B. Osteen. 

" (H) Jesse M. Wells. 

" (I) E. C. Morgan. 

" (I) C. Townsend. 

" (K) Pliny Sheffield. 

" (K) John G. McCall. 

" (F) H. L. Keeves. 



blst Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 968. 



Colonel W. M. Slaughter, Dd. 
" E. Ball. 
" James Dickey. 
Lieutenant Colonel E. Ball. 

O. P. Anthony. 
J. Dickev. 
J. P. Crawford. 
Major O. P. Anthony. 
" H. M. Dunwoody. 
" Jas. Dickey. 
" J. P. Crawford. 
Adjutant J. H. West. 
Captain (A) H. M. Dunwoody. 
" (A) S. Alexander, Kd. 
(A) W. li. McLean. 



Captain (B) W. C. Ware, Kd. 

(B) W. H. Chastain. 

(C) A. Cumbie. 

(C) J. W. Brooks. 

(D) F. M. D. Hopkins. 
" (E) James Dickey. 

(F) B. J. Kendrick. 

(F) T. M. Jones. 

(G) Jolm P. Crawford. 
(H) Edward Ball. 

(H) Wm. F. Davis. 

(I) 0. P. Anthony. 

(I) S. A. McLendon. 
" (K) Wm. M. Slaughter. 
" (K) Richard Hobbs. 



b2nd Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 890. 



Colonel Wier Boyd. 
Lieutenant Colonel C. D. Phillips. 
Adjutant W. A. James. 
Captain (A) S. H. Vandiviere. 
~ " (B) John J. Moore. 
(C) R. R. Asbury. 
" (D) John A. Parker. 



Captain (D) J. W. Woodward. 
(E)D. AV; Killian. 

(F) S. M. Beck. 

(G) Lewis B. Beard. 
(H) W. W. Brown. 

" (I) John R. Russell. 
(K) T. F. Cooper. 



Colonel L. T. Doyal. 

" James P. Sims. 
Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Sloan. 
Major J. P. Sims. 
Adjutant John F. Hanson. 
Captain (A) T. W. Atkins. 

(B) Thos. W. Sims. 

(I) J. M. D. Bonds. 



53rf? Georgia Infantry Vohmteers. 

Captain (D) J. W. Hance, Kd, 
(E) Jas. P. Sims. 

(E) S. W. Glass. 

(F) Thomas Sloan. 

(G) R. P. Taylor. 
(H) W. B. Baker. 
(C) Sam'l. W. Marshbone. 
(K) J. M. Ponder. 



54:t/i Georgia I fan try Volunteers- 
Colonel Charlton H. Way. 
Lieutenant Colonel Morgan Rawls 
;Major Wm. H. Mann. 
Adjutant T. H. Brantlev. 
Captain (A) T. W. Brantlev. 

(B) Geo. W. MoodV. 

(C) 1). A. Green. 



(C) T. M. Brantley. 



815. 

Captain (D) A. S. Roberts. 
(E) J. D. Evans. 

(E) H. M. Tallv. 

(F) W. T. Chisholm. 

(G) Geo. W. Kniglit. 
(H) C. R. Russell. 
(I) L. L. i:ikins. 



(K) Geo. Eason. 



APPENDIX A. 



677 



hhth Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 1008. 



Colonel C. B. Harkie, Cashd. 

" A. W. Persous. 

" D. S. Pi'iutup. 
Lieutenant Colouel A. W. Persons. 

" D. S. Printup. 
Major D. S. Printup. 

' M. P. Tucker. 

A. C. S,, Wright. 

Adjutant 11. C. Saxon. 
Captain (A) Turner J. Ball. 

(B) James M. Griffin. 



Captain (C) Wm. J. Collins. 
" (D) John G. Lester. 

(E) Ben R. Keudrick, Kd. 

(F) H. W. Baker. 

( F) J. J. Kobenson. 

(G) li. L. Mitchell. 
(H) J. P. Allen. 
(I) D. A. Lee, I)d. 
(K) M. P. Tucker. 
(L) E. M. Westbrook. 



bQth Georgia Infantry Volunteers. 



Colonel E. P. Watkins. 
Lieutenant Colonel J. T. Slaughter. 
Major M. L. Poole. 

" J. P. Brewster. 
Adjutant Jas. N. Bass. 
Captain (A) J. P. Brewster. 

(B) J. B. Martin. 

(C) J. A. Grice. 



Captain (D) W. S. Monroe. 

" (E) J. F. Albert. 

" (F) P. H. Prather, Kd. 

" (G) E. M. Streetnian. 

" (H) J. M. Parrish. 

" (I) J. M. Cobb. 

" (K) B. T. Sherman. 

" (K) J. H. Harrison. 



bith Georgia Infantry Volunteers. 



Colonel "Wm. Barkaloo. 
Lieutenant Colonel E. S. Guyton. 
Major John W. Sliinholser. 
A. C. S., M. W. Johnston. 
Assistant Quartermaster H. Cleveland. 
Adjutant T. J. Dyson. 

" Stephen I)e Bruhl. 

" Geo. R. Hunter. 
Captain (A) L. C. Bryan. 
" (B) James M. Smith. 



Captain (C) Lucius Q. Tucker. 
" (D) Henry K. Byiugton. 

(E)C. H. Richardson. 

(F) John F. Vin.son. 
" (G) James P. Jordan. 
" (11) John R. Bouner. 
" (I) George W. Bishop. 

(K) J. W. Shiiiholser. 

(K) J. N. Shinholser. 



h^th Georgia Volunteers. 
59th Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 83i 



Colonel Jack Brown. 
Lieutenant Colonel C. J. Harris. 

B. H. Gee. 
Major B. H. Gee. 

" C. J. Harris. 

" M. G. Bass. 

" W. H. Fickling. 
A. C. S., W. A. Sparks. 
Assistant Quartermaster B. F. Bruton. 
Adjutant H. Marshall. 
" M. F. Bass. 
Captain (A) B. H. Gee. 

(B) Jolm G. Collins. 

(C) W. H. Ficklin. 



Captain (D) D. C. Smith. 

(D) B. H. Miller. 

(E) M. G. Bass. 
(E) B. L. Brown. 

" (¥) James M. Konse. 

(G) G. F. Brown. 
" (H) Jack Brown. 

(H) F. M. Robinson. 

(H) W. W. Train. 

(I) E. Cain, Dd. 
" (I) John W. Hutchinson. 

(K) C. J. Harris. 

(K) F. W. Johnson. 

(K) S. H. Gates. 



(jOth Georgia Infantry Volunteers. 



Colonel W. H. Stiles. 
" W. B. Jones. 
Lieutenant Colonel Thomas J. Berry. 
S'lajor W. B. Jones. 



A. C. S., A. D. Murray. 

Assistant Quartermaster D. N. Speer. 

Adjutant B. F"". Keller. 

R. L. McFarlin. 



678 



APPENDIX A. 



Captain (A) T. D. Bertody. 

(B) W. B. Jones. 

(C) J. C. Wardlaw. 
(C) James C. Ward, 

" (C) J. A. Edraondson. 
" (D) W. Talliaferro. 
(E) J. W. Beck. 



Captain (F) W. P. Jarrett. 

(G) John B. Colding, Kd. 
(H) W. H. Stiles. 
(H) W. C. Leake. 
(I) B. F. Fariss. 
(K) W. H. Howard. 



61st Georgia Infantry Volunteers. 



Colonel John H. Lamar. 
Lieutenant Colonel J. Y. McDuffie. 

C. W. McArthur. 
Major A. P. McRae. 
Peter Breunan. 
". H. Tillman. 
Assistant Quartermaster Geo. Higgins. 
Adjutant G. W. Lamar. 
" G. C. Connor. 
Captain (A) G. D. Wilcox. 

(B) D. R. A. Johnson. 

(C) Dan'l. McDonald. 

(D) S. H. Kennedy. 



Captain 



E) C. W. McArthur. 

E) T. M. McRae. 

F) P. Breunau. 

G) W. Fannin. 
H) J. M. Dasher. 

I) J. D. Van Valkenburg. 
K) E. F. Sharpe. 

C) J. A. Edmondsou. 
G) H. T. Colley. 

A) J. Y. McDuffie, 

D) H. Tillman. 

B) A. P. McRae, Kd. 



6%nd Georgia Infantry Volunteers. 



Colonel J. R. Griffin. 
Lieutenant Colonel Randolph Townes. 
" " John T. Kennedy. 

Major John T. Kennedy. 

" W. L. A. Ellis. 
A. C. S., T. Meara. 

" W. R. Baldwin. 
Adjutant B. B. Bower. 

W. A. Holson 
Captain (A) John P. Davis. 
(B) Jas. W. Nichols. 
(B) B. B. Bower. 



Captain (C) W. L. A. EUis. 

(D) AVm. H. Fancett. 

(D) R. Duvall. 

(E) W. A. Thompson. 

(F) S. B. Jones. 

(G) Pat. Gray. 

" (H) Thos. A. Janes. 

(H) A. P. Newhart. 
" (I) Jno. A. Richardson. 

(K) E. W. Westbrook. 
" (K) S. L. Turner 

(L) Theo. G. Barham. 



63?*c? Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 986. 



Colonel George A. Gordon. 
Lieutenant Colonel Geo. R. Black. 
Major John R. Giles. 

" J. V. H. Allen. 
A. C. S., G. W. Lamar. 
Assistant Quartermaster C. J. White. 
Adjutant J. S. Hammond. 
Captain (A) J. V. H. Allen. 

" (B) James T. Buckner. 



Captain (C) E. J. Craven. 

(D) E. H. Harrison. 

(E) Thad. Oliver. 

" f F) John H. Losser. 
(G) D. N. Martin. 
(H) H. H. Scranton. 
(I) C. W. Howard. 
(K) Wm.J. Dexra. 



Mth Georgia Infantry Volunteers. 



Colonel John W. Evans, Kd. 

" W. H. Weems. 
Lieutenant Colonel James Barrow, Kd. 

W. H. Weems. 
Major W. H. Weems. 

" C. S. Jenkins. 
Assistant Quartermaster E. R. Peabody. 
Adjutant J. A. Byrd. 
Captain (A) Joliu K. Redd. 



Captain (B) T. J. Pritchett. 
(C)N.W. Garrard. 

(D) Geo. S. Thomas. 

(E) C. S.Jenkins. 

(F) P. Robinson. 

(G) D. C. Smith. 
(G) C. A. C. Waller. 
(H) S. A. Townsley. 

(I) J. T. McClusky, Cashd. 



APPEJfDIX A. 



679 



Qibth Georgia Infantry l^olunteers. 



Colonel C. J. Smith. 

" John S. Fain. 

" R. H. Moore. 

" W.G.Foster. 
Lieutenant Colonel J. S. Fain. 

" R. H. Moore. 
" J. W. Pearce. 
Major B. F. Browne. 

" R. H. Moore. 

" J. W. Percy. 

" S. F. Williams. 
A. C. S., W. A. Martin. 



Adjutant T. W. Alexander. 
Captain (A) S. i". Williams. 
" (B) Andrew H. Morris. 

(C) John H. Craven. 

(D) W. G.Foster. 

(E) W. F. Thomas. 
(FJ A. Rudolph. 

(G) John W. Holmes. 
(H) F. M. Kitchens. 
(I) Henry L. Smith. 
(K) W. W. Grant 



Colonel J. C. Nisbet. 
Lieutenant Colonel 
Major 
A. C. S. 



G6th Georgia Infantry Volunteers. 

Captain (F) A. H. Reid. 
" (G) G. V. Hall. 
" (I) J. Thornton. 

CoWs Georgia Legion — 1018. 



Colonel Thos. R. R. Cobb, Kd. 
" Pierce M. B. Young. 
" G. I. Wright. 
Lieutenant Colonel P. M. B. Young.- 
" G. B. Knight. 

Jeff. M. Lamar, Dd. 
" " Luther J. Glenn. 

R. S. King. 
" " Wm. G. Deloney. 

Major Ben. C. Yancey. 
" J. M. Lamar. 
" W. G. Deloney. 
" . L. J. Glenn. 
" Z. A. Rice. 
" Thos. M. Camack. 
" G. I. Wright. 
" W. D. Conyers. 
Adjutant J. C. Rutherford. 
Inf. Captain (A) W. D. Convers. 
" (B) C. A. McDaniel. 



Inf. Captain (B) W. W. McDaniel. 

" (C) L. J.€lenn. 

" (C) M. F. Liddell. 

" (C) A. C. Grier. 

" (D) Thomas Camack. 

" (D) W. A. Winn, Kd. 

" (D) Jas. F. Wilson. 

" (E) W. S. C. Morris. 

" (E) T. B. Cox. 

" (F) AV. F. S. Powell. 

" • (G) G. B. Knight. 

" (G) J. C. Barnett. 
Cav. Captain (A) T. P. Stovall. 

" (A) J. J. Thompson. 
(B)Z. A. Rice. 
(C) W. G. Deloney. 

(C) T. C. Williams. 

(D) W. J. Lawton. 
Art. " (A) M. Stanley. 



Phillip's Georgia legion — 72 



Colonel Wm. Phillips. 

" John S. Norris. ^ 

Lieutenant Colonel Seaborn Jones, Jr. 
R. T. Cook, Kd. 
" . " E. T. Barclay. 
. " " J. Hamilton. 

W. W. Rich. 
Major John D. Willcoxon. 
" W. P. C. Puckett. 
" Joseph Hamilton. 
" E. S. Barclay. 
Adjutant Jas H. Lawrence. 
J. W. Wofford. 
F. S. Fuller. 



Adjutant J. A. Matthias. 
Inf. Captain (A) 0. R. Daniel. 

" (B) R. T. Cook. 

" (B) Thos. Hamilton. 
First Lieutenant (B) J. F. B. Jackson. 
Captain (C) E. S. Barclay. 
(C) J. S. Norris. 

(C) A. S. Erwin. 

(D) H. F. Wimberley. 
" (E) Jos. Hamilton. 

" (F) Jackson Barnes. 
" (G) Chas. Duliignon, 

(H) W. W. Pich. 

(H) J. F. Mithollin. 



680 



APPENDIX A. 



Captain (I) W. B. C. Puckett. 

(K) R. S. Y. Lony. 
" (I) J. M. Johnson. 

(L) J. T. Lowry. 

(M) J. F. MeClesky. 

(M) Sam'l. y. Harris. 

(N) S. S. Duulap. 

(0) T. K. Sproull. 

(0) H. I. McCorinick. 

(P) W. W. llaomas. 
Cav. Captain (A) J. H. Nichols. 
(A) C. Du Bignon. 

(A) A. R. Love. 

(B) Wm. H. Rich. 
(B) T. G. Wilkes. 
(B) B. B. McKenzie. 



Cav. Captain (C) E. C. Hardin. 

(C) W. B. C. Puckett. 

(C) G. A. Roberts. 

(D) P. L. Y. Long. 

(D) H. Buchanan. 

(E) A. F. Hunter. 

(F) W. W. Thomas. 
Inf. Captain (A)-D. B. Sanford. 

(A) F C. Fuller. 
(A) 0. P. Daniel. 

(A) P. B. Robinson. 

(B) I. D. Dodd. 

(E) W. H. Barler. 

" (E) J. M. McDonald. 

(F) P. McGoveru. 
Arty. H. N. Ells. 



Smith'' s Georgia Legion of 375, 



Partisan Rangers. 
Colonel Sumner J. Smith. 
Lieutenant Colonel John R. Hart. 
" " John S. Fain. 

Major B. F. Brown. 

Robert H. Moore. 
Adjutant B. F. Chastain. 

" Jas. M. Gartrell. 
Assistant Surgeon B. P. White. 

John W. Farrell. 
Assistant Quartermaster Jas. W. Langston. 

C. M. Bale. 
Captain (H) A. Rudolph. 
" (C) W. F. Thomas. 
" (H) Jas. Harlow. 



Cav. Captain ( G) John R. Hart. 

(G) A. F. Ball. 

(B) T. C. Fain. 

(0) L. M. Stiff. 
" ■ (D) S. M. Ralston. 

(Ei L. Harlow. 

(E) J. T. Burns. 
" (F) S. Anderson. 

(A) G. W. Standridge. 
Inf. Captain (A) Jacob W. Piercey. 
" (B) Sam'l. F. Williams. 
" (C) A. H. Morris. 
" (D) John H. Craven. 

(E) Ben. C. Grant. 
" (F) Ulm G. Foster. 



Colonel Aug. R. Wright. 
Lieutenant Colonel G. W. Lee 



Wright's Georgia Legion. 

I Major Lewis J, Parr. 



Thomas Legion — 395. 
1st Georgia Reserves. 



Colonel J. H. Fannin. 
Captain (A) W. B. Wood. 

" (B) G. A. Hall. 

" (C) E. Baker. 

" (D) J. C. Thornton. 

" (E) J. H. Grant. 



Captain (F) G. W. Austin. 

(G) W. H. Hartnett. 
(H) J. H. Powell. 
", (I) J. Whatelv. 
" ' (K) J. D. Watson. 



%nd Georgia Reserves. 



Colonel R. F. Maddox. 
Captain (A) S. Chamberlain. 

(B) R.Adams. 

(C) E. Holcombe. 

(D) T. C.Jackson. 

(E) J. F. McCloskey. 



Captain(F) M. Richardson. 
" (G) E. M. Donehoe. 
" (H) CM. Jones. 
" (H) N. Clav. 
" (I] S. S. Fears. 
" (K) J. R. Mehaffey. 



APPENDIX A. 



681 



3rd Georgia Reserves. 



Colonel E. J. Harris. 
Lieutenant Colonel J. S. Moore. 
Major J. B. Griffin. 
Adjutant S. D. Martin. 
Captain (A) J. A. McManus. 

" (B) C. D. Amos. 

" (C) W. F. Scott. 



Captain (D) T, P. Lloyd. 

" (E) N. Miller. 

" (F) O. Cromwell. 

" (G) 8. D. Nntt. 

" (H) S. E. Glass. 

" (I) T. H. Hodgkiss. 

" (K) G. a. Cunningham. 



Uh Georgia Reserves . 



Colonel R. S. Taylor. 
Lieutenant Colonel A. D. Candler. 
Major J. H. Bush. 
Adjutant W. T. Florence. 
Captain (A) G. S. Feaw. 

" (B) J. M. B. Carlton. 

« (C) J. P. Hudson. 



Captain (D) R. T. Bowie. 
(E) B. D. Johnson. 
" (F) A. C. Allen. 
" (G) J. G. Jordon. 
" (H) II. C. Saxon. 
" (I) T. L. Anderson. 
" (K) M. A. Adams. 



hth Georgia Reserves. 



Colonel J. B. Cumming. 
Lieutenant Colonel C. D. Findley. 
Major C. E. McGregor. 
Adjutant O. T. Thweatt. 
Captain (A) M. R. Freeman. 

(B) B. D Lumsden. 

(C) B. Whiddon. 



Captain (D) W. Paine. 

" (E) W. A. Cobb. 

" (F) J. C. Jarratt. 

" (G) C. E. Clarke. 

" (H) W. M. Gimn. 

" (I) W. P. Mobley. 

" (K) W. H. Lawson. 



Georgia State Guards. 



Colonel J. G. Yeiser. 
Lieutenant Colonel J. R. Freeman. 
Major T. W. Alexander. 
Captain (A) J. H. Lawrence. 

" (B) J. Trout. 

" (C) S. D. Wragg. 

" (D) A. A. Terhune. 



Captain (E) M. L. Troutman. 
" (F) J. Taliaferro. 
" (G) H. F. Wimberly. 
" (H) S. A. Bordoers. 
" (I) D. B. Dean. 
" (K) C. O. Stillwell. 



1st Georgia Battalion Infantry. 



Lieutenant Colonel J. B. Villepigue. 
G. A. Smith. 
" " Chas. Spaulding. 

Major W. S. Lovell. 
Adjutant E. G. Jeffers. 
Captain (A) J. W. Aderhold. 
" (B) H, J. Spravberry. 
(C) G. A. Smith. 



Captain (D) J. R. Rhodes. 
" (E) W. H. Howard, Jr. 

(F) J. P. Girardey. 
" (G) W. S. Lovett. 
" (H) J. F. Kerr. 
" (I) J. N. Edwards. 
" (K) G. S. Ames. 



\st Georgia Battalion Infantry Sharp- Shooters JSTo. 2. — 323. 



Major Arthur Sliaaf. 
Captain (A) A. Shaaf. 

(A) H. D. Twyman. 
" (B) A. L. Hartridge. 



Captain (B) B. H. Hardee. 
" (C) Wm. H. Ross. 
" (D) G. C. Pent. 
" (D) C. T. Berwick. 



G82 



APPENDIX A. 



^nd Georgia Hattalion Infantry. 



Major Thos. Hardeman. 

Geo. W. Ross. 
Assistant Quartermaster F. S. Gross. 
A. C. S., C. S. Rogers. 
Adjutant W. S. Robinson. 
Surgeon A. V. Taliaferro. 
Captain (A) C. J. Moffit. 



Captain (A) W. F. I. Ross. 

" (B) JohnF. Dupree, Dd. 
" (B) W. F. Wall^er. 
" (C) Geo W. Ross. 
" (C) C. R. Redding. ' 
" (D) Geo. S. Jones. 



%nd Georgia Battalion Infantry Sharp- Shooters No. 2. 



Major J. J. Cox. 

" R. H. Wliiteley. 
Assistant Quartermaster Thos. Ip. Gower. 
Captain (A) R. 11. VVhiteley. 
(A) C. H. George. 



Captain (B) Wm. H. Brown. 
(C) E. W. Ansley. 

(C) M. G. Hester. 

(D) Sam'l. D. Oliver. 

(E) 0. C. Myers. 



ord Georgia Dattallon Infantry. 



Lieutenant Colonel J. B. Stovall. 

Major A. F. Rudler. 

Adjutant C. P. Roberts. 

Assistant Quartermaster R. T. Jones. 

" " J. A. Anderson. 

" " R. Orme. 

" " H. P. Richmond. 

Captain (A) Jas. D. Yeiser. 



Captain (B) Robert E. Meson. 

" (C) M. Keudrick. 

" (D) Geo. M. McDowell. 

" (E) Andrew J. White. 

" (F) J. J. Bradford. 

" (G) A. F. Rudler. 

" (G) T. D. Caswell. 

" (H) W. H. H. Phelps. 



ord Georgia Battalion Infantry Sharj)- Shooters JVo. 2—320. 



Lieutenant Colonel N. L. Hutchins. 

Major H. H. Smith. 

Captain (A) Wm. M. Crumley. 

" (B) Garuet McMillan. 

" (B) John W. Kiijg. 

(B) F. E. Ross. 

(C) W. E. Simmons. 



Captain (C) W. D. Anderson. 
(C) N. N. Gober. 
(E) John F. Martin. 
Adjutant R. J. Davants. 
J. H. Williams. 
P. E. Savans. 
Assistant Quartermaster J. P. Phillips. 



4zth Battalion Georgia Infantry. 



Lieutenant Colonel W. H. Stiles. 

Major Thos. J. Berry. 

Assistant Quartermaster D. N. Speer. 



A. C. S., R. PI. Cannon. 

Surgeon E. N. Calhoun. 
Captain (H) M. A. Leake. 



4:th Georgia Battalion Infantry Sharp- Shooters No. 2. 



Ensign A. W.' Collins. 
Captain (A) S. M. Jackson. 



Captain (B) W. M. Carter. 
(C) B. M. Turner. 



oth Battalion Georgia Infantry. 



Major G. M. Gunnels. 
Captain (A) W. G. Rice. 

" (B) John G. Williams. 



Captain (C) Jas. J. Shumate. 
(A) G. M. Gunuells. 



Qth Georgia Battalion Infantry. No Bolls. 

th Battalion Georgia Infantry. (Consolidated toith Gist Georgia.) 

I Major John H. Lamar. 



Lieutenant Colonel C. A. L. Lamar. 
" ' " John H. Lamar 



APPENDIX A. 



683 



8^A Georgia Battalion Infantry — 390. 



Lieutenant Colonel J. T. Raid. 

A. Littlefield. 
" " Z. L. Walters. 

Major B. F. Hunt. 

Assistant Quartermaster H. S. Crawford. 
Adjutant J. W. Gray. 
Captain (A) H. M. Lumpkin. 

" (B) xM. Y. ISexton, Cashd. 



Captain (C) Wm. Holsonback. 

*' (D) Z. L. Walters. 

" (D) J. A. Hardin. 

" (E) Jolm A. Hopper. 

" (E) John A. Penu. 

" (F) L. N. Jackson, Cashd. 

" (F) J. W. Boaz. 

" (G) T. J. Paxton. 



IQth Georgia Battalion Infantry — 478. 



Major John E. Rylander, Kd. 

" J. D. Frederic. 
Ensign Wm. C. Tinsley. 
Assistant Quartermaster J. W. Whitehead. 
Captain (A) Jas. D. Frederick. 



Captain (B) Dan Henderson. 
(C) B. F. Bell. 
(D.) Wm. L. Jones. 
" (E) John L. Adderton. 



11th Georgia Battalion Infantry — 693. 



Lieutenant Colonel G. W. M. Williams. 
Captain (A) Wm. 8. Phillips. 
(B) Pat. Gormley. 

" (C) Jas. H. Latimer. 

" (D) Phillip G. Tippins. 



Captain (E) A. C. Edwards. 
" (F) John D. Ashton. 
" (G) Isaac M. Aikin. 
" (H) Wm. W.Williams. 
" (I) M. J. Dovle. 



12!JA Georgia Battalion Infantry — 543. 



Lieutenant Colonel PL D. Capers. 
Major H. D. Capers. 

" Sam'l. H. Crump. 

" G,M. Hanvey. 
Assistant Quartermaster Ker Boyce. 
Adjutant F. W. Baker, Kd. 

. " E. F. Clayton. 
Captain (B) J. W. Rudisill. 



Captain (D) Geo W. Johnson. 
(C) Sam'l. H. Crump. 

(C) J. H. Taliaferro. 
(I) J. V. H. Allen. 

(D) Geo. M. Hanvey. 

(D) J W. Anderson, 
(i^) Geo. M. Hood. 

(E) J. J. Newsome. 



loth Georgia Battalion Infantry. 



Major Geo. A. Gordon. 
Adjutant L. T. Mallory. 
A. 'C. S., W. J. Keville. 
Sur<reon J. B. Eead. 



Captain (A) Geo. R. Black. 
" (B) Jno. R. Giles. 
" (C) Jas. T. Buckner. 



Yith Georgia Battalion Infantry — 469. 



Major Joseph T. Smith. 
Assistant Quartermaster T. C. Burch. 
Captain (A) J. G. McMulliu. 
(B) D. L. Gholson. 



Captain (C) T). C. Young. 

(D) Geo. Eherhart. 

(E) S. G. Pettis, 



l^th Georgia Battalion Infantry. 



Major John Screven. 

" W. S. Basinger. 
Assistant Quartermaster R. H. Footman. 
Adjutant E. P. Stair. 



Captain (A) W. S Basinger. 

(A). Thomas T. Screven. 
" (B) G. W. Stiles. 
" (C) G. C. Rice. 



684, 



appe:n^dix a. 



2oth Hattalion Georgia Infantry. 

Lieutenant Colonel G. W. Lee. 

Georgia State Guards, Stephens' Battalion. 



Captain (E) H. D. Burnan. 
" (E) Linton Stephens. 
" (F) Wm. H. Sworm. 



Captain (F) J. A. Shivers. 
(G) R. Walden. 



1st Battalion Georgia Reserves. 



Major W. E. Syraons. 
Captam (A) J. M. Dye. 

(A) W. H. C. Mills. 

" (B) J. Cunningham. 

" (C) Wm. M. Davidson. 



Captain (D) J. B. Hussey. 
" (E) A. Morrison. 
" (F) B. Millicau. 
" (G) R. A. Peeples. 
" (H) W. C. Allen. 



1st Battalion Georgia Beserves — 2. Augusta Fire Brigade. 



Lieutenant Colonel C. A. Piatt. 
Major C. B. Day. 
Captain (A) C.'W. Hersey. 
(B) J. D. Butt. 



Captain (C) C. B. Day. 

(D) J. Heurv. 

(E) J. C. Moore. 

(F) J. W. Adams. 



Atlanta Fire Battalion. 



Lieutenant Colonel G. W. Lee. 
Major J. H. Mecaslin. 
Captain (A) J. Sladelman. 
" (B) L. Richardson. 
(C) J. A Taylor. 



Captain (D) J. T. Banks. 

(E) P. Brown. 

(F) T. P. Fleming. 

(G) S. B. Love. 
(H) S. P. Bassett. 



9i/i Battalion Georgia Light Guards, Macon Ordnance Guards 

Battalion. 



Colonel Patrick Mell. 
Major H. T. Price. 
Captain (A) C. W. Bond. 
(B) C. Dodd. 



Captain (C) A. De Laperrier. 

(D) R. C. Saxon. 

(E) R. H. Cannon. 



JProvost Battalion Georgia Volunteers. 



Captain(A) M. D Lee. 

(A) Wm. McConnell. 
" (B) T. J. lOchols. 
" (C) J. W. Longino. 



Captain (D) E. Holmes. 

(E) J. C. Heudrix. 

(F) L. L. Strozer. 

(G) R. P. Eberhart. 



9tA Battalion Georgia Volunteers. 



Major J. T. Smith. 
Captain (A) J. G. McMullin. 
(B) D. L. Gholston. 



Captain (C) D. C. Young. 

(D) G. Eberhart. 

(E) S. G. Pettus, 



Miscellaneous Georgia Infantry. 



Captain A. C. Davenport. 
" John B. Hussey. 
W. H. Bauks. 



Captain E. R. Whitley. 
" A. Boward. 
" C. S. Jenkins. 



APPENDIX A. 



685 



Captain P. Robinson. 
" S. M. Ralston, 
" T>. Crum. 

D. C. Smith. 

F. T. Cullens. 

J. R. Hart. 
" Wm. A Carswell. 
" G. Lnmpkin. 
" J. F. Cooper. 

W. S. Da Bose. 



Captain J. T. McClusky. 

N. J. Macarthy. 
" . W. S. Goodwin. 
" E. Richards. 

C. H. Way. 
" W. A. Adams. 

T. A. Skelton. 
" J. R Gumming. 

J. Hill, Jr. 

W. C. Thornton. 



CATALRY. 



1st Georgia Cavalry Itegiment. 



Colonel J. J. Morrison. 

" S. W. Davitt. 
Lieutenant Colonel A. R. Harper. 
Major S. VV. Davitt. 
Adjutant John N Perkins. 
Captain (A) W. M. Hutchings. 

" (B) J. H. Strickland. 
(C) M. H. Haynie. 



Captain (D) R. Trammell. 

(E) I. M. Blalock. 

(F) V. J. Reynolds. 

(G) J. L. Kerr. 

(H) Wm. M. Tumlin. 
(I) I. F. Leak. 
(K) H. A. North. 



%nd Georgia Cavalry Regiment. 



Colonel W. J. Lawton. 
" Arthur Hood. 
" C. C. Crews. 
Lieutenant Colonel Arthur Hood. 
" " J. E. Dualop. 

" " F. M. Ison. 

Major C. A. Whaley. 
Adjutant R. F. Lawton. 
Captain (A) G. C. Looney. 



Captain ( B ) W. J. Lawton. 

(C) Charles C. Crews. 

(D) 0. Winningham. 

(E) F. M. Lson. 

(F) Thos. H. Jordan. 

(G) W. D. Grant. 
(H) W. H. Chapman. 
(I) Jas. W. Mayo. 
(K) J. C. Duulop. 



ard Georgia Cavalry Regiment. 



Colonel Martin J. Crawford. 

" R. E. Kennon. 

" W. R. Thompson. 
Lieutenant Colonel R. E. Kennon. 
Major H. H. Johnston. 
Adjutant I. P. L. Mudar. 
Captain (A) W. R. Thompson. 

" (B) Beverly A. Thornton. 
(B) W. J. Underwood. 



Captain (C) J. H. Persons. 
" (D) R. E. Kennon. 

(E) J. T. Thornton. 
" (F) Jas. A. Fowler. 

(I) D. H. Collins. 

(H) D. F. Booten. 

(K) A. R. Hughes. 

(I) John W. Hurt. 



^Mh Georgia Cavalry Regim,ent (\st^ — 1015. 



Colonel Isaac W. Avery. 
Lieutenant Colonel W. L Cook. 
Major D. J. Owen. 

" J. R. Stewart. 
Adjutant B. H. Newton. 
Assistant Quartermaster Wm. K. Moore. 
Adjutant J. W. Ramsay. 



A. C. S., Jos. M. Stones. 
Captain (A) R. A. Keith, Kd. 
First Lieutenant (A) G. D, Hancock. 
Second Lieutenant (A) G. A. Sloan. 

(A) J. Hill. 
Captain (B) G. B. May. 
First Lieutenant (B) T. S. May. 



C86 



APPENDIX A. 



Second Lieutenant (B) J. C. Mclntvre. 
(B) J. W. Ramsay. 

(B) Uave May, Kd. 
Captain (C) Jeff Johnson. 

First Lieutenant (C) H. C. Erwin. 
kSecoud Lieutenant (C) D. A. Holland. 

(C) A. R.Bates. 
Captain (D) Wm. J. Rogers. 

First Lieutenant (D) J. C Hartman. 
Second Lieutenant ( D) J. M. Boydston. 

" " (D) J. Readdick. 

Captain (E) W. L. Cook. 

(E) Clin Wellborn. 

(E) B. C. Woddail. 
First Lieutenant (E) J. Johnson. 
Second Lieutenant (E) J. J. Jones. 

" " (E) A. H. Jones. 

Captain (F) C. D. McCutchen. 

" (F) Jos. E. Helvingstone, Kd. 

(F) F. G. Horn. 
Lieutenant (F) F. G. Horn. 

" (F) J. E. Helvingstone. 

(F) J. D. Allen. 
(F) J. W. O'Neal. 
(F) J. R. Sloan. 
Captain (G) Wm. R. Logan. 



Cajjtain (G) R. E. Kingsley. 

First Lieutenant (G) R. E. Creekmore. 

Second Lieutenant (G) H. J. Dean. 

(G) W. M.C.Parkinson. 
Captain (H) G. H. Graham. 
First Lieutenant (H) J. T. Freeman. 

(H) Wm. T. Arnold. 
(H) W. M.Martin. 
Captain (I) I. "W. Avery. 
(I) D.J. Owen. 
(I) H. H. Burke. 
First Lieutenant (I) D. J. Owen. 

(1) H. H. Burke. 
Second Lieutenant (I) J. Shehan. 
(I) A. C. Guntz. 
(I) G. W.Mitchell. 
" (I) R. Sutherland. 

Captain (K) J. R. Stewart. 
First Lieutenant (K) P. W. Stewart. 
Second Lieutenant (K) W. O. Cain. 

(K) F. A. Eubanks. 
Captain (L) L. B. Anderson. 
First Lieutenant (L) J. C. N. Foote. 
Second Lieutenant (L) W. B. ChappelL 

(L) W. A. Nolan. 
Captain (M) John D. Ashton. 



4:th Georgia Cavalry Megiment (2nd) — 867. 



Colonel Duncan L. Clinch. 
Lieutenant Colonel John L. Harris. 
* Major J. C. McDonald 
Captain (A) J. S. Wiggins. 

(B) W. M. Hazzard. 

(C) N. A Brown. 
" (D) Jno. Raddick. 



Captain (E) R. N. King. 

(F) J. P. Turner. 

(G) A. McMillan. 
(H) T. S. Wylley. 
(I) J. C. Nichols. 
(K) D. Crum. 



5th Georgia Cavalry Meghnent. 



Colonel Robert H. Anderson. 
Lieutenant (Colonel Ed Bird. 
Major R. J. Davant. 
A. C S., G. S. Barthelmess. 
Assistant Quartermaster T. B. Gowan. 
Captain (A) O. C. Hopkins. 

(B) W. A. Wiltberger. 



Captain (C) R. F. Aikin. 

(D) J. M. Marsh. 

(E) M. N. Call. 
(G) G. B. Beste. 

(H) W. L. Walthour. 
(I) W. Brailsford. 
(K) H. L Strother. 



Qth Georgia Cavalry Regiment. 



Colonel John R. Hart. 
Lieutenant Colonel B. F. Brown. 
J. C. Fain. 



Major J. C. Fain. 

Assistant Quartermaster T. W Fulton. 

Adjutant B. F. Chastain. 



Uli Georgia Cavalry Regiment. 



Colonel W. P. White, Dd. 
Lieutenant Colonel J. L. McAllister, Kd. 
Major E. C. Anderson. 
" John T. Davis. 



Captain (A) W. D. Russell. 

(A) E. W. Moise. 

(B) A. R. Miller. 
(B) L. J. Smith. 



APPENDIX A. 



G87 



Captain (C) J. N. Davis. 
(C) F. E. Burke. 
(C) W. E. Cropp. 

(C) E. C. Anderson. 

(D) R. H. WvUey. 
(D) J. H. Sykes. 

(D) P. A. L Morris. 

(E) H. K. Harrison. 

(E) F. Beaslej. 

(F) R. F. Jones. 

" (Fj J. R. Johnson. 



Captain (F) C. C. Bowen. 

(G) F. W. Hopkins. 

(G) T. S. Hopkins. 

(H) J. Hiues. 

(H) J. L. McAllister. 
" ([) J. W. Brumbv. 

(I) F. G. Pitt. 
" (K) L. S. Qoarterman. 

(K) L. W. Phillips. 

(Kj I. S. McAllister. 



Sth Georgia Cavalry Regii'iient. 



Colonel R. J. Griffin. 
Lieutenant Colonel J. M. Millen. 
Major J. M. Millen. 
'• W. G. Thomas. 
" S. B. Spencer. 
Adjutant T. G. Pond. 

M. E. Williams. 
Captain (A) J. P. Davis. 
(A) T. S. Paine. 
(A) H. L. Norfleet. 

(A) R. Towns. 
.(B) B. B. Bower. 

(B) B. L. Screven. 

(B) W. G. Thompson. 
(13) J. N. Nichols. 

(C) W. L. A. Ellis. 

(C) J. G. Smith. 

(D) T. R. Duval. 
(D) M. J. Smith. 



Captain (D) S. B. Spencer. 

(D) W. H. Farrertt. 

(E) W. H. Thompson. 
(E) J. G. Cress. 

(E) J M. Turpin. 

(E) W. J, Deas. 

(F) S. B. Jones. 

(F) M. E. Williams. 

(G) P. Gray. 

(G) J. R. Harper. 

(H) T. A. James. 

(I) A. J. Love. 
" (I) J. B. Edgerton. 
■' (I) J. A. Ricliardson. 

(I) W. A. Lane. 

(I) J. T. Kennedy. 
" (K) S. L. Turner. 

(K) E. W. Westbrook. 

(L) T. G. Barham. 



9)th Georgia Regiment Cavalry. 



Colonel G. T. Wright. 
Ijieutenaiit Colonel B. S. King 
Major M. D. Joues. 
Adjutant Jas. Y. Harris. 



Oaptam 



(A) T. B. Archer. 
(A) Z. A. Rice. 
(A) T. P. Stovall. 
(A) B. C. Ring. 
(A) 0. PL P Juhan. 
(A) J. J. Thomas. 
(A) B. C Yaucev. 
(A) C. PL Sanders, 

(A) W. L. Con vers. 

(B) M. D, .Jones. 
(B) L.J. Glenn. 

(B) Wm. W. McDaniels. 

(C) W. G. Delonev. 

(C) T. C. Williams. 

(D) G. L Wright. 
(D) C. H. Camfield. 



Captain (D) W. J. Lawton. 
(D) J F. Wilson. 

(D) W. A. Winn. 

(E) W. C. Dial. 
(E) B. S. King. 
(E)T. B.Cox. 

(E) W. S. C. Morris. 

(F) W. D. Jones. 

(F) Wm T. S. Powell. 

(F) G. W. Moore. 

(G) Wm. M. Williams. 
(G) J. C. Barnett. 

(G) G. B. Knight. 
(H) ,LE. Pitch. 
(H) W. A. Cain. 
(I) W. B. Young. 
(I) Wm. Duke. 
(K) F. E. Eve. 
(K) J. J. Floyd. 
" (L) A. M Rogers. 



10^/i Georgia Cavalry Regiment. 



Colonel V. H. Taliaferro. 
Lieutenant Colonel F. D. Claiborne. 
Major Jesse H. Sikes. 



Captain (A) E W. Moise. 
Lieutenant (A) J. Cox. 

(A) Wm. E. Crapp, 



G88 



APPENDIX A. 



Lieutenant (A) J. 
Captain (B) L. J. 
Lieutenant (B) J. 

(B) G. 
(B)S. 

Captain (C) J. H. 
Lieutenant (C) P. 

(C) L 
Captain (D) F. E. 
Lieutenant (D) J. 

(D) P. 
Captain (E) P. A. 



E. Moses. 
Smith. 
M. Buyers. 
W. Austin. 
T. Kingsberry. 
Sikes. 

A. S. Morris. 
W. Ware. 
Burke. 
N. Carter. 
E. Baker. 
Beasley. 



Lieutenant (E) T. C. McLendon. 

(E)Jas. Cody. 
" (E) C. D. liainwater. 

Captain (K) P. G. Pitt. 
Lieutenant (K) Y. B. Sharpe. 

(K) B. P. Jenkins. 

(K) M. B. Pitt. 
Captain (L) J. B. Bonner. 

(L) S. T. Kingsberry. 
Lieutenant (L) T. C. Sharpe. 

(L) H. L Smith. 

(L) H. I. Boon. 



11th Georgia Cavalry Regiment. 



Colonel A. Young. 

Lieutenant Colonel H. W. Barday. 

Major Madison Bell. 

Captain (A) M. Bell. 

(B) E. P. Bedell. 

(C) J. Reid 

(D) D. M. West. 



Captain (D) J. M. Crawford. 

(E) J. Kelly. 

(F) W. C. Price. 

(G) D. M. West. 
(II) W. S. Erwin. 
(I) J. N. Dorsey. 
(K) N. T. Taber. 



2;',f? Georgia Regiment of Partisan Mangers. 
Colonel A. A. Hunt. 

1st Battalion Georgia Cavalry. 



Major Robert H. Anderson. 
Adjutant R. Wayne. 

" Robert Grant. 
Assistant Quartermaster R. II. Footman. 



Captain O. C. Hopkins. 
" Wm. Hughes, Jr. 
Abial Winn. 



1st Battalion Georgia Cavalry Wo. 2. 



Captain (1) 0. G. Cameron. 
" (2) John Shawhan. 
" (3) Jas. M. Thomas. 
(4) Ezekiel F. Clay. 



Captain (.5) John B HolJiday. 

(6) R. G. Stoner. 

(7) P. M. Millen. 



2)irl Battalion Georgia Cavalry. 



Lieutenant Colonel Edward Bird. 
Major R. J. Davaut. 
Captain (A) H. J. Strobhar. 
(B) N. U. McCall. 



Captain (C) G. B. Best. 

(D) W. H. Wiltberger. 

(E) J. M. Marsh. 

(F) R. F. Aikia. 



ord Battalion Georgia Cavalry. 



Lieutenant Colonel Duncan L. Clinch. 
Major John L Harris. 
Assistant Quartermaster ?I. R. Fort. 
Cai)tain (A) A. C. Strickland. 
(B) L C. McDonald. 



Cantain (C) I. S. Wiggins. , 
(Di W. M. Hazzard. 

(E) N. A. Brown. 

(F) John Readdick. 



%th Battalion Georgia Cavalry. 



Major Wm. Phillips. 
Captain (A) R W Ham rick. 
(B) G. D. Rice. 



Captain (C) W. A. Austen. 
" (D) J. Loveless. 
(F) T. R. Sheats. 



APPENDIX A. 



689 



lO^A Cavalry Georgia Battalion. 



Captain (E) A. R. Williams. 
" (F) E. S. Ferguson. 

(Gj W. S. \\. Hardman. 



Captain (A) M. A. Candler. 

(B) A. C. Sloan. 

(C) G. T. Rakestraw. 

(D) B. M. Long. 

loth Battalion Georgia Cavalry (^Partisan Rangers). 
Lieutenant Colonel J. R. Griffin. | Assistant Quartermaster R. P. Howell. 

IQth Battalion Georgia Cavalry (^Partisan Mangers). 

Lieutenant Colonel F. M. Nix. 

" Sam'I J. Winn. 
Major S. J. Winn. 

■• E. Y. Clarke. 
Adjutant E. Y. Clarke. 

Thos. E. Winn. 
Captain (A) T. F. Jones. 
(C) A. J. Walters. 



Captain (D) David A. Camp. 
(E) Wm. L. Merler. 
" (F) John ]). Sinims. 

(G) F. J. Wliitehead. 
(B) Wm. B.Bailey. 
(H)J. F.Ray. 
(I) J. A. Strange. 
(K) W. S. Thomas. 



19^/i Georgia Battalion Cavalry. 



Major Charles T. Goode. 

Assistant Quartermaster Jas. Goode. 

Captain (A) Thaddeus G. Holt. 



Captain i'R) James L. Leath. 

(C) W. L Vason. 

(D) G. R. Coley. 



20^A Georgia Battalion Cavalry [Partisan Bangers) — 293. 



Lieutenant Colonel John M. Millen. 
Major 8. B. Spencer. 
Adjutant M. E. Williams 
Assistant Quarterma-ter L. S. Varnedoe. 
Ca7)tain (A) Sam'I B. Spencer. 
" (A) Moses J. Smith. 
(B) W. G. Thompson. 



Captain (C) J. G. Cress. 

(D) Wm. A. Lane. 

(E) A. J. Love. 

(E) Thos. S. Paine. 

(F) J. B. Peacock. 
(F) M. E. Williams. 



2l5^ Battalion Georgia Cavalry [Partisan Bangers). 



Major Wm. P. White. 
Adjutant B. Green 

Assistant Quartermaster Wm. L Piatt. 
" " Wm. F. Laws. 

Captain (A) W. D. Russell. 
" (B) Jerry R. Johnson. 



Captain (B) C. C. Bowen. 

(C) R. L. Miller. 

(D) W. H. Banks, Cashd. 
(D) H. K Harrison. 

" (E) R. F. Jones. 



23r(? Battalion Georgia Cavalry. 



I>icutenant Colonel Isaac W. Avery. 

Adjutant B. H. Newton. 

Assistant Quartermaster Wm. K. Moore. 

A. C. S., Joseph Stones. 

Captain (A) I. W. Avery. 



Captain (A) W. L. Cook. 
(B) Jeff -Johnson. 
(C)G. B. Mav. 

(D) C. D. McCutchen. 

(E) D. J. Owen. 



24#A Georgia Battalion Cavalry. 



Major Edward C. Anderson, Jr. 
Adjutant A. J. Setze. 
Assistant Quarter inastf^r B. C. Henry. 
Captain (A) T. S. Hopkii.s. 

44 



Captain (B) John N. Davis. 
(C) R. H. Wvllev. 
(C) John AV. Brumby. 



^690 



APPENDIX A. 



29^/i Georgia Battalion Cavalry. 



Lieutenaat Culonel A. Hood. 
Captaiu (A) A. W. Hunter. 
(B) J- T. Wiiuberly. 

" (C) F. J. Browiiing. 

" (E) L. Little. 



Captaiu (F) F. L. Pipper. 
(G) S. C. Hall. 
(II) R. W. Wade. 
"■ (I) J. C. Lasseter. 



?>{)tli Battalion Georgia Cavalry. 



Lieutenant Colonel A. Young. 
Captaiu (A) M. Bell. 

(B) K. P. Bedell. 

(C) J. Beid. 

(D) 1) M. West. 
(D) J. M. Crawford. 



Captain (E) J. Kelly. 

(F) W. C. Price. 
{ H) W. S. Erwin. 
(1) J.N. Dorse V. 
(K) N. T. Taber. 



Stephens' Battalion Georgia Cavalry. 



Lieutenant Colonel Linton Stephens. 
Major J. A. Shivers. 
Adjutant W. H. Lawson. 
Captain (A) J. Haley. 



Captain (B) T. E. Bro^n. 

(C) S. G. White. 

(D) J. F. Geev. 



Culherson^s Battalion State Guard Cavalry. 



Colonel A. B. Culberson. 
Captain (A) T. A. Sharpe. 
" (B) J. B. Rogers. 



Captain (C) J. M. Easterlin-. 
(D) Wm. Mahan. 
" (F) J. Jones. 



Stephens' Cavalry Battalion. 



Major John T. Stephens. 
Captain (A) B. G. Lockett. 
(B) J. W. Ellis. 



Captain (C) J. R. Banks. 

(D)C. F. Eeddin-. 



Miscellaneous Georgia Cavalry. 



Captain H. A. Gartrell. 
J. F. Waring. 
T.J Key. 
" W. C. Humphreys. 



Captain L. W. Humphreys. 
T. J. Watts. 
" J. S. Pemberton. 



General S. I). Lee's Escort. 
Captain T. M. Nelson, Kd. | Captain Gill Ragland. 

Georgia Mountain Dragoons. 
f. Captain Isaac W. Avery. 



APPENDIX A. 



CDl 



ARTILLEKY. 



^th £attaUoii Georyla Artillery. 



Maj(ir A. Ley den. 
Adjutant G. A. Lufcoii. 
Assistant Quartermaster J. \V. Browu. 
Surgeou N. A. D'Alvijrny. 
Captain (A) Klias Holcombe. 
" (B) Wm. W. iSeuteU. 



Captain (B) H. P. Kandall. 

" (C) George VV. Atkinson. 
(C) A. M. Wolihiu. 

(C) B. W. York. 

(D) T. M. I'eeples. 
" (E)B. F. Wyly. 



Wth Mattery Georyla Artillery. 



Lieutenant Colonel Alien S. Cutts. 
I\iajor A. S. Cucts. 
" John Lane. 
Assistant Quartermaster Thos. II. Johnston. 
Captain (A) A. S. Cutts. 
(A) IL M. Koss. 



Captain (B) G. M. Patterson. 
{C)C C. P. Crawford. 
" (C) J. Lane. 

(I) )Jas. A. Blackshenr. 
(E) JohnT. VViugfieki. 



Lieutenant Cnloncl II. D. Capers. 
Major H. D. Capers. 

" S H. Crump. 

" G. M. Hanvey. 
Adjutant F. W. Haker, Kd. 

E. F. Clayton. 
Assistant Quartermaster Ker Boyce 
Captain (A) J. \V. Anderson. 



V2th Georgia Battery Artillery 
Ca])tain 



Lieutenant Colonel J. T. Montgomei'y 
Major Joseph Palmer. 
Adjutant J. H. Co.k. 
A. 'C. S., C T. Swift. 
Cai)taiu (A) J. I'almer. 

(B) Thos. H Dawson. 



14i/i Geary ia Battery . 
Captain 



(A) G. M. Hanvey. 

(B) J. W. PudisiU. 

(B) S. H. Crump. 

(C) G. W. Johnson. 
(0) J. N Taliaferro. 

(E) J. J. Newsome. 
(Fj G. M. Hood. 

Artillery. 

(C) C. B. Ferrell. 

(D) E. R. KiufT. 

(K) Franklin lioberts. 
(H) Jas G. Gibson. 

(F) S. A. Moses. 



22ii(l Georgia Battery Sieye Artillery — 666 



ijieutenant Colonel Wm. R. Pritchard. 
Major John B. Gal lie, Kd. 
'■' M. J. McMullau. 
" I). T. Bertody. 
Adjutant J. J. Svmons. 

" H. Symons. 
Assistant Quartermaster II. R. Washburn. 

" E. J. Dawson. 

Captain (A) T. D Bertoily. 
(A) J. M. Caml)eli. 

(A) G. R. Nilcs. 

(B) M. J. McMullan 



Captai 



n (B) 
(C) 
(C) 
(C) 
(H) 
(D) 

(E) 
(F) 
(F) 
(G) 
(H) 



D. A. Smith. 

John Lama. 

J. A. Beals. 

J. B. Gallie. 

Richai-d .J. Nunn. 

J. Manning. 

C. liussey. 

L. J. Guilmartiii. 

A Bonaud. 

Geo. A. Kichols. 

F. T. Cullens. 

R. A. Turnipseed. 



28iA Georgia Battery Artillery. 



Major A Bonaud. 
Captain (A) J. A Gotten. 

(B) L. B. Fickline. 

(C)C. P. Crawford. 

(D) J. Wilcher. 



Captain (E) M. T McGregor, 

(F) J. R. Blount. 

(G) J. D. Godwin. 
(H) T. J. Key. 
(I) R. F. Bishop. 



092 APPENDIX A. 

Cherokee Light Artillery. 
Captain M. V. D. Corput. | Captain John G. Yeiser. 

White! s Artillery. 
' Captain B. F. White. 

Terrell Light Artillery. 
Captain E. G. Dawson. | Captain John W. Brooks. 

Colmnbus Light Artillery. 
Captain E. Croft. 

Campbell Siege Artillery. 
Captain C. G. Campbell. 

Chestatee Artillery. 
Captain T. H. Bomar. 

3Iartin''s Light Artillery. 
Captain R. Martin. 

Jackson Artillery. 
Captain G. A. Dure. 

DanielVs Light Artillery. 
Captain C. Daniells. 

Jo. Thompson Artillery. 

Captain C. R. Hauleiter. | Captain L. J. Parr. 

PritcharcVs Artillery. 
Captain E. E. Pritchard. 

Maxioell Artillery. 
Captain J. A. Maxwell. 

Macon Light Artillery. 
Captain C. W. Slaton. | Captain H. N. Ells. 

Scoght's Light Artillery. 

Captain J. Scogin. | Captain O. C. Gibson, 

Oglethorpe Siege Artillery. 

Captain (A) J. Lama. I Captain (B) G. F. Oliver. 

(B) Richard J. Nunn. | 



APPENDIX A. 

Clinch'' s Artillery. 
Captain N. B. Clinch. 

Mercer Artillery. 
Captain A. J. Macarthy. 

Echols Light Artillery. 
Captain J. II. Tiller. 

JBarmcelVs Light Artillery. 
Captain A. Smith Barnwell. 

Martoio Artillery. 



69J 



Captain T. D. Bertody. 


1 Captain A. C. Dunn. 


Massenburg Battery. 


Captain T. L. Massenburg. ( Captain G. II. Dure. 


Palmer'' 8 Artillery. 


Captain M. W. Harris. Captain J. H. Yates. 


" K. W. Anderson. 


Ifelson^s Artillery. 


Captain J. Milledge. 


Chatham Artillei*y. 


Captain J. F. Wheaton. | Captain J. S. Claghorn. 


Girardey\s Battery. 


Capt. J. P. Girardej. 


HoxoeWs Battery. 


Captain Evan P. Hoivell. 


Miscellaneous Artillery Boll. 


Captain F. T. Collins. 


Captain J. W. Brown. 


" M. Kendrick. 


J. P. Girnrdey. 


J. H. Baker. 


H. H. Carlton. 


S. P. Hamilton. 


E. Croft. 


" J. K. Booton. 


" E. P. Lumpkin. 


J. Talley. 


A. J. Wliite. 


J. C. Fraser. 


C. C. Campbell. 


J. P. W. Read. 


J. S. Cleghorn. 


" J. D. Hawkins. 


E. E. Pritchard. 


G. T. Barnes. 


Wm. W. Sentell 


" C. Sweet. 


" J. T. Culpeper. 


" ' r. Blodgett, Jr. 


" C. Daniells. 



Independent EchoVs Artillery. 
Captain John H. Tiller. 



SUPPLEMENT TO APPEl^DIX "A." 



ADDITIOISTAL ISTAMES AND FACTS. 



Major General Jeremy F. Gilmer. 
" " Samuel G. French. 

Brigadier General Paul J. Quattlebaum. 
Robert H. Chilton, Dd. 
0. C. Crews. 
Colonel Sewall L. Fremnnt. 
Lt. Col. 1st Ga. Regulars H. D T). Twiggs. 
Adjutant " " Koliert H. Atkinson. 

]\iajor " " E. W. Hazzard. 

C iptain Co (F) S. K. Lawrence, 

" (Gi M. M. I'otter. 

" (H) 1). S. Kennedy. 

" (I) T. M. McGregor. 

" (Iv) T. J Abbott. 

" (G) J. C. Fain. 



Captain Co. (K) F. T. Callens. 

" (M) V llaniilton. 
Adjutant 1 0th Ga. Inf. Leroy Napier. 
Capt (A) " " " Richard Hawes. 

"(B)" " " John B. Weems. 

" (K) •' " " G.G Crawford. 

" {V} " " " John ytovall. 

" (H) " " " Wm.Ashburn. 

" (I) " " " Wm. F. Kedwine. 

" (G) " " " O. Home. 

" (I)) " " " Thos. D'Antignac. 

" (I)) " " " A. D'Antignac. 

" (I^) " " " Thos. Adams. 
Adj. 6th Ga. Infantry, B. Russell. 

"' " " " Robert S. Connell. 



CHANGES OF ORGANIZATION". 



.3rd Bat. Ga. Inf. consolidated in 37th Ga. 

Inf. He};. 
4th Bat. Ga. Inf. consolidated in 60th Ga. 

Inf. Reg. 
7th Bat. Ga, Inf. consolidated in 61st Ga. 

Inf, Reg, 
30th Ga. Bat Cav. and 4 companies made 

11th Ga. Cav. Reg 
7 comjianies from 7th Confederate Cav. and 

3 companies from 20th Ga. Bat. Cav. 

made 10th Ga. Cav. Reg. 
10 companies Cobb's Ga. Legion made 9th 

Ga. Cav. Reg. 
7 companies 62nd Ga. Regt. and 3 compan- 
ies of 20th Ga. Bat. Cav. made 8th Ga. 

Cav. Reg. 
I.'jth Bat. Ga Partisan Rangers merged in 

62nd Ga Reg. 



21st Bat. Ga. Partisan Rangers and 24th 
Bat. made 7th Ga. Cav. Reg. 

67t]i Ga. Inf. Reg. reported witli Lester, 

Col. But no rolls. 

ICth Confederate Cavalry made up of 19th 
Ga. Bat. Partisan Rangers and .5 Ala- 
bama companies. Col. C. T. Goode, 
Lt. Col. T. G. Holt. Major W. J. Vason, 
Adjutant Joe Bass 

Staff of Gen. A H. Colquitt. Captains 
Geo. G. Grattam and Jemy Jackson, 
A. A. G. Lts Jas. Randall' and H. H. 
Colquitt, A D. C. Major R. N. Ely, 
A. Q. M. J. B. Morgan, A, C. S. Lt. 
H. Estill, Ordnance. 

Lt. Col. E. Y. Clarke of 16th Ga.Bat Parti- 
san Rangers holds commission stating 
his promotion for gallantry on the field. 



APPENDIX B. 



CORRESPOIS^DENCE BETWEEN JeFFERSON DaVIS, PRESIDENT OF THE 

Confederacy, and Joseph E. Brown, Governor of Georgia, on 
Conscription. 

LETTER OF MR. DAVIS. 

Executive Department, ) 
KiCHMOND, May 29th, 1862. ) 

Dem- Sir : — I received your letter of the 8th inst., in due course, but the importance 
of the subject embraced in it required careful consideration ; and this, together with 
other pressing duties, has caused delay in my reply. 

The constitutional question discussed by you in relation to the Conscription Law had 
been duly weighed before I recommended to Congress the passage of such a law ; it was 
fully debated in both hou.ses; and your letter has not only been submitted to my Cabi- 
net, but a written opinion has been required from the Attorney-General. The consti- 
tutionality of the law was sustained by very large majorities in both houses. Tiiis 
decision of the Congress meets the concurrence, not only of my owii judgment, but of 
every member of the Cabinet ; and a copy of the opinion of the Attorney General, here- 
with enclosed, develops the reasons on whicli his conclusions are based. 

I propose, however, from my high respect for yourself, and for other eminent citizens 
who entertain opinions similar to 3^ours, to set forth, somewhat at length, mv own views 
on the poAver of tlie Confederate Government over its own armies and the militia, and 
will endeavor not to leave without answer any of the positions maintained in your 
letter. 

The main, if not the only purpose for which independent States form Unions or Con- 
federations, is to combine the p nver of the several members in such manner as to form 
one united force in all relations with foreign powers, whether in peace or in war. Each 
.State amply competent to administer and control its own domestic government, yet too 
feeble successfully to resist powerful nations, seeks safety by uniting with other States 
in like condition, and by delegating to some common agent the combined strength of 
all, in order to secure advantageous commercial relations in peace and to carry on hos- 
tilittes with effect in war. 

Now, the powers delegated by the several States to the Confederate Government, 
which is their common agent, are enumerated in the 8th section of the Constitution, 
each power being distinct, specific, and enumerated in paragraphs separately numbered. 
The only exception is the 18th paragraph, which, by its own terms, is made dependent 
on those previously enumerated, as follows : 

" 18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execu- 
tion the foregoing powers," etc. 

Now, the ivar jwioers granted to the Congress are conferred in the following para- 
gr.aphs : 



696 APPENDIX B. 

No 1 gives authorit}^ to raise " revenue necessary to pay tlie debts, provide for the com- 
mon defense, and carry on the government," etc. 

" No. 11, to declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concern- 
ing captures on land and water." 

" No. 12, to raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money to that use shall 
be for a longer term than two years." 

"No. 13, toprovide and maintaina navy." 

"No. 14, to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval 
forces." 

It is impossible to imagine a more broad, ample and unqualified delegation of the 
whole war power of each State than is here contained, with tlie solitary limitation of 
the appropriations to two years. The States not only gave power to raise money for 
tlie common defense; to declare war ; to raise and support armies (in the plural) ; to 
provide and maintain a navy ; to govern and regulate both land and naval forces ; but 
they went further, and covenanted, by the 3rd paragraph of the 10th section, not " to 
engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of 
delay." 

I know of but two modes of raising armies within the Confederate States, viz.: vulun- 
tary enlistment, and draft or conscription. I perceive, in the "delegation of power to 
raise armies, no restriction as to the mode of procuring troops. I see nothing Aviiich 
confiiaes Congress to one class of men, nor any greater power to receive volunteers than 
conscripts into its service. I see no limitation by whicli enlistments are to be received of 
individuals only, but not of companies, or battalions, or squadrons, or regiments. I fiud 
no limitation of time of service, but only of duration of appropriation. I discover notli- 
iiig to confine Congress to Avaging war within the limits of the Confederacy, nor to pro- 
hibit offensive war. In a word, when Congress desires to raise an army, and passes a 
law for that purpose, the solitary question is vinder the 18th paragraph, viz.: " Is tlie 
law one that is necessary and proper to execute the power to raise armies," etc.? 

On this point you say : " But did the necessity exist in this case ? " The Conscrip- 
tion Act cannot aid the Government in increasing the supply of arms or provisions, but 
can only enable it to call a larger number of men into the field. The difficulty has never 
been to get men. The states have already furnished the Government more than it can 
arm," etc. 

I would have very little difficulty in establishing to your entire satisfaction that the 
passage of the law was not only necessary, but tliat it was absolutely indispensable ; that 
numerous regiments of twelve months men were on the eve of being disbanded, whose 
places could not be supplied by new levies in the face of superior numbers of the foe, 
without entailing the most disastrous resul:s ; that the position of our armies was so 
critical as to fill the bosom of every patriot with the liveliest apprehension ; and that the 
provisions of this law were effective in warding off a pressing danger. But I prefer to 
answer your objection on other and broader grounds. 

I hold, that when a specific power is granted by the Constitution, like that now in 
question, " to raise armies," Congress is the judge whether the law passed for the pur- 
pose of executing that power, is "necessary and proper." It is not enough to say that 
armies might be raised in other ways, and that, therefore, this particular way is not 
" necessary." The same argument might be used against every mode of raising armies. 
To each successive mode suggested, the objection would be that other modes were 
practicable, and that, therefore, the particular mode used was not " necessary." The 



APPENDIX C. 697 

true and only test is to inquire whether the law is intended and calculated to carry out 
the object ; whether it devises and creates an instrumentality for executing the specific 
power granted; and if the answer be in the affirmative, the law is constitutional. None 
can doubt that tlie Conscription Law is calculated and intended to " raise armies." It 
is, therefore, " necessary and proper " for tlie execution of that power, and is consti- 
tutional, unless it comes into conflict with some other provision of our Confederate 
Compact. 

You express the opinion that this conflict exists, and support your argument by the 
citation of those clauses which refer to the militia. There are certain provisions not 
cited by you, which are not without influence on my judgment, and to which I call your 
attention. They will aid in defining what is meant by " militia," and in determining 
the respective powers of tlie States and the Confederacy over them. 

The several States agree " not to keep troops or ships of war in time of peace." Art. 
1, sec. 10, par. 3. 

They further stipulate, that " a well regulated militia being necessary to the security 
of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed." 
Sec. 9, par. 13. 

That "no person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, 
unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in tlie 
land or naval forces, or in the militia when in actual service in time of war or public 
danger," etc. Sec. 9, par. 16. 

What then are militia 1 They can only be created by law. — The arms-bearing inliab- 
itants of a State are liable to become its militia, if the law so order; but in the absence 
of a law to that effect, the men of a State capable of bearing arms are no more miliiia 
tlian they are seamen. 

The Constitution also tells us that militia are not troops, nor are they any part of tlie 
land or naval forces ; for militia exist in time of peace, and the Constitution forbids the 
States to keep troops in time of peace, and they are expressly distingnished and placed 
in a separate category from land or naval forces, in the 16th paragraph, above quoted ; 
and the words land or naval forces are shown, by paragraphs 12, 13 and 14, to mean the 
army and navy of the Confederate States. 

Now, if militia are not the citizens taken singly, but a body created by law ; if they 
are not troops, if they are no part of the army and navy of the Confederacy — we are led 
directly to the definition quoted by the Attorney General, that militia are a " body of 
soldiers in a State enrolled for discipline." In other words, the term " militia " is a col- 
lective term, meaning a bodi] of men organized, and cannot be applied to the separate 
individuals who compose the organization. 

The Constitution divides the whole military strength of the States into only two 
classes of organized bodies — one, the armies of the Confederacy; the other, the militia 
of the States. 

In the delegation of power to the Confederacy, after exhausting the subject of declar- 
ing war, raising and supporting armies, and providing a navy, in relation to all which 
the grant of authority to Congress is exclusive, the Constitution proceeds to deal witli 
the other organized body, the militia, and instead of delegating power to Congress 
alone, or reserving it to the States alone, the power is divided as follows, viz. : Congress 
is to have power — 

" To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Confederate States, 
siippress insurrections, and repel invasions." Sec. 8. Far. 15. 



CCS ArPEXDIX B. 

" To provide for organizing, arming, aud disciplining the militia, and for governing 
snch part of them as may be employed in the service of tlie Confederate states; reserv- 
ing to the Slates respectively the appointment of officers and the authority of training the 
militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress." Par. 16. 

Congress, then, has the power to provide for o-ganizing the arras-bearing people of the 
States into militia. Each State has the power to officer and train them when organized. 

Conqress may call forth the militia to execute Confederate laws. The State has not 
(surrendered the power to call tiiom forth to execute State laws. 

Congress may call them forth to repel invasion ; so may tlie State, for it has expressly 
reserved tliis right. 

Congress may call them forth to suppress insurrection ; and so may the State, for the 
power is impliedly reserved of governing all the militia except the part in actual ser- 
vice of the Confederacy. 

I confess myself at a loss to perceive in what matter these careful and well defined 
provisions of the Constitution regulating t.io organization and government of the militia, 
Ciin be understood as applying in the reaiotest degree to the armies of the Confederacy ; 
nur can I conceive how the grant of exclusive power to declare ami carry on war by 
armies raised and supported liy the Confederacy, is to be restricted or diminished by the 
clauses which grant a divided power over the militia. On tlie contrary, the delegation 
of authority over the militia, so far as granted, it appears to me to be plainly an addi- 
tional enumerated power, intended to strengthen the hands of the Confederate Govern- 
nieiit in the discharge of its paramount duty, the omnij-i defense of tlie States. 

You state, after quoting tlie 12th, 15th and 1 6th grants of power to Congress, tliat, 
" These grants of power all relate to the same subject matter, and are all contained in 
the same section of tlie Constitution, and by a well known rule of construction, must be 
taken as a whole, and construed together." 

This argument appears to me unsound. — AH the powers of Congi'ess are enumerated 
in one section; and the three paragraphs quote 1 can no more control each other by 
■reason of their location in the same section, than they can control anj- of the other para- 
graphs preceding, intervening, or succeeding. So far as the subject matter is concerned, 
I have already endeavored to show that the armies mentioned in the 12th paragra])hs 
are a subject matter as distinct from the militia mentioned in the I. 5th and 16t]i, as they 
are from the navy mentioned in the 13th. Nothing can so mislead as to construe to- 
getiier and as a whole, the carefully separated clauses which define the different powers 
to be exercised over distinct subjects by the Congress. But, you add, that, " by the 
grant of power to Congress to raise and support armies, without qualification, the 
framers of the Constitution intended the regular armies of the Confederacy, and not 
armies composed of the whole militia of all the States." 

I must confess myself somewhat at a loss to understand this position If I am right, 
that the militia is a body of enrolled State soldiers, it is not possible, in the nature of 
things, that armies raised by the Confederacy can " be composed of the whole militia of 
all the States." The militia may be called forth, in whole or in part, into the Confeder- 
ate service, but do not tliereby become part of the " armies raised " by Congress. 
They remain militia, and go home when the emergency which provoked their call has 
ceased. Armies raised by Congress are of course raised out of the same population as 
the militia organized by the States ; and to deny to Congress the power to draft a citi- 
zen into the army, or to receive his voluntary offer of services because he is a member of 
the State militia, is to deny the power to raise an army at all ; for, practically, all men 



APPEXDIX B. C99 

fin for service in tlio army may be embraced in the militia organizations of the several 
States. You seena, however, to suggest, rather than directly to assert, that the Conscript 
law may be uucoustitutional, becausb it comprehencis all arms-liearing men between 18 
and 35 years : at least this is an inference which I draw from your expression, " armies 
composed of the whole militia of all tlie States." But it is obvious, tliat if (^ono-ress 
have power to draft into the armies raised by it any citizens at all (without regard to the 
fact whether they are or not members of militia organizations), the power must be co- 
extensive with tlie exigencies of the occasion, or it becomes ilhisory ; and the extent of 
the exigency must be determined by Congress ; for the Constitution has left the power 
without any other check or restriction than the Executive veto. Under ordinary cir- 
cumstances, the power thus delegated to Congress is scarcely felt by the States. At the 
present moment, when our very existence is threatened, by armies vastly superior in 
numbers to ours, the necessity for defence has indnced a call, not " for the whole militia 
of all the States," not for anij militia, but for men to compose armies for the Confeder- 
ate States. 

Surely, there is no mystery on this suliject. During our whole past liistory, as well a.s 
during our recent one year's experience as a new Confederacy, the militia " have been 
called forth to repel invasion " in numerous instances ; and they never came otherwise 
than of bodies organized by the States, with their company, field, and general officers ; 
and when the emergency had passed, they went home again. 

I cannot perceive how any one can interpret the Conscription Law as taking away 
from the States tlie power to appoint officers to their militia. You ol)serve on this point 
in your letter, that unless your construction is adopted, "the very object of the States 
in reserving the power o£ appointing the officers, is defeated, and that porlion of the 
Constitution is not only a nullity, but the whole military power of the States, and tlie 
entire control of the militia, with the appointment of the officers, is vested in the Con- 
federate Government, whenever it chooses to call its own action ' raising an army,' and 
not calling fortli the militia." 

I can only say, in reply to this, that the power of Congress depends on the real nature 
of the act it proposes to perform, not on the name given to it ; and I have endeavored 
to .show that its action is merely that of " raiding an army," and bears no semblance to 
" calling forth the militia." I think I may safely venture the assertion, tliat there is not 
one man out of a thousand of those who will do service under the Conscription Act that 
would describe himself, Avhile in the Confederate service, as being a militia man ; and 
if I am right in this assumption, the popular under.standing concurs entirely with my 
own deductions from the Constitution as to the meaning of the word " militia." 

My answer has grown to such a length that I must confine myself to one more quota- 
tion from your letter. You proceed : " Congress .shall have jiower to raise armifs. 
ITow shall it be done 1 The answer is clear. In conformity to the provisions of the 
Constitution, which expressly provides that when the militia of the States are called 
forth to repel invasion, and employed in the service of the Confederate States, which is 
now the case, the State shall appoint the officers." 

I beg you to observe that the answer which you say is clear, is not an answer to the 
question put. The question is : How are armies to be raised 1 The answer given is, 
that when militia are called forth to repel invasion, the State shall appoint the officers. 

There seems to me to be a conclusive test on this whole subject. By our Constitution 
Congress may declare wnr. offensire as well as defensive. It may acquire territory. — Now, 
suppose that for good cause, and to right unprovoked injuries. Congress shonld declare 



700 



APPENDIX B. 



war agaiust Mexico, and invade Soiiora. The militia could not be called forth in such a 
case, tlie right to call it being limited to " repel invasions." Is it not plain that the law 
now under discussion if passed under such circumstances, could by no possibility be 
aught else than a law to " raise an army ? " Can one and the same law be construed 
into a " calling forth the militia," if the war be defensive, and a "raising of armies," 
if the Avar be offensive ? 

At some future day, after our independence shall have been established, it is no 
improbable supposition that our present enemy may be tempted to abuse his naval 
power, by depredation on our commerce, and tliat we may be compelled to assert our 
rights by offensive war. How is it to be carried on ? Of what is the army to be com- 
posed ? If this Government cannot call on its arms-bearing population otherwise than 
as militia, and if the militia can only be called forth to repel invasion, we should be 
utterly helpless to vindicate our honor or protect our rights. War has been well styled 
" the terrible litigation of nations." Have we so formed our Government, that in this 
litigation we must never be plaintiff 1 Surely this cannot have been the intention of the 
framers of our compact. 

In no aspect in which I can view this law, can I find just reason to distrust the pro- 
priety of my action in approving and signing it ; and the que.stion presented involves 
consequences, both immediate and remote, too momentous to permit me to leave your 
objections unanswered. 

In conclusion, I take great pleasure in recognizing that the history of the past year 

affords the amplest justification for your assertion, that if the question had been, whether 

the Conscription Law was necessary in order to raise men in Georgia, the answer must 

have been in the negative. Your noble State has promptly responded to every call that 

it has been my duty to make on her ; and to you, personally, as her Executive, I 

acknowledge my indebtedness for the prompt, cordial, and effective co-operation you 

have afforded me in the effort to defend our common country against the common 

enemy. 

I am, very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

„ ^ JEFFERSON DAVIS. 

His Excellency Jos. E. Brown, 

Governor of Georgia, Milledgeville. 



REPLY OF GOV. BROWN. 

Atlanta, June 21st, 1862. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President, etc. 

Dear Sir :—l have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 29th 
ult., in reply to mine of the 8th of the same month, which reached my office, at Milledge- 
ville, on the 8th inst., together with a copy of the written opinion of tlie Attorney Gen- 
eral, and has since been forwarded to me at Canton, where I was detained by family 
affliction. 

Your reply, prepared after mature deliberation and consultation with a Cabinet of dis- 
tinguished ability, who concur in your view of the constitutionality of the Conscription 
Act, doubtless presents the very strongest argument in defense of the Act, of which the 
case is susceptible. 

Entertaining, as I do, the highest respect for your opinions and those of each individ- 



APPENDIX B. 701 

ual member of your Cabinet, it is with great diffidence that I express the conviction, 
which I still entertain, after a careful perusal of your letter, that your argument fails to 
sustain the constitutionality of the Act ; and that the conclusion at which you have 
arrived is maintained by neither the contemporaneous construction put upon the Con- 
stitution by those who made it, nor by the practice of the United States Government, 
under it, during the earlier and better days of the Republic, nor by the language of the 
instrument itelf, taking the whole context, and applying to it the well established rules 
by wliich all constitutions and laws are to be construed. 

Looking to the magnitude of the rights involved, and the disastrous consequences 
which, I fear, must follow what I consider a bold and dangerous usurpation by Congress 
of the reserved rights of the States, and a rapid stride towards military despotism, I 
very much regret that I have not, in the preparation of this reply, the advice and assist- 
ance of a number equal to your Cabinet, of the many " eminent citizens " who, you 
admit, entertain with me, the opinion that the Conscription Act is a palpable violation 
of the Constitution of the Confederacy. Without this assistance, however, I must pro- 
ceed individually to express to you some views, in addition to those contained in my for- 
mer letters, and to reply to such points made by you in the argument, as seem to my 
mind to have the most plausibility in sustaining your conclusion. 

The sovereignty and independence of each one of the thirteen States at the time of 
the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, will not, I presume, be denied bv 
any, nor Avill it be denied that each of these States acted in its separate capacity, as an 
independent sovereign, in the adoption of the Constitution. The Constitution is, there- 
fore, a league between sovereigns. In order to place upon it a just construction, we 
must apply to it the rules, which, b}' common consent, govern in the construction of all 
written constitutions and laws. One of the first of these rules is, to inquire what was 
the intention of those who made the Constitution. 

To enable us to learn this intention, it is important to inquire what they did, and 
what they said they meant, when they were making it. In otlier words, to inquire for 
the contemporaneous construction put upon the instrument by those who made it, and 
the explanations of its meaning b}' those who proposed each part in the Convention, 
which induced the Convention to adopt each part. 

I incorporated into my last letter a number of quotations from the debates of prominent 
members of the Convention upon the very point in question, showing that it was not the 
intention of the Convention to give to Congress the unlimited control of all the men able 
to bear arms in the States, but that it was their intention to reserve to the States the 
control over those "who composed their militia, by retaining to the States the appoint- 
ment of the officers to command them, even while "employed in the service of the Con- 
federate States." I might add many other quotations containing strong proofs of this 
position, from the debates of the Federal Convention, and the action of the State Con- 
ventions which adopted the Constitution ; but I deem it unnecessary, as you made no 
allusion to the contemporaneous construction in your repl\% and I presume you do not 
insist that the explanations of its meaning given by those who made it sustain your con- 
clusion. 

I feel that I am fully justified by the debates and the action of the Federal and State 
Conventions, in saying that it was the intention of the thirteen sovereigns, to constitute 
a common agent with certain specific and limited powers, to be exercised for the good 
of all the principals, but that it was not the intention to give the agent the power to 
destroy the principals. The agent was expected to be rather the servant of sevei'al mas- 



702 APPENDIX B. 

ters, thau the master of several servants. I apprehend it was never imagined that the 
time would come when the agent of the sovereigns would claim the power to take from 
each sovereign every man belonging to each, able to bear anas, and leave them with no 
power to execute their own laws, suppress insurrections in their midst, or repel invasions. 

In reference to the practice of the United States Government under the Constitution, 
I need only remark, that I do not presume it will be contended that Congress claimed 
or exercised the right to compel persons constituting the militia of the States, by conscrip- 
tion or compulsion, to enter the service of the General Government, without the consent 
of their State Government, at any time while the Government was administered, or its 
councils controlled, by any of the fathers of the Republic who aided in the formation of 
the Constitution. 

If, then, the constitutionality of the Conscription Act cannot be> established by the 
contemporaneous construction of the Constitution, nor by the earlier practice of the Gov- 
ernment while administered by those who made the Constitution, the remaining inquiry 
is, can it be established by the language of the instrument itself, taking the whole con- 
text, and applying to it tlie usual rules of construction, which were generally received 
and admitted to be authoritative at the time it was made. 

The Constitution, in express language, gives Congress the power to " raise and sup- 
port armies." You rest the case here, and say you know of but two modes of " raising 
armies," to wit : " by voluntary enlistment, and by draft or conscription," and you con- 
clude that the Constitution authorizes Congress to raise them by either or both these 
modes. 

To enable us to arrive at an intelligent conclusion as to the meaning intended to be 
conveyed by those who used this language, it is necessary to inquire what signification 
was attached to the terms used, at the time tliey were used ; and it is fair to infer that 
those who used them intended to convey to the minds of others the idea which was at 
that time usually conveyed bj^ the language adopted by them. Apply this rule, and what 
did the Convention mean by the term " to raise armies 1 " I prefer that the Attor- 
ney General should answer. He says in his written opinion : 

"Inasmuch as the words ' militia,' ' armies,' 'regular troops,' and ' volunteers,' had 
acquired a definite meaning in Great Britain before the Kevolutionary war, and as we 
have derived most of our ideas on this subject from tliat source, we may safely conclude 
that the term ' militia,' in our Constitution, was used in the sense attached to it in that 
country." 

Upon this statement of the Attorney General rests his definition of the term " militia," 
which is an English definition ; and upon that definition rests all that part of your argu- 
ment, which draws a distinction, however unsubstantial, between calling forth tlie militia 
by authority of Congress, and calling forth all men in the State who compo.xe the militia 
by the same authority. In the one case, you term it callincj forth the militia, and admit 
that the State has the right to appoint the officers : in the other case, while every man 
called forth may he the same, you term it raising an army, and deny to the State the 
appointment of the officers. As this is necessary to sustain the constitutionality of the 
Conscription Act, you cannot disapprove the statement of. the Attoniev General above 
quoted. If, then, the Attorney General is right, that the terms " militia," " armies," 
" regular troops," and " volunteers" had acquired a definite meaning in Great Britain 
before the Revolutionary war, and we have derived most of our ideas on tliis subject 
from that source, and if we may safely conclude that the term " militia" in our Consti- 
tution was used in the sense attached to it in that country, is it not equally safe to con-- 



APPENDIX B. llQ'd 

elude that the terms " armies," and to "raise armies," liaviug at^quired a definite mean- 
ing in Great Britain before the Revolutionary war, were used in our Constitution in the 
same sense attached to them in that country ? 

At that period, the Government of Great Britain had no Conscription Act, and did 
not "raise armies" by conscription, therefore the Convention which made our Consti- 
tution, " having derived most of their ideas on this subject from that source," it is " safe 
to conclude " that they used the term to " raise armies in the sense attached to it in that 
country." It necessarily follows, the Attorney General being the judge, that your 
conclusion is erroneous, and that Congress has no power to " raise armies," not even her 
" regular armies," by conscription. 

But, as those who framed the Constitution foresaw that Congress might not be able 
by voluntary enlistment, to raise regular or standing armies sufficiently large to meet 
all emergencies, or that the peoijle might refuse to vote supplies to maintain in the field 
armies so large and dangerous, they wisely provided, in connection with this grant of 
power, another relating to the same subject-matter, and gave Congress the additional 
power to call forth the militia to execute the laws of the Confederate States, suppress 
insurrections, and repel invasions. 

In this connection, I am reminded by your letter, that Congress has power " to 
declare war," which you say embraces the right to declare offensive as well as defensive 
war ; and you argue, as I understand, that the militia cau only be called forth to repel 
iuvasious, and not to invade a foreign power, and that Congress would be powerless to 
redress our wrongs, or vindicate our honor, if it could not " raise armies " by couscri])- 
tion, to invade foreign powers. If this were even so, it might be an objection to the 
Constitutional Government, for want of sufficient strength, which is an objection often 
made by those who favor more absolute power in the General Government, and who 
attempt, by a latitudinarian construction of the Constitution, to su])ply powers which 
were never intended to be given to it. But does the practical difficulty which you sug- 
gest, in fact exist 1 I maintain that it do2S not. And I may here remark, that those 
who established the Government of our fathers, did not look to it, as a great military 
power whose people were to live by plundering other nations in foreign aggressive war, 
but a peaceful Government, advised by the Father of his Country, to avoid " entangling 
alliances " with foreign powers. 

But you suppose, after our independence is established, that our present enemy may 
be tempted to abuse his naval power, by depredation on our commerce, and that we may 
be compelled to assert our rights by offensive war, and you ask, " How is it to be car- 
ried on?" "Of what is the army to be composed ? " The answer is a very simple 
one. If the aggression is such as to justify us in the declaration of offensive war, our 
])eople will have the intelligence to know it, and the patriotism and valor to promjit 
them to respond by voluntary enlistment, and to offer themselves under officers of their 
own choice, through their State authorities, to the Confederacy, just as the}^ did in the 
offensive war against Mexico, wlien many more were offered than were needed, without 
conscription or coercion; and just as they have done in our present defen-<ive war, when 
almost every State has responded to every call, by sending larger numbers than were 
called for, and larger than the Government can arm and make effective. There is no 
danger that the honor of the intelligent freeborn citizens of this Confederacy will ever 
suffer because the Government has not the power to compel them to vindicate it. They 
will hold the Government responsible if it refuses to permit them to do it. To doubt 



704 APPENDIX B. 

this, would seem to be, to doubt tlie intelligence and patriotism of the people, and tlieir 
competency for self-government. 

It would be very dangerous, indeed, to give the General Government the power to 
engnge in an offensive foreign war the justice of which was condemned by the Govern- 
ments of the States, and the intelligence of the people, and to compel them to prosecute 
ic for two years, the terms for which appropriations can be made and coutiimed by the 
Congress declaring it. Hence the wisdom of our ancestors in limiting the power of 
Congress over the militia, or great body of our people, so as to prohibit the prosecution, 
by conscription or coercion, of au offen.-sive foreign war, which may be condemned by an 
intelligent public opinion. 

France has a conscription act, which Great Britain has not. Both are warlike powers, 
often engaged in foreign offensive wars. What advantage has the conscription law 
given to France over Great Britain ? Has not the latter been as able as the former to 
" raise armies " sufficient to vindicate her honor and maintain her rights ? When 
France had no conscription law at one period of her history, she was a Republic. Soon 
after she had a coiiscriptiou law, she became an Empire, and her ruler an Emperor, 
leaving her people without the constitutional safeguard which protects the people of 
Great Britain. 

But you ask, " Shall we never be plaintiff in this 'terrible litigation of nations ? '" 
If tiie litigation commends itself to the intelligence of the people as just, they will not 
lit'sitate to put themselves at the command of the Government to assume the plaintiff's 
jiosition. The eagerness with whicli the people of the Confederacy now desire that we 
assume the plaintiff's position, and become the attacking and invading party, instead of 
acting constantly upon the defensive, is evidence to sustain my conclusion on this point. 
' That those who framed the Constitution looked to a state of war as tending to con- 
centrate the power in the Executive, and as unfavorable to constitutional liberty, and 
did not intend to encourage it, unless in cases of absolute necessity, and did not, there- 
fore, form the Government with a view to its becoming a power often engaged in offen- 
sive war, may be inferred from the language of Mr. Madison. He says : 

"War, is, in fact, the true nurse of Executive aggrandizement. In war a physical 
force is to be created, and it is the Executive will which is to direct it. In war the pub- 
lic treasures are to be unlocked, and it is the Executive hand which is to dispense them. 
In war, the honors and emoluments of office are to be multiplied, and it is the Executive 
patronage under which they are to be enjoyed. It is in war, finally, that laurels are 
to be gathered, and it is the Executive brow they are to encircle. Tlie strongest passions 
and most dangerous weaknesses of the human breast — ambition, avarice, vanity, tlie 
lionorable or venial love of fame, are all in conspiracy against the desire and duty of 
peace." See Federalist, page 4.52. 

In connection with this remark of Mr. Madison, it may not be amiss to add one from 
Mr. Calhoun. That great and good man who may justly be styled the champion of 
State Rights and Constitutional Liberty, in the first volume of his works, page 361, while 
speaking of the war which was forced upon Mr. Madison while President, by Great 
Britain, says : 

" It did more ; for the war, however just and necessary, gave a strong impulse adverse 
to the Federal and favorable to the national line of policy. Tliis is, indeed, one of the 
unavoidable consequences of war, and can be counteracted only by bringing into full 
action the negatives necessary to the protection of the reserved poirers. Tliese would, of 
tliemselves, have the effect of preventing wars, so long as they could be honorably and 



APPENDIX 15. 705 

safely avoided ; and when necessary, of arresting, to a great extent, the tendency of the 
Government to transcend the limits of the Constitution during its prosecution, SLiid of correct- 
ing all departures after its termination. It was by force of tlie tribuiiitial power that 
the plebeians retained for so long a period their liberty in the midst of so many wars." 

I beg to call special attention to the portions of the above quotation wliich I have 
italicized. 

Having rested the constitutionality of the Conscription Act upon the power given to 
Congress to " raise armies," you enunciate a doctrine which I must be pardoned for 
saying, struck me with surprise ; not that the doctrine was new, for it was first pro- 
claimed, I believe, almost as strongly, by Mr. Hamilton in the Federalist, but because 
it found an advocate in you, whom I had for many years regarded as one of the ablest 
and boldest defenders of tlie doctrines of tlie State Rights scliool, in the old government. 
Your language is : 

"I hold that when a specific power is granted by the Constitution, lilce that now in 
question, to ' raise armies,' Congress is the judge whetlier tlie law passed for the pur- 
pose of executing that power, is necessary and proper." 

Again you say : 

" The true and only test is, to inquire whether the law is intended and calculat6d to- 
carry out the object, whether it devises and creates an instrumentality for executing the 
specific power granted, and if the answer be in the affirmative the law is constitutional." 

From this you argue that the Conscription Act is calculated and intended to " raise 
armies," and, therefore, constitutional. 

I am not aware that the proposition was ever stated more broadly in favor of unre- 
strained Congressional power, by Webster, Story, or any other statesman or jurist of the 
Federal school. 

This is certainly not the doctrine of the republican party of 1798, as set forth in the 
Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. The Virginia Resolutions use tlie following lan- 
guage, that, " It (the General Assembly of Virginia) views the powers of the Federal 
Government as resulting from the compact to which the States are parties, as limited by 
the plain sense and intention of the instrument constituting that compact, as no further- 
valid than they are authorized by the grants enumerated in that compact ; and that in 
the case of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous exercise of other powers not granted bv 
said compact, the States who are parties thereto, have the right and are in duty bound to 
interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective 
limits the authorities, rights and liberties appertaining to them. That the General Assem- 
bly doth also express its deep regret, that a spirit has in sundry instances been mani- 
fested by the Federal Government, to enlarge its powers by a forced construction of the 
Constitutional charter which defines them ; and that indications have appeared of a design 
to e-x.^o-axiA certain general phrases — (which having been copied from the very limited 
grant of powers in the former articles of Confederation were the less liable to be mis- 
construed) — so as to destroy the meaning and effect of the particular enumeration, whicli 
necessarily explains and limits the general phrases, so as to consolidate the States by degrees 
into one sovereignty, the obvious tendency and inevitable result of which would be to 
transform the present Republican system of the United States, into an absolute or at least 
a mixed monarchy." 

The following quotations are from the Kentucky Resolutions drawn up by Mr. Jeffer- 
son himself (the italics, as in tlie la.st quotation, are my own). "That the .severnl 
States composing the United States of America are not united on the principle ol 
45 



706 APPENDIX B. 

unlimited submission to the General Government; but that, by a compact under the style 
and title of a Constitution of the United iState:<, and of amendments thereto, they con- 
stituted a General Government for special purposes — delegated to that Government cer- 
tain definite powers; reserving, each iState to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own 
sel f- Government ; that whensoever the General Government assumes undelegated powers 
its acts are unauthoiitative, void and of no force; that to this compact each State acceded 
its a State, and is an integral party — its co-States forming as to itself the other party ; 
that the Government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final Judge <f 
the extent of the powers delegated to it — since that would have made its discretion and 
not the Constitution the measure of its powers ; but that as in all other cases of compact 
among pg,rties liaviug no common Judge, each has an equal right to Judge for itself as 
well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress." 

And again : 

" That the construction applied by the General Government (as evinced by sundry of their 
proceedings) to those parts of the Constitution of the United States which delegate to 
Congress a power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises ; to pay the debts 
.and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; and to 
make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested by the 
•Constitution in the Government of the United States, or any department thereof, goes to 
.the destruction of all the limits prescribed to their power by the Constitution. That words 
meant by that instrument to be subsidiary only to the execution of the limited powers ought 
not to be so construed, as themselves to give unlimited poioeis, nor a part so to be taken as to 
'destroy the vhole residue of the instrument." 

But let us examine your doctrine a little further and see whether it can be reconciled 
ito the construction lately put upon the Constitution by the States composing the Con- 
federacy, over which you preside, and tlie action lately taken by them. 

The Constitution of the United States gives Congress the power to provide for call- 
'ing forth tlie militia to "suppress insurrection." Carry out your doctrine, and Cou- 
'gre?s must of course be the .Judge of what constitutes an insurrection, as well as 
■of the means " neressary and proper" to be used in executing the specific power given 
to Congress to suppress it. Georgia, claiming that the Congress of the United States 
had abused the specific powers granted to it, and passed laws which were not " necessary 
and proper " in executing these specific powers, which were injurious to her people, and 
claiming to be herself the .Judge, seceded from the Union. Congress denied her power 
or right to do so, and acting upon the doctrine laid down by you, Congress claiming to 
be the .Judge, proceeded to adjudicate the case, and determined that the action of Geor- 
gia amounted to an insurrection, and passed laws for its suppression. Among others, 
they have passed a law, if we may credit the newspapers, which authorizes the President 
to arm our negroes against us. Congress will, no doubt, justify this act, under the 
specific power given to it by the Constitution, to " raise armies," as thp armies, as well 
as the rriilitia may be used to suppress insurrection, and to execute the laws. Apply 
the test laid down by you, and inquire, is this law " cah'ulated and intended " to cany 
out the object (the suppression of the insurrection, and tlie execution of the laws of the 
United States in Georgia)? and does it " devise and create an instrumentality for exe- 
cuting the specific power granted ? " Congress, the .Judge, answers the question in the 
affirmative. Therefore the law is constitutional. 

Again, suppo.«e you are right, and Congre.ss has the constitutional power to " rai.-e 
armies" bv Conscription, an 1 without the consent of the States, to compel every man in 



APX'EXDIX B. 707 

tlie Confederacy, between 18 and 35 years old, able to bear arms, to enter tliese armies, 
you must admit that Congress has tlie same power to extend tlie law, and compel 
every man between 16 and CO to enter. And, you must admit that the grant of power is 
as broad in times of peace as in times of war, as there is in tlie grant no language to 
limit it to times of war. It follows that Congress has the alisolute control of every 
man in the State, whenever it chooses to execute to tlie full extent tlie power given it by 
the Constitution to " raise armies." liow easy a matter it would have been, therefore, 
had the Congress of the United States understood the full extent of its powers to have 
prevented in a manner perfectly constitutional, the secession of Georgia and Mississippi 
from the Union. It was only necessary to pass a Conscription Law declaring every man 
in both States, able to bear arms, to be in the military service of the United States, and 
that each should be treated as a deserter if he refused to serve ; and that Congress, tlw. 
,/ad(je, then decide that this law was " necessary and proper," and that it created an 
instrumentality for the execution of one of the specific powers granted to Collg•l■e^s to 
provide for the execution of the laws of the Union in the two States, or to provide for 
" raising armies." This would have left the States without a single man at their com- 
mand, without the power to organize or use militarj^ force, and without free men to con- 
stitute even a Convention to pass an ordinance of secession. 

If it is said, the people of the States wouhl have refused to obey this law of Congress, 
and would have gone out in defiance of it ; it may be replied that this would have beeu 
revolution and not peaceful .recession, the right for which we have all contended — though 
our enemies have not permitted us to part with them in peace — the right for which we 
are now fighting. 

Your doctrine carried out not only makes Congress supreme over the States, at any 
time when it chooses to exercise the full measure of its power to "raise armies," but it 
jilaces the very existence of the State Governments subject to the will of Congress. The 
Conscription Act makes no exception in favor of the officers necessary to the existence 
of the State Government, but in substance declares that they shall all enter the service 
of the Confederacy, at the call of the President, under officers which are in future to be 
appointed by the President. 

As already remarked. Congress has as much power to extend the act to embrace all 
between 16 and 60, as it had to take all between 18 and 35. If the act is constitutional, 
it follows that Congress has the ])ower to compel the Governor of every State in the 
Confederacy, every member of every Legislature of every State, every Judge of every 
(?ourt in every State, every officer of the Militia in every State, and all other State 
officers to enter the military service as privates in the armies of the Confederacy, under 
officers appointed by the President, at any time when it so decides. In other words. Con- 
gress may disltand tlie State Governments any day when it, as th". judge, decides that by 
so doing it " creates an instrumentality for executing the specific power " " to rai.se 
armies." 

If Congress has the right to discriminate, and take only those between 18 and 35, it lias 
the right to make any other discrimination it may judge " necessary and proper " in the 
" execution of the power," and it may pass a law in time of peace or war, if it should 
conclude the State Governments are an evil, that all State officers. Executive, Legisla- 
tive, Judicial and Military, shall enter the armies of the Confederacy as privates under 
officers appointed by the President, and that the army shall from time to time be 
recruited from other State officers as they may be appointed by the States. 

To state the case in different form, Congress has the power under the 12th paragrai)h 



708 APPENDIX B. 

of the 8th section of the 1st Article of the Constitution to disband the State Govern- 
ments, and leave tlie people of the States with no otiier Government tliau such military 
despotism, as Congress in the exercise of the specific pow^er to " raise armies " (which I 
understand you to hold is a distinct pow'er to be construed separately) may, after an 
application of your test, judye to be best for the people. 

For, as all tlie State officers which I mention migiit make ejffectiye privates in the 
armies of the Confederacy, and as the law passed to compel them to enter the service 
might " create an instrumentality for executing the specific power to ''raise armies," 
Congress, the judge, need only so decide and the act would be constitutional. 

1 may be reminded, however, that Congress passed an Exemption Act after the passage 
of the Conscription Act, which exempts the Governors of the States, the members of 
the State Legislatures, the Judges of the State Courts, etc., from the obligation to enter 
the military service of the Confederacy as privates under Confederate officers. It must 
be borne in mind, iiowever, tliat this very act of exemption by Congress is an assertion 
of the right vested in Congress to compel them to go, when Congress shall so direct, as 
Congress has the same power to repeal which it had to pass the Exemption Act. All 
tlie State officers, therefore, are exempt from Couscri]ition by the grace and special 
favor of Congress and not by right, as the Governments of the independent States whose 
agent, and not master. Congress has been erroneously supposed to be. If this doctrine 
be correct, of vvhat value are State rights and State sovereignty ? 

In my former letter I insisted, under the general rule, that the 12th, 15th and 16th 
paragraphs of the section under consideration, all relating to the same subject matter, 
sliould be construed together. While your language on this point is not so clear as in 
other parts of your letter, I understand you to take issue with me here. You say : 

" Nothing can so mislead as to construe together and as one whole, the carefully sepa- 
rated clauses, which define the different powers to be exercised over distinct subjects by 
Congress." 

These are not carefully separated clauses which relate to different powers, to be exer- 
<-ised over distinct subjects. They nil relate to the same subject matter, the authority 
given to Congress over the question of war and peace. They all relate to the use of 
armed force by authority of Congress. If, therefore. Coke, Blackstone an^l Mansfield of 
England, and Marshall, Kent and Story of this country, with all other intelligent 
writers on the rules of construction, are to be respected as authority, theie can, it would 
seem, be no doubt of the correctness of the position that these three paragraphs, together 
Avith all others in the Constitution which relate to the same subject matter, are to be con- 
strued together "a.<' one whole." 

Construe them together, and the general language in one paragraph, is so. qualified 
bv another paragraph, upon the same subject matter, that all can stand together, and the 
whole when taken together, establishes to my mind the unsoundness of your argument 
and the fallacy of your conclusion. 

But I must not omit to notice your definition of the term " militia," and the deduc- 
tions which you draw from it. 

You adopt the definition of the Attorney General, that "the militia are a body of 
soldiers in a State enrolled for discipline." Admit, for the purposes of the argument, 
the correctness of the definition. All persons, therefore, who are enrolled for discipline 
under the laws of Georgia constitute her militia. When the persons tluis enrolled (the 
militia) are employed in the service of the Confederate States, the Constitution expressly 
reserves to Georgia the appointment of the officers. The Conscription Act gives the 



APPENDIX B. 709 

President the power by compulsion to employ every one of those persons, between 18 
and 35, in the service of the Confederate States ; and denies to the State the appoint- 
ment of a single officer to command them, while thus " employed." Suppose Congress 
at its next session should extend the act so as to embrace all between 18 and 45, what is 
the result? " The body of soldiers in the State enrolled for discipline " are every man 
" employed in the service of the Confederacy," and the right is denied to the State to 
appoint a single officer, when the Constitution says she shall appoint them all. Is it fair 
to conclude, when the State expressly and carefully reserved the control of their own 
militia, by reserving the appointment of the officers to command them, that they intended 
under the general grant of power to " raise armies," to authorize Congress to defeat the 
reservation and control the militia, with their officers, by calling the very same men into 
the field, individually and not collectively, organizing them according to its own will, and 
terming its action " raising an army " and not calling forth the militia ? Surely the great 
men of the revolution when they denied to the General Government the appointment 
even of the General Officers, to command the militia when employed in the service of 
the Confederacy, did not imagine that the time would come so soon when that Govern- 
ment, under the power to " raise armies," would claim and exercise the authority to 
call into the field the whole militia of the States, individually, and deny to the States 
the appointment of the lowest lieutenant, and justify the act on tlie ground that Con- 
gress did not choose to call them into service in their collective capacity, and deny that 
they were militia if called into service in any other way. 

If Congress has the power to call forth the whole enrolled force or militia of the 
States in the manner provided by the Conscription Act, there is certainly no obligation 
upon Congress ever to call them forth in any other manner, and it rests in the discretion 
of Congress whether or not the State shall ever be permitted to exercise their reserved 
right ; as Congress has the power in every case to defeat the exercise of the right by 
calling forth the militia under a conscription act, and not by requisitions made upon tlie 
States. It cannot be just to charge the States with the folly of making this important 
reservation, subject to any such power in Congress to render it nugatory at its 
pleasure. 

Again, you say " Congress may call forth the militia to execute Confederate laws ; 
the State has not surrendered the power to call them forth to execute State laws." 

" Congress may call them forth to i-epel invasion; so may the State, for it has 
expressly reserved this right." 

" Congress may call them forth to suppress insurrection and so may the State." 

If the conscription law is to control, and Congress may, without the consent of the 
State Government, order every man composing the militia of the State, out of the State, 
into the Confederate service, how is the State to call forth her own militia, as you admit 
she has reserved the right to do, to execute her own laws, suppress an insurrection in 
her midst, or repel an invasion of her own terrifcory? 

Could it have been the intention of the States to delegate to Congress the power to 
take from them without their consent the means of self-preservation, by depriving them 
of all the strength upon which their very existence depends? 

After laying down the position that the citizens of a State are not her militia, and 
affirming that the militia are " a body organized by law," you deny that the militia con- 
stitute any part of the land or naval forces, ?in& say they are distinguished from the land 
and naval forces, and j^ou further say they have always been called forth as " bodies 
organized by the States," with their officers ; that they " do not become part of the 



710 APPENDIX B. 

armies raised by Congress," but remain militia, and that when they had been called 
forth, and the exigencies which provoked the call had passed, " they went home again." 
Tlie militia when called forth are taken from the body of the people, to meet an emer- 
gency, or to repel invasion. If they go in as " bodies organized by the States," you 
hold that they go in militia, remain militia, and when the exigency is passed they go 
home militia, but if you call forth the same men by the Conscription Act for the same 
purpose, and they remain for the same length of time, and do the same service, they 
are mot militia hut i[\& armies of the Confederacy, part of the land or naval force. In 
connection with this part of the subject you use the following language : 

" At the present moment when our very existence is threatened by armies vastly 
superior in numbers to ours, the necessity for defense has induced a call, not for the 
whole militia of all the States, not for ani] militia, but for men to compose armies for the 
Confederate States." 

In the midst of such pressing danger, why was it that there was no necessity for any 
militia ; in other words, no necessity for any " bodies of men organized by the States," 
as were many of the most gallant regiments now in the Confederate service, who have 
won on the battle-field a name in history, and laurels that can never fade? 

Were no more such bodies " organized by the States " needed, because the material 
remaining within the States of which they must be composed was not reliable? The 
Conscription Act gives you the very same material. Was it because the officers 
appointed by the States to command the gallant State regiments and other "organized 
bodies " sent by the States were less brave or less skillful than the officers appointed by 
the President to command similar "organized bodies? " The officers appointed by the 
States who now command regiments in the service, will not fear to have impartial his- 
tory answer this question. Was it because you wished select men for the armies of the 
Confederacy? The Conscription Act embraces all, without distinction, between 18 and 
and 35 able to do military duty and not legally exempt. You do not take the militia. 
What do you take? You take every man between certain ages, of whom the militia is 
composed. What is the difference between taking the militia and taking all the men 
who compose the militia? Simply this : In the one case you take them with their officers 
appointed hy the States, as the Constitution requires, and call them by their proper name, 
"militia," "employed in the service of the Confederate States." In the other case you 
take them all as individuals — get rid of the State officers — appoint officers of your own 
choice, and call them the " armies of the Confederacy." And yet these armies, like you 
say the militia do, will " go home " when the exigency has passed, as it is hoped they 
are not expected to be permanent like the regular armies of the Confederacy; or in 
other words, like the land and naval forces provided for in the Constitution, from which 
you distinguish the militia. Indeed, the similarity between these " armies of the Con- 
federacy," called forth in an emergency, to repel an invasion, to be disbanded when the 
emergency is passed ; and the militia or bodies of troops organized and officered by the 
States, called forth for the same purpose, to be composed of the same material and dis- 
banded at the same time, is most remarkable in everything, except the name and the 
appointment of the officers. 

Excuse me for calling your attention to another point in this connection. 

As you admit the militia have always been called forth as " bodies organized by the 
States," and when thus called forth that the States have alwaj's appointed the officers, I 
presume you will not deny that when the President, by authority of Congress has made 
a call upon a State for " organized bodies of soldiers," and they have been furnished 



APPENDIX h. 711 

by the State from the body of her people, they have entered the service as part of the 
militia of the State "employed in the service of the Confederate States" under the 
15th and 1 6th paragraphs of the 8th Section of the 1st Article of the Constitution. 

Your message to Congress recommending its passage shows that there was do neces- 
sity for the act, to enable you to get troops, as you admit that the Executives of the 
State ha.d enabled you to keep in the field adequate forces, and also that the spirit of 
resistance among the people was such that it needed to be regulated and not stimulated. 
You say : 

" I am happy to assure you of the entire harmony of purpose and cordiality of feeling 
which have continued to exist between myself and the Executives of the several States, 
and it is to this cause that our success in keeping adequate forces in the field is to be 
attributed." Again you say : 

" The vast preparations made by the enemy for combined assault at numerous points 
on our frontier and sea coast, have produced the result that might have been expected. 
They have animated the people with a spirit of resistance so general, so resolute and so 
self-sacrificing, that it requires rather to be regulated than to be stimulated " 

If then the Executives of the States by their cordial co-operation had enabled you to 
keep in the field "adequate forces," and the spirit of resistance was as high as you 
state, there was no need of a Conscription Act to enable you to " raise armies." 

Since the invasion of the Confederacy by our present enemy, you have made frequent 
calls upon me as Governor of this State for " organized bodies " of troops. I have 
responded to every call and sent them as required, " organized " according to the laws 
of the State, and commanded by officers appointed by the State, and in most instances, 
fully armed, accoutred and equipped. These bodies were called forth to meet an emer- 
gency, and assist in repelling an invasion. The emergency is not yet passed, the inva- 
sion is not yet repelled, and they have not yet returned home. If your position be 
correct they constitute no part of the land or naval forces as they were not organized 
nor their officers appointed by the President, as is the case with the armies of the Con- 
federacy, but they were called forth as bodies " organized and their officers appointed by 
the States." Hence they are part of the militia of Georgia employed in the service of 
the Confederate States as provided by the two paragraphs of the Constitution above 
quoted, and by paragraph 16 of Section 9 of the 1st Article which terms them " militia 
in actual service in time of war or public danger." They entered the service with only 
the training common to the citizens of the State. They are now well trained troops. 
But having gone in as " bodies organized by the State," or as militia, you say they 
remain militia, and go home militia. In this case we seem to agree that the State, 
under the express reservation in the Constitution, has the right to appoint the officers. 
I have the written opinion of Mr. Benjamin, then Secretary of War, about the time of 
the last call for twelve regiments, concurring in this view, and recognizing this right of 
the State. And it is proper that I should remark that the State has, in each case, been 
permitted to exercise this right, when the troops entered the service in compliance with 
a requisition upon the State for " organized bodies of troops." The right does not 
stop here, however. The Constitution does not say the State shall appoint the officers 
while the organizations may be forming to enter the service of the Confederacy, but 
while they " may be employed in the service of the Confederate States." Many thou- 
sands are now so employed. Vacancies in the different offices are frequently occurring 
by death, resignation, etc. The laws of this State provide how these vacancies are to be 
filled and it is not to be done by promotion of the officer next in rank, except in a single 



712 APPENDIX B, 

instance, but by election of the regiment, and commission by the Governor. The righf 
of the State to appoint tliese officers seems to be admitted, and is, indeed, too clear to 
be questioned. 

The Conscription Act, if it is to be construed according to its language, and the prac- 
tice which your Generals are establishing under it, denies to the State the exercise of 
this right, and prescribes a rule for selecting all officers in future, unknown to the laws 
of Georgia, and confers upon the President the power to commission them. Can this 
usurpation (I tliinlc no milder term expresses it faithfully) be justified under the clause 
in the Constitution which gives Congress power to " raise armies 1" and is this part of 
the Act constitutional ? If not, you have failed to establish the constitutionality of the 
Conscription Act. 

The 14th paragraph of the 9th Section of the 1st Article of the Constitution of the 
Confederate States declares that — 

" A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, tlie right of 
the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed." This was no part of the 
original Constitution as reported by the Convention and adopted by the States. But 
" The Convention of a number of the States having at the time of their adopting tlie 
Constitution expressed a desire in order to prevent misconstruction or abuse of its 
powers, that further declaratory and restrictive clauses should be added, Congress at the 
session begun and held at the city of New York, on Wednesday the 4th of March, 178'J, 
proposed to the Legislatures of the several States twelve amendments, ten of which 
only were adopted." 

The second amendment was the one above quoted, which shows very clearly that the 
States were jealous of the control wliich Congress might claim over their militia, and 
required on this point a further " restrictive clause " than was contained in the original 
Constitution. 

The 16th paragraph of the preceding Section expressly reserves to the States " the 
authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress." In 
connection with this, you admit that the States reserved the right to call forth their own 
militia to execute their own laws, suppress insurrections or repel invasions. This 
autliority to call them forth would have been of no value without the authority to appoint 
officers to command them ; and the further authority to train them ; as they cannot with- 
out officers and training be the well regulated militia which the Constitution says is " neces- 
sary to the security of a free State." 

The conclusion would seem naturally to follow, that the States did not intend by any 
general words used in the grant of power, to give Congress the right to take from them, 
as often as appointed, the officers selected by them to train and regulate their militia and 
prepare them for efficiency, when they may be called forth to support the very existence 
of the State. 

The Conscription Act embraces so large a proportion of the militia officers of this 
State, as to disband the militia in the event they should be compelled to leave their 
commands. This would leave me without tlie power to reorganize them, as a vacancy 
can only lie created in one of tliese offices by resignation of the incumbent, or by the 
voluntary performance of some act which amounts to an abandonment of his command, 
or by a sentence of a Court Martial dismissing him from office. The officer who is 
dragged from his command by Conscription, or compulsion, and placed in the ranks, is 
in neither category ; and his office is no more vacated than the office of a judge would 
be, if he were ordered into military service without his consent. And unless there be a 



APPENDIX B. 713 

vacancy I have no right to fill the place, eitlier by ordering an election, or by a brevet 
appointment. I have no right in eitiier case to commission a successor so long as there 
is a legal incumbent. 

Viewing the Conscription Act in this particular as not only unconstitutional, but as 
striking a blow at the very existence of the State, by disbanding the portion of her 
militia left within her limits, when much the larger part of her " arms-bearing people " 
are absent in other States in the military service of the Confederacy, leaving their 
families and other Iielpless women and children, subject to massacre by negro insurrec- 
tion for want of an organized force to suppress it, I felt it an imperative duty which I 
owed the people of this State, to inform you iu a former letter that I could not permit 
the disorganization to take place, nor the State officers to be compelled to leave their 
respective commands and enter the Confederate service as Conscripts. — Were it not a 
fact well known to the country that you now have in service tens of thousands of men 
without arms and with no immediate prospect of getting arms, who must remain for 
months consumers of our scanty supplies of provisions, without ability to render service, 
while their labor would be most valuable in their farms and workshops, there might be 
the semblance of a plea of necessity for forcing the State officers to leave their com- 
mands, with the homes of their people unpi'otected, and go into camps of instruction, 
under Confederate officers, often much more ignorant than themselves of military 
science or training. I must, therefore, adhere to my position and maintain the integ- 
rity of the State Government in its Executive, Legislative, Judicial and Military De- 
partments, as long as I can command sufficient force to prevent it from being disbanded, 
and its people reduced to a state of provincial dependence upon the Central power. 

If I have used strong language iu any part of this letter, I beg you to attribute it only 
to my zeal in the advocacy of principles and a cause which I consider no less than the 
cause of constitutional liberty, imperiled by the erroneous views and practice of those 
placed upon the watch-tower as its constant guardians. 

In conclusion, I beg to assure you that I fully appreciate your expressions of personal 
kindness, and reciprocate them iu my feelings towards you to the fullest extent. 

I know the vast responsibilities resting upon you, and would never willingly add 
unnecessarily to their weight, or in any way embarrass you in the discharge of your im- 
portant duties. — While I cannot agree with you in opinion upon the grave question 
under discussion, I beg you to command me at all times when I can do you a personal 
service, or when I can, without a violation of the constitutional obligations resting upon 
me, do any service to tlie great cause in which we are all so vitally interested. 

Hoping that a kind Providence may give you wisdom so to conduct the affairs of our 
young Confederacy as may result in the early achievement of our Independence, and 
redound to the ultimate prosperity and happiness of our whole people. 
I have the honor to I)e, very re.spectf ully, 
Your obedient servant, 

JOSEPH E. BROWN. 

P. S. — Since the above letter was written I see, somewhat to my sui'prise, that you 
have thought proper to publish part of our unfinished correspondence. 

In reply to my first letter you simply stated on the point in question that the consti- 
tutionalitj' of the Act was derivable from that paragraph in the Constitution which gives 
Congress the power to raise and support armies. I replied to that letter with no portion 
of your argument but the simple statement of your position before me. You then, with 
the aid of your Cabinet, replied to my second letter, giving the argument by which you 



Tl-t APPENDIX B. 

attempt to sustain your position, and without allowing time for your letter to reach iiio, 
and a reply to be sent, you publish my sec.-oud letter and your reply, which is your first 
argument of the question. I find these two letters not only in the newspapers but also 
in pamphlet form, I presume by your order for general circulation. 

Wiiile I cannot suppose that your sense of duty and propriety would permit you to 
publish part of an unfinished correspondence for the purpose of forestalling public opin- 
ion, I must conclude tha,t your course is not the usual one in such cases. As the cor- 
re.-ipondence was an official one upon a grave constitutional question, I had supposed it 
would be given to the country through Congress and the Legislature of the State. 

But as you have commenced the publication in this hasty and as I think informal 
manner, you will admit that I have no other alternative but to continue it. I must, 
therefore, request as an act of justice that all newspapers which have published part of 
the correspondence, insert this rej)ly. J. E. B. 



APPENDIX 0. 



Oeiginat. Communication^ of Mrs. Mary Williams, to the Coluju- 
Bus (Ga.) Times, Suggesting the Decoration Day Custom. 

Columbus, Ga., March 12, 1866. 

Messrs. Editors: — The ladies are now and have been for several days engaged in tl:e 
sad but pleasant duty of ornamenting and improving that portion of the city cemetery 
sacred to the memory of our gallant Confederate dead, but we feel it is an unfinished 
work unless a day be set apart annually for its especial attention. We cannot raise 
monumental shafts and inscribe thereon their many deeds of heroism, but we can keep 
alive the memory of the debt we owe them, by dedicating at least one day in each year 
to embellishing their humble graves with flowers. Therefore we beg the assistance of 
the press and the ladies throughout the South to aid us in the effort to set apart a cer- 
tain day to be observed, from the Potomac to the Rio Grande, and be lianded down 
through time as a religious custom of the South, to wreath the graves of our martyred 
dead with flowers ; and we propose the 26th day of April as the day. Let every city, 
town and village join in the pleasant duty. Let all alike be remembered, from the 
heroes of Manassas to those who expired amid the death throes of our hallowed cause. 
We'll crown alike the honored resting places of the immortal Jackson in Virginia, 
Johnston at Shiloh, Cleburne in Tennessee, and the host of gallant privates wlio 
adorned our ranks. All did their duty, and to all we owe our gratitude. Let the 
goldiers' graves, for that day at least, be the Southern Mecca to whose shrine her sorrowing 
Avomen like pilgrims, may annually bring their grateful hearts and floral offerings. And 
when we remember the thousauds who were buried " with their martial cloaks around 
them," Avithout christian ceremony of interment, we would invoke the aid of the most 
thrilling eloquence throughout the land to inaugurate this custom, by delivering on tlie 
appointed day this year, a eulogy on the unburied dead of our glorious Southern army. 
They died for their country. Whether their country had or had not the right to demand 
the sacrifice is no longer a question for discussion. We leave that for nations to decide 
in the future. That it was demanded — that they fought nobly, and fell holy sacrifices 
upon their country's altar, and are entitled to their country's gratitude, none Avill deny. 

The proud banner under which they rallied in defense of the holiest and noblest cause 
for which heroes fought, or trusting woman prayed, has been furled forever. The 
country for which they suffered and died, has now no name or place among the nations 
of the earth. Legislative enactments maj' not be made to do honor to their memories, 
but the veriest radical that ever traced his genealogy back to the deck of the May 
Flower, could not refuse us the simple privilege of paying honor to those who died 
defending the life, honor and happiness of the Southern Avomen. 



APPENDIX D. 



Speech of A. O. Bacon in the House op Representatives, July 
29, 1872, ON THE Question of the Fraudulent Bullock 
Bonds. 

Mr. Speaker : — I believe, from what I know of the opinions of the majority of the 
members of this House, that they are prepared to vote upon the question of the State's 
liability upon these bonds. In rising to address this House, it is not my object to 
attempt to influence their votes. But, sir, we stand in a position of grave responsibility. 
Our action of to-day must pass into history and materially affect the future of the State 
for good or ill, and a century hence will be the subject either of censure or commenda- 
tion. It is important, therefore, not only that our action should be right, but that we 
should show to the world that it has not been accompanied with reckless haste, but with 
, careful investigation and deliberation, and based upon stern justice. I trust, therefore 
that 1 shall be indulged by the House while I give some of the reasons which guide and 
control my course in this moment of solemn responsibility. 

In the limited time which it is proper that I should occupy, it will be impossible for 
me to present an argument upon the law of this matter to show that these bonds were 
illegally indorsed and illegally issued, and that the State is under no legal liability for 
their payment. Nor, sir, did time permit, would I be inclined to attempt to improve 
upon the admirable legal argument presented by the committee in their report. I am 
content, as a lawyer, to adopt that argument, with the kindred lines of argument into 
which a further discussion would naturally elaborate it, as my argument, and to be 
judged by it for the correctness of the conclusion of law which is presented. 

Perfectly satisfied, as I am, upon the question of legal liability of the State, I pro- 
pose to inquire briefly whether the people of this State are under moral obligation to 
assume the burden of this mountain of debt which it is sought to heap upon them. 
This, sir, is the all important question to me. Georgia cannot be sued in a court by 
her creditors, and the decision of the legal question is to me, therefore, not sufficient. 
I recognize the obligation of Georgia in morals and in honor for the payment of her 
just debts as far more binding upon her people than mere legal obligations which can- 
not be enforced in the courts, and hence the important question which I have labored 
to decide correctly, " is Georgia bound in morals or in honor for the payment of these 
bonds 1 " If she is so bound in honor, then a mathematical demonstration that she is 
not bound in law would not weigh a feather to influence me to vote to release her from 
their full payment. But, on the other hand, if she is bound neither in law nor in honor, 
no representative has a right under a feeling of false pride to impose upon an already 
plundered and impoverished people an unjust, unlawful, and oppressive load of debt. 

To determine this question I know of but one test, and that is, did the people of 
Georgia, by themselves, or their freely chosen representatives, create the debt ? Was 
it the act and deed of a " free parliament of the people," or was it the act and deed of 
those who were not freely chosen, and who unlawfully assumed to be the representatives 
of the people ■? If they who did this thing were of the latter kind, and were not only 
illegal officers, but acted without law, and in violation of express fundamental law, 



718 APPENDIX D. 

Georgia is bound neither in law, nor in morals, nor in honor for their acts ; if they 
Avere illegal officers, but acted within the law and by its authority, as they were de facto 
officers, although not de jure, Georgia is bound by the law, and she cannot escape the 
responsibility of these bonds. On the other hand, if it was the act of Georgia's freely 
chosen officers, Georgia is bound in honor by their act, even though it was without law 
and in violation of it. If the people, uncoerced and untrammeled in a free election, 
placed unworthy men in office, they are bound in honor to protect all persons not par- 
ties to the fraud from the consequences of the corruption of those they placed in power. 
A hurried glance at some of our political history for the past few years will assist us 
in deciding this question. I do not desire to open old political sores, and therefore I 
shall not dwell upon the character of the sword and bayonet election in April, 1868, 
when twenty thousand of the best and most intelligent men in Georgia were disfran- 
chised, and when the polls were kept open for four days and nights, that the vice and 
ignorance of the State might have an opportunity to vote as often as necessary to secure 
the pre-determined result. For the purpose of this argument I shall not dispute that it 
was a free election of the people, although, in truth, it was anything else. I will simply 
say that in its results it filled this hall with hungry and unprincipled adventurers from 
every Northern State, and with poor, deluded, ignorant negroes, the mere dupes and 
tools of the bad white men. But while this was true, the people had succeeded, in 
spite of swords and bayonets, in sending here some. good men — some men who loved 
Georgia, and who, in the fierce contests which followed, struggled heroically to shield 
her from the spoilers. These good men, this Spartan band, few though they were, were 
too numerous in the Legislature to suit the purposes of these beasts of prey, who sought 
to gorge themselves with the plunder of a people bound and surrendered to their 
shameless rapacity. The plunderers, who proposed to despoil Georgia by directing the 
measures of the Legislature as the player directs the movements of the pieces on the 
board, had a majority in the Legislature, but experience soon proved to them that it 
was not a smooth and certain Avorking majority. The heroic little band of Georgians 
fought them at every turn, employing every available weapon of parliamentary warfare, 
and to the dismay of the plunderers, even, some of their chosen henchmen in the motley 
crew revolted at their iniquities and corruption, and refused to obey their orders 
in the critical moments of conflict. What was to be done ? The victim was here, the 
State lay prostrate at their feet, and could be plundered of millions if a Legislature 
could be secured entirely subservient. Bullock, Kimball, Blodgett & Co. determined to 
secure such a Legislature. By the lavish use of money * * * the press of Wash- 
ington was subsidized, and another act of Congress was passed which again surrendered 
our people to the dominion of the sword. Under that act Bullock summoned the Legis- 
lature to assemble in this city on the 10th day of January, 1870. The history of the 
black days which followed I prefer to read from the journal of this House. It is well 
known to every one that by law the clerk of the preceding House presides and organizes 
the new House. The clerk was present, and yet under military authority he was pre- 
vented from taking his rightful position, and we read on the first page of the journal 
that " the House was called to order by Hon. A. L. Harris, clerk, pro tern., appointed by 
his Excellency, the Provisional Governor, to organize said House, under act of Congress 
approved December 22, 1869." There was no authority for this, either in the State law 
or the act of Congress, but Bullock had been authorized by Alfred H. Terry, United 
States General, to thus violate the law and trample on the rights of this House. To 
carry out their determination to turn certain men out of this House and put others in 



APPEJSTDIX t>. '^'19 

their places, it was necessary to rule this House for two weeks arbitrarily, and with a 
rod of iron, and, until it was constituted in a manner entirely suitable to the purposes of 
the plunderers, to deny to the members the simplest rights of any Assembly. And, 
accordingly, we find this House overawed by the swords which clattered in these halls, 
and the bayonets Avhich glistened at that door, for two weeks under the supreme and 
arbitrary dictation of this A. L Harris, an insignificant railroad understrapper of Foster 
Blodgett, who had no more legitimate connection with this House, and no more right to 
preside over it than over the Parliament of Great Britain. On the first day after read- 
ing Bullock's proclamation and Terry's military orders, and calling the names of a few 
counties to ascertain what members from them were present, we read in the journal : 
"After the call of the county of Haralson, the clerk pro tern. (A. L. Harris) announced 
that the House would take a recess until Tuesday, January 11, 1870, at 10 o'clock, a. m." 
This usurper, not a member or official of the House, backed T^y bayonets, adjourns 
the House arbitrarily until a time specified by himself. And this thing continued day 
after day, as shown by the journal, for sixteen days, each day this understrapper adjourn- 
ing the House to a specified time, and the journal shoAving the fact in the same language 
each day, as I have just read, only varied occasionally by an order from Bullock and 
General Terry to Harris that he should adjourn the House until a specified date, which 
orders also appear upon the journal. • During all this time Harris was supreme, and the 
members were allowed to take no part in the matters of the House for sixteen days, 
except to answer to the roll call. No motion, resolution, or other action by any mem- 
ber, was allowed, and every effort to control, direct, or take part in the proceedings of 
the House made by any member was arbitrarily suppressed. They were daily sum- 
moned to this hall, and after answering to their names, ordered and compelled to dis- 
perse. Every movement was ordered by Harris, and his authority and power was the 
bayonet which glistened at the door. In vain did the gallant few, led on by the gentle- 
man from Floyd (Duulap Scott), and the gentleman from Cobb ( W. D. Anderson), who 
now occupy seats upon this floor, struggle against the usurpation and the tyranny. 
They were powerless in the grasp of the military power. Every participation in the 
proceedings of the House was denied them, and even tlie poor privilege of entering their 
protests upon the journal of the House refused. But this is the brightest side of the 
tragedy which was being enacted beneath this roof during those sixteen days. In a 
room in this building was being perpetrated during this time the most infamous out- 
rage which has ever been visited upon a Legislature in American history. Three offi- 
cers of the United States army, aliens to our people and foreign to our soil, in flagrant 
violation of the act of Congress under which they assumed to act, sat in that room and 
had dragged before them as felons the duly elected representatives of the people, and 
were assuming to decide whether they were to be allowed to sit in this House as the 
repiesentatives of the people Avho had elected them. My duties before the courts 
called me to this city at that time, and with my own eyes I saw the soldiers without, 
and within these three sashed and girded officers of the United States army in solemn 
mockery sitting in judgment upon the qualifications of the duly elected representatives 
of the people, arraigned before them as felons deserving the felon's doom. And before 
these epauleted officials, and under flashing swords and glistening bayonets, an unarmed 
and defenseless assembly were crushed down, unable to resent the barbarous indignity, 
or to prevent the consummation of the diabolical outrage upon representative govern- 
ment, for which all this was intended. What this outrage was let the record relate. 
On page 30 of the journal of the House is found the following : 



720 APPENDIX D. 

" Headquarters Military Dist. op Georgia. 1 
" Atlanta, Ga., Jauuary 25, 1870. ) 

" General Orders, No. 10. — 

" Whereas, the board conveued by General Orders, No. 3, current series from these 
lieadquarters, consisting of Brevet Major-Geueral T. H. Ruger, colonel Eighteenth 
United States Infantry ; Brevet Brigadier-General T. J. Haines, commissioner of sub- 
sistence, and Major Henry Goodfellow, judge advocate United States army, has made 
its report in writing, by which it appears that R. A. Donaldson, of Gordon county, E. 
M. Talliaferro, of Fulton county, and J. H. Nunn, of Glascock county, members-elect of 
the House of Representatives of Georgia, are not eligible to seats therein under the 
laws of the United States, therefore, it is hereby ordered that the said R. A. Donaldson, 
E. M. Talliaferro, and J. H. Nunn be and they are hereby prohibited from taking part 
in the organization of said House, or from attempting to exercise the functions of a 
member thereof." 

[Then follows a section of the order in which General Terry graciously permits cer- 
tain elected representatives of the people to tal^e their seats. Then the order proceeds 
to prohibit Frank Wilchar, of Taylor county, from taking his seat, and then proceeds 
as follows :] 

" And, whereas, J. B. Burtz, of Mitchell county, J. A. Brinsou, of Emanuel county, A. 
T. Beuuett, of Jackson county, A. M. George, of Baker conuty, David Goff, of Randolph 
county, William J. Hudson, of Harris county, D. Johnson, of Wilcox county, Henry C. 
Kellog, of Forsyth county, J. W. Meadows, of Johnson county, J. H. Penland, of Union 
couut}% Robert C. Surrency, of Tatuall county, J. R. Smith, of Coffee county, Hiram 
Williams, of Dooly county, John C. Drake, of Upson county, J. T. Ellis, of Spalding 
county, J. M. Rouse, of Worth county, persons elected to said House, have refused, 
declined, neglected or been unable to take one of the oaths prescribed by the act of 
December 22, 1 869, although ample opportunity so to do has been given them, * * * 
it is, therefore, ordered that said persons be, and they are hereby prohibited from taking 
seats in said House, or participating in the organization of proceedings thereof. 

" By order of Brevet Major-General Terry. 

"J. H. Taylor, 
" Assistant Adjutant General. 

" Official : J. H. Taylor, A. A. G." 

And as if to make assurance doubly sure, Brevet Major-General Terry, on the same 
day, issued General Orders, No. 10, from the headquarters of the military district of 
Georgia, in which he gives to the understrapper Harris minute instructions as to the 
manner in which he shall proceed to organize the House, and again repeats the names 
of the members elect who were proscribed in General Orders, No. 9, and again orders that 
they be prohibited from taking their seats or participating in the proceedings of the 
House. This order also is in the journal of the House, and immediately follows Gen- 
eral Orders, No. 9 ; and in regular order thereafter the journal relates how these twenty 
men were denied their seats to which they had been elected, and how Bullock, with the 
approval of Terry, forced upon the House in their places twenty other men who had 
been defeated at the polls. Sir, the blood of every true man must boil at the rela- 
tion of this outrage. I almost doubt the testimony of my own eyes as I read ; but, 
nevertheless, it is true, and here is the evidence of it in the journal which I hold in my 
hand. Let the representatives of the people hear it, and I would that the world might 
hear it, that a general of the United States army drove twenty duly elected members of 



APPENDIX 1). 721 

this House from their seats at the point of the bayonet, and with the same weapon thrust 
into this House twenty other men who had no right here, thus changing forty votes ; 
and that the acts of such an illegal body, perpetrated in utter violation of law, we are 
called upon to say we are bound in honor to abide by. 

In this way the great object of the plundering crew was gained. A Legislature was 
thus secured ready to do their bidding, and hesitating at no enormity or corrujjtion longer 
than was necessary to agree upon the terms of the division of the stolen plunder. No 
law, constitutional or statutory, presented to them any barrier, and in one year, while 
the people were ground with taxation, millions of dollars were stolen from the treasury, 
and millions of bonds fraudvilently issued in the name of the State, and scattered over the 
country. Under one act passed by the body so constituted, was one which was drawn 
in Wall street and passed by the dictation of the men jvho drew it. It was in undis- 
guised violation of the constitution, and was never published with the other laws, but 
hid away for one whole year after its passage before it was brought to light, and the 
record shows that Bullock signed it two days before it passed the Legislature. Yet 
under this illegal act, while so hidden away in manuscript, over $1,800,000 were issued. 
Does not this relation answer the question whether this body so manipulated was com- 
posed of the freely chosen representatives of the people ? 

This action by General Terry was in iiagrant violation of the act of Congress under 
which he assumed to act. Section 5 of that act enacts that for any person, by force, 
violence or fraud, to prevent any person duly elected from participating in the proceed- 
ings of the Senate or House of this General Assembly, shall be a felony punishable by 
imprisonment, not less than two nor more than ten years. But what cared he for law, 
strong in his swords and bayonets "? He had but one design, and that was to exclude 
Georgians from the Legislature, and to hand over the State, bound and utterly defense- 
less, to be robbed and despoiled by the carpet bag plunderers. When a body so con- 
stituted openly violated the written constitution which all might read, who shall say that 
Georgians are bound either in law or in honor by their act ? Who entrusted them 
with the keeping of Georgia's honor ? Who authorized General Terry to appoint legis- 
lators for Georgia ? If Georgia is bound in honor or in law by the acts of General 
Terry's appointees, why are they not equally bound by the acts of General Terry ? If 
General Terry had in a general order authorized Bullock to issue bonds in the name of 
the State, would Georgia be bound in honor to pay those bonds because Bullock stamped 
them with a seal which he himself had made and denominated the seal of Georgia ? 
And if Georgians are bound in honor by the illegal acts of a body from which General 
Terry had, by the strong arm of military power, driven out twenty duly elected repre- 
sentatives of the people, and pinned with his bayonets into seats in this House twenty 
other men appointed by himself, why would not Georgia have been equally bound in 
honor by his acts if he had turned out all the Eepresentatives and marched in here with 
a regiment of his men and organized them as the Georgia Legislature, and authorized 
the issue of bonds "? And what is the difference in practical result between turning out 
the whole Legislature and turning out such a number and appointing others in their 
places as would give the plunderers a certain, overwhelming majority ? Clearly, there 
is no practical difference, and to hold Georgia bound in honor by their acts is a 
slander upon the name of honor. Georgia acknowledges no such bond of honor ! She 
acknowledges the bond of law wherever this illegal body acted within the law, and she 
testifies this by acknowledging her liability upon over two and one-half millions of 



723 APPENDIX B. 

bonds issued by them where no constitutional law was violated, even though a large 
proportion of the money arising therefrom * * * * never reached the treasury. 

But, sir, I am told that innocent parties have these bonds both in America and in 
Europe. I answer that no one was ignorant of the illegality of these bonds except by 
his own laches. They were issued in plain, palpable violation of the written funda- 
mental law, which all might read, and were void from the beginning, and the outrage per- 
petrated by General Terry upon this House, which I have related, was, by a faithful 
press, published to the world again and again. Sir, I do not arrogate to myself any 
superior knowledge of European affairs to that Europeans have of American affairs. I 
know that the Rhenish provinces of France have been wrested from her by Germany, 
and are now held and governed by the strong hand of power. If a bond of the province 
of Lorraine, signed by her German Governor, was presented to me, I would know that 
in purchasing it I but speculated upon the continuance of the German power. Her peo- 
ple could be under no bond of honor for its payment. It was known to the world that 
we had been vanquished in a terrible war, and that we were held down under the mili- 
tary heel. It was known that we were denied the control of our government, and that 
vagabonds and outcasts, sustained by bayonets, were ruling over us. It could not fail to 
be known that we were not bound in honor by their acts, and that where they plainly 
violated the fundamental law, we would acknowledge no responsibility. Sir, I cannot 
disguise the indignation which I feel that the noble people of Georgia have been brought 
to this extremity. I do not conceal from myself the fact that, however right we may be, 
the cup will be exceedingly bitter. I know that against us truth will be perverted, and 
falsehood will be asserted. I know that at us the ignorant and' the malicious will point 
the finger of scorn ; and, sir, if the people of Georgia were rich — if these millions of debt 
illegally incurred by others in their name could be paid, with the millions of interest 
which will accrue, without bringing hunger and nakedness to thousands of dwellings in 
this State, I would say to my people, although you are bound neither in law nor in 
honor, pay this debt rather than suffer these wounds to your pride. But Georgians once 
rich are now poor; on every side of us are still to be seen the blight and blast of war. 
Our houses have been burned, our fields have been devastated, and our movable property 
carried off to enrich the coffers of the victor. Saddle this unjust and illegal debt upon 
them, and every industry in the State will be paralyzed, credit will indeed be gone, and 
grim want will follow the tax gatherer to almost every door in Georgia, for a genera- 
tion to come. I care not what others may do, this great and dire calamity I will not 
bring upon the people simply to minister to pride. Satisfied that the people of Georgia 
are bound neither in law nor in honor for this debt, it is a high duty which we owe them 
to see to it that they are not burdened with it ; and, sir, if we were to be so recreant to 
our trust as to attempt to tie this millstone around the necks of the toiling men and 
women and helpless orphans of Georgia, these fathers of the State who look down upon 
us from these walls would start into life from canvas to rebuke the monstrous iniquity. 
Conscious of the correctness of our conduct, and the purity of our motives, I fear 
not for the honor of Georgia ; she has never yet been dishonored by her own sons. She 
has been dishonored by the oppressions and outrages which have been heaped upon her. 
She was dishonored when the noble Jenkins was thrust from the high place to which he 
had been called by the unanimous voice of the people, and a military officer placed in 
his seat. She was dishonored when the military tyrant drove her legal representatives 
from this hall at the point of the bayonet, and appointed others illegally to their places. 
She was dishonored when Georgia was converted into a military camp, and by the mill- 



APPENDIX D. 723 

tary power adventurers, thieves, and vagabonds were placed and supported in all the 
high places of the State, and we would be thrice dishonored if we were to acknowledge 
ourselves bound by the acts of these foreign vandals, and thereby condemn our people 
to half a century of poverty and suffering. 

And, sir, when I seek to learn of the honor of Georgia, I shall not consult those who 
have been guilty either as principals or accessories of these great crimes against her, or 
those interested in the fruits of those crimes ; but I will consult the glorious memories 
and traditions of the past, and read it in the history of Georgia's illustrious dead. Nor 
will I confide the keeping of Georgia's honor to the harpies and the vampires who plun- 
dered and preyed upon her in the day of her helpless extremity ; but I will confide it to 
Georgia's own sons and daughters, who in the past have, for the preservation of that 
honor, grandly dared and nobly suffered. And when they shall be dead, I doubt not 
but that their children, who in the lessons of the fireside will learn the story of this great 
wrong, will rise up to vindicate our action of to-day. 

[The asterisks indicate the omission of certain words which would be offensive to indi- 
viduals, and now omitted by request of Mr. Bacon.] 



INDEX. 



Abbeville, S. C, 324. 

Abbott, B. F., 650. 

Abolitionists, 122, 134, 196, 243, 357. 

Abraham, Capt., 328. 

Abrahams, A. D., 574, 600. 

Acworth, 244, 277, 306, 

Adair, Geo. W., 260, 348, 593. 

Adairsville, 183, 244. 

Adams of Massachusetts, 327. 

Adams, Ala., Cav. Brigade, 283. 

Adams, A. P., 524, 542, 543, 546, 547, 574, 576, 

585, 588, 593. 
Adams, B. F., 600. 
Adams, G. W., 383. 
Adderhold, Capt., 194. 
Address to Congress, Bullock, 408. 
Address to People, 455, 367, 375, Gov. Jenkins. 
Address to the People, 226, 210, 121, 166, 1860, 

1861. 
Adjournment, Bullock's Legislature, 441. 
Adjuster, ship, 173, 176, 177. 
Adjutant General, 1860, 131, 175, Ofiace created, 

243. 
Adjutant Gen., C. S., 241, 294. 
Adkins, J., 375, 396, 410, 411. 
Admission of Foster Blodgett, 428. 
Advance and Retreat, Hood's, 493. 
Advertiser, Boston, 560. 
African Slave Trade, 115. 
Age, Philadelphia, 435. 
Aggression and Resistance, 152. 
Agricultural College, 395, 503, Dahlonega. 
Agricultural Department, 504, 546, 550, 642-3. 
Agricultural Resources of Ga., 642-3, 654. 
Agricultural State Society, 131, 4i6, 516, 696. 
Aid, State, 70, 361, 412, 444, 447, 459, 529, 540. 
Air Line Railroad, 632. 
Akerman, A. T., 375, 376, 406, 426, 439, 440, 502, 

505, 506. 
Akin, T. W., 574, 580, 585. 
Akin, Warren, 95, Nominated for Grovernor ; 

128, 212, 219, 220, 262, 375, 383, 398, 415, 426, 501, 

503. 
Alford, 43. 

Aired, L. J., 27, 89, 110, 319, 465, 467. 
Alabama, 271, 72, 74, 103, 115, 122, 123, 147. 



Alabama, 148, 157, 152, 171, 181, 182, 206, 

272, 292, 306, 323, 361. 
Alabama Spirit of the South, 148. 
Alabama St., Atlanta, 307. 
Alabama, Adams, Cav. Brig., 283. 
Alabama & Chat. R. R., 495. 
Albany Circuit Created, 414. 
Albany, Ga., 184. 
Albany Jf^ews and Advertiser, 616, 
Albany, N. Y., 172, 462. 
Albany, Patriot, 79. 
Albion, N. Y., 462. 
Alexander, Gen. E. P., 637. 
Alexander, Felix R., 326. 
Alexander, J., 183. 
Alexander, J. D., 616, 623. 
Alexander, Dr. James F., 364, 391. 
Alexander, J. R., 406, 568. 
Alexander, P. W., 612, 73, 74, 94, 95, 

358, 373, 374, 383, 466, 467, 468, 493, 674, 

587, 588, 609. 
Alexander, T. "W., 97. 
Alexander, W. F., 329. 
Allapaha Circuit Created, 444. 
Allatoona Pass, 276. 
Allegiance, Oath of, 340. 
Allen, A. A., Judge, 76. 
Allen, J.V. H.,574. 
Alston, R. A., 373, 453, 532, 533, 589. 
Altercations, Brown's, 201. 
Amendment, Bingham, 434, 435. 
Amendments, Constitutional, 139, 362, 

402, 454. 
American Empire Extension, 81-83; 

Jackson. 
American Atlanta, 93. 
American newspaper, 391. 
American Party, 40, 43, 93. 
American State Convention, 89. • 
Americus Recorder, 622. 
Amnesty, Proclamation, 304, 340, 341, 

349. 
Anffisthesia, 652. 
Anders, H. C, 324. 
Anderson, Clifford, 97, 262 ; legislature 

119, 453, 468, 518, 574, 577, 579, 581, 584, 
Anderson, Col. C. D., 284. 
Anderson, G. T., 215. 



252, 267, 



150, 290, 
579, 684, 



385, 390, 
H. K., 



345, 346, 



of 1859, 
585, 601. 



718 



INDEX. 



Anderson, E. C, 43 217, 347. 

Anderson, Col. E. C. Jr., 263. 

Anderson, Geo. W., 72, 26T, 313. 

Anderson, Jeff., 257. 

Anderson, J. H., 621. 

Anderson, John W., 130. 

Anderson, L. F., 542. 

Anderson, Major, 196. 

Anderson, Eobt. H., 183, 263. 

Anderson, Capt. R. S , 298. 

Anderson, Capt. Whit, 291, 

Anderson, \V. D., 395, 411, 465, 496. 

Anderson, \V. J., 430, 43. 

Anderson, W. M., 574. 

Anderson ville Prison, 269. 

Andrews, Bishop, 137. 

Andrews, Garnett, 26, 131, 406, 625. 

Andrews, L. F. W., 119. 

Andrews, Capt. M. H., 299. 

Andrews, Spy, 243, 244, 245. 

Anecdotes, 29, 36, 45, 52, 55, 71, 243. 

Angier, N. L., 375, 376, 378, 400, 412,413,414, 417, 

418, 422, 436, 448, 458, 459, 499, 508, 532, 549. 
Annual Sessions Legislature, 70. 
Anti-Secession, 320. 
Appeal, Memphis, 270. 
Appendix B., 238. 
Appendix C, 242. 
Appling Co., on Brown, 89. 
Appointment of Brown, 599. 
Appomattox Court House, 323. 
Appropriation, 214, 216, 221. 
Archer, M. R., 519. 
-Argus, Bainbridge, 79. 
Arlcansas, 115, 123, 162, 165, 267. 
A.rlington Advance, 622. 
Armistice, 324. 
Armory, State, 248. 
Arms, 235, 248, 281. 
Arms for State, 129, 217, 235. 
Armstrong, 78, 116. 
Army Colportage, 2GC. 
Army of Tennessee, 241. 
Army of Virginia, 323. 
Army Vote on Brown, 261. 
Arnold, C. W., 519. 
Arnold, Dr. R. D., 321, 390. 
Arnold, Reuben, 554. 
Arnow, J. M., 496. 
Arp, Bill, 19, 623, 624. 
Arrests, 327, 345, 346, 386. 
Arsenal, Augusta, 161, 162. 
Arthur T. S., 625. 
Artificial Limbs, 356. 
Artillery, Chatham, 146, 230. 
Artillery, \Vashington, 164. 
Ashburn, G. W., 376, 386, 387, 388, 651. 
Ashton, J. D., 110, 111, 593. 



Association, Ladies' Memorial, 361, 503, 504. 

Athens, 372, 503. 

Athens Banner, 79, 611, 612. 

Athens, Watchman, 79, 93, 619. 

Atkins, James, 468. 

Atkinson, A. S., 98, 108, 110, 111. 

Atkinson, E. S., 650. 

Atkinson, H. M., 435. 

Atkinson, R. H., 460. 

Atkinson, Col. W. H., 247. 

Atlanta, 128, 129, 144, 152, 183, 184, 245, 260, 266, 
269, 279, 300, 505, 201, 206, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 
286, 287, 289, 291, 292, 305, 306, 307, 314, 326, 337, 
347, 366, 386, 387, 398, 414, 412, 413, Proposition 
for Capitol; 414, 445,452, 457, 461, 494,504, 516, 
517, 530, 532, 554, 562, 572, 590. 

Atlanta Banks, 132. 

Atlanta City Bonds, 445. 

Atlanta Commonwealth, 243. 

Atlanta Confederacy, 125, 271. 

Atlanta Gate City Guards, 194. 

Atlanta Gazette, 242, 260. 

Atlanta Intelligencer, 53, 79, 155, 209, 214, 217, 
243, 270, 314, 395. 

Atlanta Mass Meeting, 1856, 43. 

Atlanta Post Office, 401. 

Atlanta Rolling Mill, 541. 

Atlanta & West Point R. R., 456, 633. 

Atlantic Ocean, 306. 

Atlantic & Great Western Canal, 458. 

Atlantic & Gulf R. R., 555. 

Attorney General C. S., 235. 

Attorney Generals, 97, 262, 424, 492, 510, 530, 538. 

Auditor, Second, C. S., 267. 

Augusta, 209, 259, 292, 312, 325, 326, 337, 346, 372, 
590, 644. 

Augusta Arsenal, 161, 162. 

Augusta Banks, 132, 168. 

Augusta Battalion, 162. 

Augusta Chronicle, 40, 66, 78, 220, 271, 272, 415, 
422, 431, 453, 496, 516, .520, 590. 

Augusta Circuit Created, 444. 

Augusta Constitutionalist, 79, 110, 125, 164, 179, 
228, 259, 453, 569. 

Augusta Democrat, 148. 

Augusta Despatch, 142. 

Augusta Light Infantry, 194, 

Augusta Neu's, 521, 569, 614. 

Aunt Celia, 310, 311. 

Austell, Alfred, 33, 206, 477, 482, 490. 

Avery, I. W., 215, Captain Dragoons; 246, Col. 
4th Ga. Cav.; 275, Tanners Ferry Fight; 277, 
Wounded New Hope Church; 375, 374, 314, 
366, 373, Dem. Convention; 497, 402, 421, Ed. 
Constitution ; 425, Circular Letter; 501, 503, 
531, 601, 614, 615. 

Awtry, A. P., 542. 

Awtry, Mrs. S. A., 184. 



719 



B. 

B., Appendix, 238. 

Back Pay> 591. 

Bacon, A. O., 390, 391, 453, 495, 496, 606, 592, 523, 

524, 541, 542, 568, 579, 591. 
Bacon, Maj. R. A., 555. 
Bailey, David J., 17, 45, 46, 72, 150, 215. 
Bainbridge, Argus, 79. 
Bainbridge, Guthbert & Columbus K. E., 447, 

495, 496, 497. 
Bainbridge Democrat, 620. 
Bainbridge, Southern Georgian, 79, 93. 
Bainbridge Volunteers, 194, 195. 
Baird, Col. John B., 601. 
Baker, Co., 80. 
Baker, Fire Eaters, 205. 
Baker, Rep., 506. 

Balance to a quarter of a cent, 65. 
Baldwin, Co., 96, 149, 165. 
Baldwin, Gov., 140. 
Ball, James M., 291. 
Ballenger, M., 395, 465. 
Baltimoi-e Convention, 1860, 114, 116, 117, 118, 

119, 120, 121, 122, 501, 502. 
Baltimore & Ohio R. R., 638. 
Bank, Columbus Cases, 356. 
Banks County, Created, 80. 
Bank Convention, 206. 
Bank, Fourth National, 448. 
Bank, Fulton of Brooklyn, 448. 
Bank, Georgia National, 446. 
Bank Suit, 77. 
Bank Suspension 1857, 49, 78, 131, 132, 169, 214, 

221. 
Bank Reforms, 79, 169. 

Banks in 1860, 1861, 168, 198, 227, 267, 315, 330. 
Banks, Battle of, 50, 58, 60, 78, 132, 141. 
Banks, Gen. N. P., 503. 
Banner, Athens, 79, 611, 612. 
Banner, Newnan, 79. 
Banner Sunday, 602-3. 
Baptists on State Road, 81, 266. 
Bard, Samuel, 400, 401, 417. 
Barber, Jas. "W., 386. 
Barber, S. L., 251. 
"Bargain," 558-9, 560-1. 
Barrett, Thomas, 73. 
Barrick, J. R., 627. 
Barkaloo, Col. "W. K., 248. 
Barnes, George T., 33, 129, 212, 251, 351,453, 568, 

579. 
Barnes, V. M., 519. 
Barnes & Moore, 617. 
Barnesville Gazette, 620. 
Barnett, Col. N. C, 381, 353, 507, 627, 550, 685, 

601. 
Barnett, Sam., 355, 653, 554, 555, 609, 639. 



Barnett, Town, 327. 

Barrow, D. C, 108, 111, 115. 

Barrow, Pope, 529, 606. 

Bartlett, C, 600. 

Bartlett, Geo. T., 98. 

Bartow Co., 184, 372, 631. 

Bartow, Francis S.,41, Know Nothing Leader ; 
45, 46, for Congress ; 72, 127, Speech in Savan- 
nah ; 128, 130, 131, 144, 146, 150, 152, 154, 164, 
184, 198, 199 ; 200, 204, 206, Killed at Manassas, 
254, 653. 

Basinger, W. S., 532, 606. 

Bass, N., 206, 121, 126. 

Battalion, Augusta, 162. 

Battery, Girardey's, Ga., 247. 

Battle of the Banks, 50, 68, 60, 78, 132^ 141. 

Battle between Bullock and Angler, 418, 448. 

Battle Flags, 263, 274. 

Battle Order, Cassville, 276. 

Battles, 282, Buckhead road. 

Battles, 282, Atlanta; 283, Resaca ; 283, Ken- 
nesawlnt.; 283, Atlanta; 325, "Wilderness. 

Baugh, Robert, 532. 

Baxter, Eli H., 18, 40, 131. 

Baxter, Hon. John, 245. 

Bayard Senator, U. S., 422, 565. 

Bayonet Rule, 335, 343, 345, 131, 144, 146, 150. 

Beal, J. W., 184. 

Beall, Miss P., 205. 

Beall vs. Robinson, 77. 

Beauregard, Gen., 244, 247, 256, 292, 312. 

Beech & Root, 284. 

Beck, of Ky., 423, 436. 

Beck, E. W., 33, 34, 511. 

Bedell, C. C, 386. 

Bedell, W. A., 387. 

Bel'gian, Am. Company, 216. 

Bell, B. F., 619. 

Bell, H. P., 127, 150, 165, 166, 212, 262, 390, 502, 
513, 533. 

Bell, Hon. John, 127, 120, 125, for President, 128 
129, 135. 

Bell, Madison, 375, 376, 400, 468. 

Bell, Rep., 436. 

Beef Selling Ineligibility, 431. 

Bellton, Georgian, 622. 

Bennett, A. T., 431. 

Bennett, L, S., 340. 

Beuning, Henry L., 76, 77, 101, 108, 115, 116, 122, 
125, 131, 150, 154, 164, 215, 224, 265, 341, 356, 387, 
467, 497, 498, 501, 502^, 603. 

Bentley, M. H., 376. 

Berrien, J. McP., 41. 

Bethune, J. N., 35, 72, 79, 80, 96, 222. 

Bethune, Gen. M., 348, 405, 436. 

Betts Arrested, 345, 346, 

Berrien Co. News, 621. 

Bibb, County, 66. 



720 



INDEX. 



Biennial Session Legislature, 70, 530. 

Big, Shanty, 244, 306. 

Bigby, Mrs. M. C, 628. 

Bigby, J. S., 376, 379, 406, 454, 468, 502. 

Bigham, B. H., 52, 70, 119, 213, 262. 

Bigler, U. S. Senate, 130, 

Bill Arp, 19, 623, 624. 

Billups, John, 73, 212. 

Billups, J. A., 41, 52, 53, 513, 579. 

Binding Wheat, 37, Brown when Xominated. 

Bingham in Congress, 410, 434, 43 o. 

Black Code, 355. 

Blacl£ Craze, 344. 

Black Enfranchisement, 340, 376. 

Black, George R., 348, 349. 

Black, Geo. S., 251. 

Black, Hon. Jerry, 328, 366. 

Black, J. C. C, 524, 579, 685, 593. 

Black, John, 69, 

Black Problem, 355-361. 

Black, Gen. R., 606. 

Black Republican Party, 99, 103, 112, 118, 120. 
123, 127, 129, 130, 131, 139, 140. 

Blackburn, Dr. J. C. C, 79, 80, 86, 90. 

Blackshear, E. J., 72. 

Blackshear News, 622. 

Blade, Atlanta, 623. 

Blaine, Senator, U. S., 565. 

Blance, J. A., 348, 372, 496. 

Blanford, M. H., 262, 467, 579, 593. 

Blankets, 282. 

Bleckley, Logan E., 22, 85, 89; opinion of Loch- 
ran, 355, 399, 400, 488, 522, Supreme Court, 523. 

Blockade Cotton, 350. 

Blockade running, 217, 263. 

Blodgett, Foster, 93, 372, 375, 376, 383, 398, 412, 
414, 416, 420, 428, 432, 433, 448, 449, 450, 451, 458, 
467, 468, 476, 494. 

Bloody Shirt, 465, 566. 

Blount, J. H., 348, 373, 420, 502, 511,520, 579,581, 
606. 

Blount, Miss A. R., 628. 

Blue Ridge Circuit, 27. 

Board, Military, Terry, 430, 431, 434. 

Boats for Georgia, 190. 

Boggess, A. J., 73. 

Bombardment of Atlanta, 284. 

Bond Compromise, 496-9. 

Bonds of Atlanta, 461. 

Bonds, Confederate, 206. 

Bonds, Railroad, 447, 495, 496, 540, 594. 

Bonds, State, 226, 227, 348, 360, 445, 446, 447, 448, 
467, 494, 475, 496 9, 510, 511, 525, 529, 534, 591. 

Bonnell, J. M., 629. 

Bonnet Secession, 149. 

Boston Advertiser, 560. 

Boston, John, 147, 176, 181. 

Boston Post, 4C1. 



Boughton, S. M., 73, 79, 80. 

Boutwell, U. S. Sen., 330, 499. 

Bower, E. C , 541, 549. 

Boyce, Rev. Dr., 266. 

Boyd, W., 529, 73, 212, 248, 348. 

Boyd, W. W., 215. 

Boynton, J. S., 453, 503, 585, 606. 

Bozeman, Dr. Jas. F., 509. 

Bozeman, C. M., 574, 600. 

Bradley, A. A., 376, 382,396, 400, 417. 

Bragg, Gen., 246, 265, 269, 295, 324. 

Branch, T. P., 497, 498. 

Branhani, Dr. J., 120. 

Branson, J. C, 607. 

Brantley, Rep., 506. 

Brantley, Rev. Dr. Wm. T., 399. 

Braswell, S. D., 585. 

Bray, W. M., 593. 

Brazil, 362. 

Bread, 252. 

Breckenridge, J. C, Gen., 123, 125, 126, 127, 129, 
131, 135, 324, 325, 326, 328, 330. 

Brent, Robert J., 366. 

Brewster, C. W., 569. 

Bribery, 133. 

Bribery, Bullock, Committee, 436. 

Brigade, Doles, 263. 

Brigade, Toombs, 265. 

Brigade, Thomas, 299. 

Brigham, K., 340 

Brinson, J. A., 431. 

Briscoe, L. H., 52, 70, 98, 108, 110, 111, 115, 120, 
212. 

British Consul, 265. 

British Province, 294. 

British Subjects, 177, 265. 

Broadus, Dr., 266. 

Brooklyn, 536. 

Brooks County Created, 89. 

BrooKS, Lt. A. G., 299. 

Brown, Col. John T., 550. 

Brown & Derby, 627. 

Brown and McDonald, 621. 

Brown, B. Gratz, 503. 

Brown, Col. Jack, 248. 

Brown, Dr. B. B., 66. 

Brown, D. P., 87. 

Brown, Gov. John C, 505. 

Brown, Jas. R., 464, 465, 521, 529, 607. 

Brown, Joseph E., 5, as a Leader ; 7, Compared 
with Toombs ; 7 to 16, Early Life ; 16, Runs 
for Senate ; 21, as Senator ; 26, Anti Know- 
Nothing ; 28, 29, 30, as a Judge ; 35, 38 ; 39, 
Who is Joe Brown ; 41, Speech at Canton ; 
42, Calico Bed Quilt ; 44, 45, Discussion with 
Hill ; 46, Elected Governor ; 47, Lesson of 
Brown's Election ; 48, Brown and Johnson ; 
48, 49, Brown's Appearance; 54, Opinion of 



INDEX. 



721 



Toombs, 1849 ; 58, Brown and Toombs ; 60, in 
the Bank Fight ; 61, Veto Message on Banlcs ; 
62, Era of Change ; 71, J. W. Lewis, State Kd. 
Supt.; 72, Waste Iron State Road; 78, Ap- 
points H. G. Dana, Judge ; 78, Bank If eforms ; 
80, State Road ; 81, Executive Proclamation ; 
S5, Impression on State ; 87, Milledgeville 
Tribute ; 91, 92, Speech of Acceptance ; 96, 
Ee-elected Gov.; 98, His First Administra- 
tion ; 99, Second Inaugural ; 101, Veto Power ; 
116, 118, Letter on Charleston ; 123, His Ad- 
ministration ; 125, Stand to Arms ; 129, Mes- 
sage ; 131, 131, 132, Banks ;' 142, 134, A^ews on 
the Crisis ; 147, 143, 145, 146, Seizure Fort 
Pulaski ; 148, 151, Compliment to him ; 164, 
161, 163, Augusta Arsenal ; 168, 170, Fine Ad- 
ministration ; 171, 172, 173, Reprisal on New 
York ; 177, 178, 179, 186, 187, 189 ; 192, Liberal- 
ity ; 192, 193, 194, For 3rd. term Gov.; 195, 
Review and Speech ; 197, 198, 199, 200 ; 201, 202, 
Salt Famine ; 204, 206, 207, 208 ; 210, Address 
to People; 213, 214, 216, 218, 221, 222; 225, 
Brown's Fight on Confederate Legislation, 
was it Eight ? ; 226, 231"; 233, Tender Cabinet 
Place ; 234, 335, 238, Brown and Davis ; 239, 
248, 250, Farewell Order ; 252, 253, Beautiful 
Incident ; 265, Brown, Hill and Davis ; 256, 
Calls out Militia Officers ; 2^7, 259; 261, 202, 
Foreign Press Comment ; 263, 265, 266, 270, 
272, 273, 281, 282, 286 ; 287-9, Brown and Sed- 
don ; 289, Grady's Tribute ; 289, 290, 291, 
DeFontaine's Letter ; 292, Visit from Beaure- 
gard ; 301, 302, 303, 305, 307, 309, 310, 313 ; 317, 
318, Message in 1865 ; 319, 320, 322, 332 ; arrest, 
336, 337, 338, in Reconstruction ; 339, not Al- 
lowed as Governor ; 339, Resignation as Gover- 
nor ; 355, 340, 342, 346, 347, Position after the 
War ; 350, 351, State Cotton ; 358, 359, 360, 
361, 363; 366, 364, 365, Famous Reconstruc- 
tion letter ; 367, 368, Brown and Jenkins ; 371, 
369, 370, Brown and Hill ; 375* 377,382, 384, .385, 
386,387, 388, 390,392; 397,398, Defeat for Senate ; 
399, 400, the Martin Slander ; 401,402, 403, 406; 
406, Appointed Chief Justice ; 413, 417, 424, 
Letter against Bullock ; 425, 439, 440, 441 ; 
454, Eulogy on Cobb ; 455, 456, as a Judge ; 
456, President Lease Co.; 457, 464; 468, 475, 
at Gov. Smith's Inaugural ; 476, State Road 
Lease Triumph ; 476-492, Duel with Gen. 
Toombs ; 497, 498, Opinion on Bond Question ; 
602 ; 520, His Influence ; .^^21, 522, in Florida ; 
526, 539, 541, 551, 555 ; 599, 570, 558, 568, Ap- 
pointed U. S. Senator; 561, .563, before Peo- 
ple for Senator ; 564-7, Service in the Senate ; 
572, 592, 599, 600, 602; 603-5, Senatorial Ca- 
reer ; 6.37, 646. 

Brown, Joseph, 8. 

Brown, Julius Ij , .312. 
46 



Brown, Lt. Col. John M., 283. 

Brown, Macon Infantry, 194. 

Brown, Mackey, 8. 

Brown, Mrs. Joe, 192. 

Brown, Old John, 106. 

Brown, \V. M., Gen., 72, 154, 373, 426, 453, 609, 
626. 

Brown, Walter R , 574, 577, 583, 587. 

Broyles, C. N., 84, 108. 

Brunswick, 190. 

Brunswick Advertiser, 621. 

Brunswick & Albany R. R., 447, 456, 457, 459, 
495, 496, 497, 499, 634. 

Brunswick Harbor, 564. 

Bryan, Capt. H., 205. 

Bryan, Goode, 150. 

Bryan, G. W., 465. 

Bryan, Mrs. M. E., 610, 617, 629. 

Brumby, A. V., 215. 

Bryant, J. E., 375, 376, 396, 398, 406, 427, 429, 432, 
433. 

Buchanan, Hugh, 33, 36, 52, 53, 73, 126, 351, 468, 
529, 531, 606 

Buchanan, President, 38, 41, 42, 43,45, 90, 58, 91, 
104, 106, 107, 108, 109, 119, 143, 182, 554, 557. 

Buckhead Road, 282. 

Bufford, Col. A. S., 632, 036. 

Bull, O. A., Judge, 76. 

Bull, Miss A., 205. 

Bull, Miss S., 205. 

Bulletin, Rome, 616. 

Bullion Gold, 326, 329. 

Bullock, Rufus B., 375, 376,383, 384, 396, 397, In- 
augurated ; 399, ihakes Brown Chief Justice ; 
400, 402, 404, 406, 408, 410, 411, 412, 414, 415, 417, 
418 ; 419, Now and Then ; 422, 420, 421, A Fugi- 
tive ; 422, 423, Prodigality; 424, 425, 427, 430, 431, 
432, 535, 436, 437, 438, 439, 440, 445, 447, 448 ; 
450, Indicted ; 451, 45i, 454 ; 457, 459, His Ad- 
ministration Tottering ; 460, Resignation and 
Flight ; 461, 462, About Resignation ; 462, 
463, Arrest and Acquittal, His Administra- 
tion, 464, 466, 468, 472, 475, 480, 488, 494, 530, 531, 
532, 498, 508, 510, 525. 

Bunn, M. H., 465 

Bureau of Immigration, 415, 416. 

Burke County, 306, 571. 

Burke, J. B., 431. 

Burke, John W., 353, 613, 617. 

Burnett, G. P., 376. 

Burney, J. W., 73, 111, 115, 184. 

Burney, S. W., 107, 121. 

Bvirning of Atlanta, 307. 

Burns, J, A., 459. 

Burns, John T., 379, 395, 468, 381, 353. 

Burnside, Gen., 226, 246. 

Burr, Augustus P , 385. 

Burton, Gov. of Delaware, 105. 



723 



INDEX, 



Bush, Arbor Meeting, 391, 392. 

Bussey, Cyrus, 650. 

Bussey, H., 600. 

Butler, Ben., 409, 410, 415, 436. 

Butler, David E., 357, 355, 373, 374, 416, 579, 593 

Butler, Ga., 591. 

Butler Herald, 621. 

Butler, J., 626. 

Butt, Mrs. R. F,, 184. 

Butt, W. M., 395, 550. 

Butt, Wm. B., C06. 

Butts County on Brown, 88. 

Byrd, P.M., 156.- 

Byrd, S. M. H., 606. ^ 

c. 

C, Appendix, 242. 

Ca Ira, 520 

Cabaniss, E. G., 250, 41, 76, 78, 212, 219, 220, 251, 

260, 348, 351, 383. 
Cabaniss, G. A., 574. 
Cabaniss, H. A., 619. 
Cabaniss, T. B., 351, 541, 542, 549. 
Cabbage, 310, 311. 
Cabinet of Mr. Davis, 233, 236. 
Cabinet, Lincoln's, 304. 
Cadets, 311. 

Cain, J. G., 110, 244, 496. 
Cake Incident, 147. 
Caldwell, J. H., 427, 433. 
Calhoun, 244, 275. 
Calhoun Times, 620. 
Calhoun, A. P., 74. 
Calhoun Academy, 10, 11. • 
Calhoun Georgia Platform, 79. 
Calhoun, J. M., 93, 260, 291. 
Calhoun, John A., 43. 
Calhoun, John C, 236. 
Calhoun, W. P., 496. 
Callaway, S. P., 621. 
Caldwell, D. E., 616. 
Calico Bed Quilt, 42, and Brown. 
California, 1860, 114, 123. 
Callender, W. H. D., 175. 
Camden County, 249, 251, 254. 
Camilla Despatch, 622. 
Camilla Riot, 404, 405. 
Camp, Capt., 194. 
Camp McDonald, 206. 
Camp Oglethorpe, 195. 
Camp Wesley, 67. 
Campaign, Georgia, 274, 313. 
Campbell, Capt. Given, 324. 
Campbell County, 28, 67, 88, 550. 
Campbell, D. C, 87, 91, 107, 108, 165. 
Campbell, -T. Buleau, 219, 400. 
Campbell, Judge, 305, 322. 
Campbell, Tunis, 376, 396, 428. 



Campbell, "Wm., 245. 

Campbellite Baptists, 81. 

Canal Atlantic & Gt. Western, 458, 505. 

Candler, A. D., 467, 524, 528, 541, 542, 546, 547. 

Candler, Milton A., 89, 212, 213, 251, 310, 347, 

349, 373, 394, 401, 412, 481, 511, 520, 579, 688, 

593. 
Candler, S. C , 111, 115, 121. 
Cannon, 281. 
Cannon, H. H., 209. 
Cannon, R. A., 546. 
Canton, 11, 14, 37, 41. 
Canton Advance, 622. 
Capers, F, W. Gen., 216, 227. 
Capitol Building, 412, 413, 530, 607. 
Cards, Cotton, 251, 282. 
Carlton, Dr. H. H., 611, 593, 496, 524, 526, 574, 

577, 578, 583, 584, 486, 587, 588. 
Carlton, L. D., 251. 
Carmichael, J., 88. 
Carnesville Register, 621. 
Carolinas, 74, 151. 
Carpenter. Senator U. S , 434, 435. 
Carpenter, W. H., 625. 
Carpet Bagger, 365, 366. 
Carroll County, 66. 
Carroll County Times, 620. 
Carroll Prison, 338. 
Carson, A. A., 574. 
Carswell, N. A., 150. 
Carter, W. C, 607. 
Carter Wm., 231. 
Carswell, R. W., 262, 284, 607. 
Cartersville, 183, 184. 
Cartersville Express, 79, 619. 
Cartersville Free Prtss, 622. 
Cartersville & Van Wert R. R., 447, 495, 496, 497. 
Casey, H. R., 600, 514, 111, 150, 285, 351, 502, 603, 

529, 541. 
Casey, J. R., 574. 
Casey, Judge, Jos., 330. 
Cass Co., on Brown, 89, 96, 149, 184. 
Cassville, 276. 
Cassville Standard, 79. 
Castlen, Mrs. E. B , 628. 
Catechism Circuit, 597. 
Catholics on State Road, 81. 
Catoosa Courier 620. 
Catoosa Springs, 245. 
Cats, Miller Wild, 205. 
Cattle in Georgia, 644. 
Caucus, 468, 572, 576, 582. 
Cavalry, 191, 199, 246, 263, 282, 283, 284, 285, 311, 

324. 
Cavalry, First Ga., 246 
Cedartown Advertiser, 622. 
Celia, Aunt, 310.311. 
Census 1870, 409, 565. 



INDEX. 



733 



Central Bank, 78. 

Central Confederacy, 165. 

Central Railroad Co., 149, 311, 360, 456, 632, 633. 

Chambers, F., 519. 

Chamberlin, E. P., 650. 

Chambers Kep., 550. 

Chancellorsville Battle, 264. 

Chantilly Battle, 294. 

Chapman, 385. 

Change, Era of, 47. 

Chappell, A. H., 72, 73, 120, 121, 125, 127, 250, 

348, 358, 375, 383. 6^5. 
Charlton, W. G., 593. 
Charleston, 144, 221, 288, 289, 292, 322. 
Charleston Convention 18G0, 114, 115, 116, 118, 

120, 123. 
Charleston Courier, 174. 
Charleston Mercury, 270. 
Charlotte, N. C, 276. 
Chastain, E. W., 33, 36, 89, 90, 154, 183, 206, 220, 

221, 228. 
Chatauqua, 536. 
Chatham Artillery, 146, 230. 
. Chatham Co., 89, 149, 165, 315, 381, 403, 581. 
Chattahoochee Co., 574. 
Chattahoochee river, 278, 282, 286. 
Chattanooga, 183, 244, 269. 
Cheap Coal, 416. 
Cherokee Circuit, 81, 125. 
Cherokee County, 11, 16, 28, 42, 67, 88, 315, 96, 

253, 347. 
Cherokee Cow Driver, 88. 
Cherokee R. R., 447, 495, 496, 497. 
Chicago Convention, 385. 
Chicago Platform, 425. 
Chicago Times, 344, 435, 560. 
Chicago Tribune, 435, 560. 
Chichester, T. W., 360. 
Chickamauga, 258, 264, 296, 504. 
Chief Justice, 523, 457, 399, 406, 456, 647. 
Chief of State Ordinance, 228. 
Children, Indigent, 252. 
Chilton, R. H., 416. 
China, Mr., "Ward, Minister, 51, 80. 
Chipley, W. D., 386. 
Chisholm, W. S., 555. 
Chittenden, N. Y., 510. 
Christy, John H., 347, 351, 358, 503. 
Christian, H. H., 377. 
Christian Index, 610, 617, 627. 
Christianburg, Ohio, 245. 
Christmas Gift to Lincoln, 321. 
Chronicle, Augusta, 40, 66. 79, 119, 220, 271, 272, 

415, 422, 431, 453, 496, 516, 520, 524, 591. 
Chronicle and Constitutionalisf, Augusta, 524, 

569, 590, 599, 6!0. 
Choice Pardon Case, 141. 
Cincinnati, 370. 



Cincinnati Platform 1856, 90, 114, 116, 118, 120, 

502. 
Cincinnati Southern R. R., 634, 635. 
Citizenship, 357. 
Citizen American, 82. 
Citizens' Bank, 541. 
City Columbus Light Guard, 197. 
City Council of Atlanta, 414, 445. 
City Property in 1860, 168, 169. 
Civil Rights Measure, 358. 
Claghorn, Capt., 146, 285. 
Claims Collected, 533. 
Claims, Georgia, 391. 
Clark, Capt. and Lt Col., 194, 195. 
Clark, Dr. P. Y., 340. 
Clark, Gov., 282. 
Clark, Gov. of Texas, 435. 
Clarke, Judge John T., 381, 390, 453, 467, 541, 542, 

549. 
Clark, R. H., 21, 33, 36, 38, 72, 84, 150, 356, 426, 

431. 
Clark, W. L., 450. 
Clark, W. W., 222, C. S. Congress. 
Clark and Troup Campaign, 555. 
Clarke, E. Y., 497, 614, 626. 
Clarke, Judge James M., 88, 110,115; Lively 

Speech, 406, 531. 
Clayton, Philip, 224. 
Clayton, W. W., 19. 
Clayton, Wm. W., 449. 
Cleburne, Gen. Pat., 298. 
Clement, J. C, 496, 513, 541, 542, 606. 
Clerk Legislative System, 100. 
Cleveland Advertiser, 622 
Cleveland, Henry, 110, 111, 115, 163, 228, 229, 

626. 
Clews, Henry, 448, 457, 510. 
Clift, J. W., 362, 414. 
Clift, W. L., 376. 
Clinch Co., 67, 574. 
Clinch, Maj. D., L 247. 
Clipper, Warrenton, 417. 
Clisby, Jos., 79, 80, 256, 610, 613. 
Clothing for Soldiers, 207, 281, 251, 263, 295. 
Glower, G. H., 402 
Club, Georgia Union, 340. 
Coal, Cheap, 416. 
Coal for State, 534. 
Coast Defense, 321, 218, 206, 216, 217, 227, 231, 

248. 
Cobb County, 16, 28, 88, 149, 206. 
Cobb, Howell, 24, Elected Governor; 26, 35, 39, 

58, Description ; 78, 108, 109, 110, 111, 116, 118, 

119, 120, 121, 128, 129, 137. 138, 143, 144, 151, 

152, 164, 181, 206, 215, 224, 225, 226, 241, 249, 

250, 257, 263, 272, 28.3, 284, 306, 307, 314, 318, 

337, 391. 392, 454, 557, 653. 
Cobb, J. A., 395. 



724 



Cobb, John A., 574. 

Cobb, Thos. R. R., 206, 150, 8i, 131 ; Character, 
151, 151, 161, 181, 215, 224, 225, 226, 249, 250, 
254, 466, 625, 653 

Cochran, A. E., Judge, 76, 121, 212, 219, 250, 251. 

Cochran Enterprise, 622. 

Cochran, Dr. R. J., 66. 

Cochrane, Hon. John, 175. 

Code Duel, 476, 492. 

Code of Georgia, 81, 355, 607. 

Coffee Co. Gazette, 621. 

Coffin Regiment, 205. 

Cohen, P. L , 574, 588. 

Cohen, Solomon, 110, 115, 120, 206, 347, 351. 

Cold Harbor Battle, 274. 

Cole,C. B., 406. 

Cole, Col. E. W., 634, C36, 637. 

Cole, H.G., 375. 

Cole, Judge C. B., 347. 

Coleworts, 310. 

Colfax, Senator U. S., 409. 

Colley, F. H., 524, 542, 546, 574. 

Collamer, U. S. Senate, 139. 

Collier, J. J. ,430. 431. 

Collier, John, 529, 481, 459, 364, 431, 453. 

Collins, J. T., 519. 

Collins, Robert. 116. 

Colonial Flag Raised, 154, 

Color Free Persons of, 168. 

Columbus, 590, 561, 389, 386, 361, 345, 341, 327, 
297, 242, 45, 197. 

Columbus Bank Cases, 356. 

Columbus City Light Guards, 197. 

Columbus Corner Stone, 79. 

Columbus Enquirer, 79, 93, 569. 

Columbus Guards, 201. 

Columbus Prisoners, 386, 543. 

Columbia, So. Ca , 322. 

Columbus South Guards, 194. 

Columbus Sun, 210. 

Columbus Times, 242, 33, 73, 79, 86, 109, 384. 

Colportage Army, 266. 

Colquitt, Alfred H., 17 ; Legislature 1849, 20 ; 
Opinion of Brown, 25 ; Elected to Congress, 
32, 35 ; For Governor, 36 ; Close hit for Gov- 
ernor, 72, 80, 126, 128, 131, 150, 154, 199, 205, 
215, 224, 260, 313, 383, 386, 390, 4.52, 453, 468, 
493, 601, 504, 510, 515, 516, For Governor ; 517, 
518, His Character ; 519, Elected Governor; 
523, 521, 525, 526, Firiancial Message; 535, 533, 
5.30, 532, Financial Administration; 53G, 537, 
538, 539, 540, 541, 513, 514, 551, 552, A Hard 
Ordeal; .558, 564, 5.55, Campaign of 1880; 501, 
662, 563; 564, .567, As a political Manager; 571, 
669, 670, Campaign Organized; 575, 570, 577, 
686, .587; 587, 588. 5S9, Accepts Recommenda- 
tion; 690, 591, Strong Letter to Norwood; 593- 
599, 600, 601, Elected; 602,635, 647. 



OolcLuitt Campaign of 1880, 386, 400. 

Colquitt, Cooper, and Black, 73, 555. 

Colquitt County, 205. 

Colquitt, Miss M. E., 205. 

Colquitt, Mrs. Mel R., 629. 

Colquitt, Peyton H., 264, 33, 34, 79, 110, 126, 197, 

247. 
Colquitt, Walter, 564, 539, 205, 515, 516. 
Commercial Advertiser, N. Y., 435. 
Commissary, Gen. State, 216, 307. 
Commission, Railroad, 653, 554, 555. 
Commissioner of Agriculture, 504. 
Commissioners, Secession, 164. 
Commissioner to Europe, 216, 246. 
Commissioner, State School, 444. 
Commissioners to Washington, 181. 
Committee, Minority, 5»7. 
Committee of Public Safety, 231. 
Committee, Reconstruction, 358. 
Commonwealth, Atlanta, 243. 
Compromise of 1850, 117, 139. 
Compromise, Bonds, 496, 499. 
Comptroller General, 71, 214, 227. 
Concordia Hall, 572. 
Cone,F. H.,41,72, 73. 
Cone, Peter, 52, 53, 72, 97, 107, 108, 126. 
Confederacy, Atlanta, 125, 271, 219. 
Confederacy, Southern, 140, 152, 167, 178, 183, 

189, 196, 202, 205, 216, 218, 222, 235,246,258, 

274, 281, 300, 301, 330, 457, 209, 272, 323,237, 

240, 266, 269. 
Confederate Constitution, 85, 206, 235. 
Confederate Currency, 257, 266, 316. 
Confederate Congress, 198, 199, 206, 222, 223, 

232, 235, 248, 251. 255, 261, 265, 271, 273, 312. 
Confederate Government, 324, 178, 179, 180, 329, 

193,209,216,221. 
Confederate Legislation, 213, 232. 
Confederate State Senators, 222, 224, 242, 243. 
Confederate AVar Debt, 252. 
Confederate War Tax, 226, 227, 248. 
Confeder.ite Qt. Mr. Dept., 294, 295, 296, 297. 
Conference, Hampton Road, 305, 322 
Congress Conf., 282. 
Congress Provisional Conf., 178, 206. 
Congress on Slavery, 114, 175. ' 

Congress, U. S., 258, 427, 41,5, .'^57, 359, 269, 409, 

410, 433, 436, 438, 439, 440, 457', 458, 475, 476. 
Congress, Weekly, 622 
Congressional Campaign Districts, 96, 166. 
Congressional Districts, 400. 
Congressmen, U. S., 338, 341, 348, 362, 451, 511, 

520, 606. 
Conkllng, Senator U. S., 409, 434, 559, 665, 

605. 
Conley, Benjamin, 466, 467; As Governor; 468, 

Message; 502, 603, 510, 375, 376, 395, 396, 397, 

411, 414, 420, 428, 429, 433, 458, 460, 464. 



725 



Connecticut, 288. 

Connor, G. C, 312. 

Conscription, 225, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 238, 251, 
253, 288, 248, 249, 250, 251, 255, 259, 263, 264, 271, 
301, 318, 319, 456. 

Conservative Men Silent, 150. 

Constitution, Atlanta, 7, Grady's Sketch ; 10, 
Bill Arp; 37, Incident of Brown ; 39, Grady's 
Sketch; 110, E. P. Ho^yell, Editor; 402, I. 
W. Avery, Editor, 415, 418, 420, 421, 425, 435, 
441, 448, 452, 458, 462, 470, 478, 479, 497, 501, 502, 
506, 569, 571, 590, 610, 613, 615, 627. 

Constitution of Georgia, 1865, 85 ; 1877, 101, 185, 
207, 348, 377, 382, 383, 384, 395, 397, 401, 528. 

Constitution and Slavery, 57, 117. 

Constitution, U. S., 155, 185, 225, 235, 236. 

Constitutional Government, 270. 

Constitutional Liberty, 272. 

Constitutional, New Guarantee, 139. 

Constitutional Union Party, 119. 

Constitutionalist, Augusta, 79, 228, 110, 125, 164, 
179, 110, 12.0, 164, 179, 259. 

Contingent Fund, 418, 467. 

Controversies, 551, 508, 226, 511, Brown and 
Davis. 

Convention, 378, 349, 347, 348, 1st. Reconstruc- 
tion; 355, 606; 1866, 358, 372; National 
Union, 412, 383; 1867, 372, 375, 376; 2d. Re- 
construction, 382, 385, 373, 374, 375, Demo- 
cratic; 385, Chicago; Dem. 1868, 389; Col- 
ored, 1868, 405, 412, Macon; Republican, 
1869, 414; Negro Labor, 416, Macon; South- 
ern Commercial, 416, Louisville; Demo- 
cratic, 1870, 452, 453; 1871, 467; 1872, 501; Bal- 
timore, 1872, 501; State Dem., 1872, 502; 
Straight, 502; Republican, 602; of Gover- 
nors, 1873, 505; of Governors, 1876, 517; Dem- 
ocratic, 1876, 518; Republican, 519; Constitu- 
tional, 1877, 528, 529, 530, 553, 555, 606; Demo- 
cratic, 1880, 568, 572, 586; National Dem., 
568, 572: Bank, 206; Political, 208; Baptist, 
1863, 266; Peace, 321, 318, 285, 290, 314, 341, 
347. 

Convention, Nashville 20 ; Democratic, 1857, 
33 ; American, 1857, 41 ; Southern, 43, 44, 72, 
74 ; Cotton Planters', 78, 131, 206 ; Demo- 
cratic, 89, 1858 ; Opposition, 93, 94, 95, 1858 ; 
National Dem , 107 ; Legislative, 107 ; To 
Send Delegates Nat. Con. Democratic, 110, 
107, lOS, 109, March 1860; 110, 107, 108, 109, 
Dec. 1859; The Charleston, 1860, 114, 115, 
116, 118, 119, i20, 123; Georgia, 1860, 115; 
Richmond, 1860, 116, 122 ; Baltimore, 1860, 
116, 120, 122; Constitutional Union, 119, 1860; 
119, 120, National ; Democratic, 1860, 120 ; 
National Democratic State, 121, 1860; Na- 
tion State Rights, 123 ; Democratic State, 126 , 
Aug. 1860 ; Johnson & Douglas, 126, Aug. 



1860 ; Military, 130, 1860 ; Secession, 131, 146, 
147, 149, 150, 156, 164, 166, 184, 189 ; Southern 
at Montgomery, 164, 181. 

Convention, Cong., 581. 

Convention, Republican, 595. 

Convict Catechism, 597. 

Convicts, 308, 309. 

Cook, Phil., 262, 348, 351, 374, 502, 511, 520, 606. 

Cooper, Gen. Samuel, 241, C. S. Adj. Gen. 

Cooper J. H., 72. 

Cooper, Mark A., 244, 72, 73, 74. 

Cooper, J. M., 568. i 

Corinth, 312. 

Corker, S. A., 453. 

Corn Distillation, 230, 320, 338, 360. 

Corner Stone Speech, 195, 653, Alex. Stephens. 

Correspondence, 265, 259, 349, 234, 264; Davis 
and Brown, 282, 287, 292, 301, 370, 588, 389, 
653. 

Corry, M. C, 370. 

Costin, J. T., 414. 

Cothran, W. S., 206. 

Cotton, 221, 731, 248, 251, 252, 282, 301, 319, 311, 
350, 361, 416, 643, 614, 647, 652, 654. 

Cotton Cards, 251, 282. 

Cotton Gin Invented, 652. 

Cotton Manufacture in Georgia, 644. 

Cotton Planters' Convention, 78, 131, 206. 

Getting, D. G., 375, 376, 400, 460, 

Consul, British, 265. 

Counties, New, 100. 

County Courts, 361. 

County Meetings, 1850, 130, 135, 231, 

Courier, Charleston, 174. 

Courier, Rome 615, 628, 

Court Martial, 245. 

Codington, 283, 590, 591. 

Covington Enterprise, 19, 

Covington Star, 621. 

Cowan, Edgar, 366. 

Cowart, Col. J. R., 398. 

Cowart, Mr., 511. 

Cowart, R. W., 73. 

Cox, A. H., 524, 542, 543, 544, 549. 

Cox, Albert H., 372. 

Cox, S. S., About Bullock, 423. 

Cox, W. B., 644. 

Crane, B. E., 650. 

Crawford, Geo. W., 72, 73, 82, 150, 155, 185. 

Crawford, Joel, 72. 

Crawford, Wm. H., 41. 

Cra^vford, M. J., 45; Anecdote, 45, 96, For Con- 
gress, 131, 138, 164, 180, 182, 201, 226, 246, 386. 
453, 653, 607, 523, 531 ; Supreme Ct., 579. 

Crawford, Reese, 542, 549, 607. 

Crawfordsville Democrat, 621. 

Crew, Jas. R , 291, 292. 

Crisp, C. F., 467, 468, 531, 607. 



726 



INDEX. 



Crittenden, Hon. J. J., 139. 

Crook, L. W., 125, 245. 

Cromwell & Co., 175. 

Crosby, Clews Agent, 457. 

Crowders, Monroe, 205. 

Croxton, Gen., 337. 

Crusader, Temperance, 79. 

Culberson & Dougherty, 426. 

Culloden, 66, 67. 

Cumbie, 80. 

Gumming, Alfred, 183. 

Gumming, Col. of Macon, 494. 

Gumming, J. B., 390, 391, 461, 462, 465, 467, 468, 

507, 518, 541, 542, 545, 549, 579. 
Gumming, Julian, 33, 34, 120, 121, 126, 162, 391. 
Gumming, Maj. M., 247. 
Gummings, J. F., 650. 
Cunningham, John, 146. 
Cunningham, Judge, 643. 
Currency Bonds, 446, 447, 448, 495, 497. 
Gushing, Hon. Caleb, 123. 
Gusseta, Ala., 184. 
Cuyler, Richard R., 149, 206. 

D. 

Dabney, W. H., 33, 120, 126, 150, 512, 513, 679. 

Dade Co. Gazette, 622. 

Dahlonega "Volunteers, 194. 

Dahlonega, 186, 188, 458. 

Dahlonega College, 395. 

Dahlonega Signal, 618. 

Dallas, 276. 

Dallas, Texas, 519. 

Dalton, 183, 244, 259, 269, 274, 306, 366. 

Dalton Argus, 622. 

Dalton Times, 79. 

Danbury, Va., 139. 

Daniel Wilberforce, 574. 

Daniell, Dr. W. C, 165, 166. 

Daniell, W. C., 73. 

Danielsville Yeoman, 622. 

Danville, Va., 323. 

Darien Bank, 78. 

Darnell, Rep., 436. 

Davis, B. M., 546. 

Davis, C. W., 406. 

Davis, Invincibles, 205. 

Davis, J., 94. 

Davis, Jefferson, 181, 183, 184, 188,193, 194, 197,198, 
201, 209,223, 224, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 
240, 248, 249, 255; Brown, Hill, and Davis, 560, 
263, 264, 265, 272, 273, 279, 282, 287, 289, 203, 291, 
292, visits Georgia; 293, Macon Speech; 293, 
Sketch of Davis; 294, makes Lawton Q. M. 
Gen., 301, 302, 303, 304, 317, 318, 320, 323, 324, 
325, 329, 330, 331, 493, 653. 

Davis, Mrs. Jeff., 324. 

Davis, P. D., 546. 



Davis, Senator U. S., 139, 410, 565. 

Davison, John, 129. 

Dawson County Created, 70. 

Dawson, Town, 310, 314. 

Day, Jos , 35. 

Darden, Dr. W. G., 417. 

Darien Timber Gazette, 621. ■ 

Dark Horses, 577. 

Darr, Rev. J A., 622. 

Dawson Journal, 619. 

Dawsonville Chronicle, 622. 

Day, Decoration, 242. 

Deaf and Dumb Asylum, 534. 

Death, River of, 258. 

Debate, Grand, 153, 250, 272. 

Debrell's Brigade, 324, 325. 

Debt, Conf. War, 252, 359, 386. 

Debt, Imprisonment for, 102. 

Debt, Public, 99, 124, 129, 267, 322, 381, 348, 360, 

403, 495, 529, 534. 
Decatur, 282. 

Declaration of Independence, 273. 
Decoration Day, 242. 
Defenders of the South, 205. 
Defense, State, 219. 
DeFontaine, F. G., 289, 290, 291. 
DeGraffenreid, W. K., 73, 74, 285. 
DeKalb Co., 149, 213, against Secession. 
DeKalb, News, 621. 
Delanoy, W. G., 84, 108. 
Delannoy, J. D., 125. 
Delaware, 74, 11.5. 123, 151, 165. 
Delegates to Baltimore, 121. 
Dell, J. C, 465, 468, 496, 574, 587. 
Democrat, Augusta, 148. 
Democratic Committee, Cincinnati, 370. 
Democratic Convention, 1860, 121, National, 18, 

58, 89, 126. 389. 
Democratic Executive Committee, 426, 383, 453, 

468, 503, 574. 
Democratic Legislatures, 444. 
Democratic Nat. Ex. Com., 129. 
Democratic Party, 1840, 73, 99, 113, 118, 119, 122, 

123, 222, 338, 537. 
Democrats Expelled, 431. 
Dendy, Mr., 585. 
Denmark, E. P. S., 607. 
Department of Agriculture, 504. 
Department of Georgia, 228. 
Deposits, State, 519. 
Deserters, 257, 320. 
Despatch, Augusta, 142. 

Despatch, -President to Gov. Johnson, 352, 354. 
Despatch, Iticliniond, 1T4. 

Despatch. Sherman to Lincoln, .301, 303,312, 321^ 
Destruction, Dick Taylor's Book, 313. 
Detailed for Duty as Gov. 379. 
DeWolf, Editor, 610, 615. 



INDEX. 



727 



Diamond, James J., 107, 108, 111, 115. 

Digest of Georgia Law, 84. 

Direct Trade Co., 131, 216, 416. 

Disabilities, 386, 425, 426, 431, 475, 476. 

Discord, 122. 

Discussion, 490, Colquitt and Norwood; 1857, 44, 

Brown and Hill; 45, Brown and Hill; 18bl, 

152; 1863, 272; 1863, 374. 
Disfranchisements in Georgia, 340, 358, 359, 363. 
Insmuke, F. D., 519. 
Distillation forbidden, 230, 241, 248. 
District Courts, 444, 467. 
District of Columbia, 139. 
Districts, Congressional, 499. 
Disunion, 103, 105, 107, 122, 135, 149,151, 183, 243, 

155. 
Divorce, 101, 274, 361. 
Dixie Doodle, 205. 
Dixon of Muscogee, 132, 133. 
Dixey Boys, 205. 
Dobbin, U. S. Kev. Cutter, 147. 
V Documents, State, 309. 
Dodge.L. A.,340. 
Doggerel on the Banks, 64, 
Doles, George, 215, 263, 314. 
Donaldson, B. A., 431. 
Doodle, Yankee, 205. 
Doolittle, U. S. Senate, 139. 
Dorsey, J. N., 202, 503, 506, 519. 
Dougherty, Miss Burney, 184. 
Dougherty, Charles, 20, 21. 
Dougherty County, 136. 
Dougherty, Wm., 72, 74, 77, 125, 250, 251, 356, 

426, 481, 488. 
Douglass, M., 96, 127, for Congress. 
Douglas, Stephen A., 103, 106, 114, 115, 116, 119, 

123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 135, 139, 143. 
Douglass ville Star, 622, 
Doyal, Capt., 197. 
Doyal, L. T., 127, 248. 
Dragoons, Independent Ga., 215, 247, 
Drake, J. C, 431. 
Dred Scott case, 103, 118, 127. 
. Driver out, 88. 
DuBignon, F. G., 574, 607. 
Dublin, 331. 
Dublin Gazette, 621. 
Dublin Post, 622. 
DuBose, A, M., 546, 551, 
DuBose, C. S., 496. 
DuBose, C. W., 212, 220, 351, 541. 
DuBose, Gen. D. M., 390, 391, 454, 519,569, 
Duel, 319, 383, 476, 492, 
Duer, John M., 384. 
Duggan, Maj, J. B., 299. 
Duggan, Capt. J. F., 299. 
Duggan, Martin, .321, 340. 
Duggar, B. C, 606. 



Duke, Gen., 325. 

Duke, W. A., 386. 

Duncan, C. C, 373, 395, 402, 569, 580. 

Duncan. John W., 33, 73, 110, 121. 

Dunn, Gen., 387. 

Dunn, John N., 554, 

Dunning, J. L., 375, 406, 

DuPont, Okefeenokean, 622. 

DuPree, E. F., 607. 

Dupree, J. E., 127. 

Dupree, J. M., 519, 607. 

Dwinell, M., 262, 272, 373, 615, 616, 628. 

Dyer, Elisha, 73. 

Dyer, John, 644. 



Eagle, Gainesville, 619. 

Early Co. News, 619. 

Early, Gen. Jubal, 285. 

East Tennessee, 189, 554. 

East Tennessee, Va. «& Ga. K, R., 634. 

Eastman Times, 620. 

Eaters, Baker Fire, 205. 

Eatonton Messenger, 619. 

Echols Co. Created, 80. 

Echols, H., 262. 

Ector, W., 215, 242. 

Edge, John M., 16. 

Edmondson, Jas., 52, 53. 

Edmunds, Senator U. S., 407, 422, 434, 435, 559. 

Education in Georgia, 654. 

Edwards, John, 639. 

Effigy, 180, 181. 

Eggleston, Col. B. B., 337. 

Eighteenth Ga. Vols., 215. 

Eighth Cong. District, 500, 507. 

Eighth Ga Cavalry, 263. 

Eighth Ga. Inf., 199, 202, 204, 215. 

Elberton Gazette, 619. 

Elberton News, 622. 

Election, 207, 211, 232, 259, 261 349, 351, 373, 383, 

384, 432, 439, 440, 441, 453, 454, 466, 502, 505, 

506, 513, 519, 607, 606, 600-1, 530, 531, 526, 528, 

529. 
Election of Officers (Mil.,) 194, 232, 264, 265. 
Electors, 126, 127, 129, 223, 389, 406, 409, 402, 518, 

519, 520, 557, 585. 
Eleventh Ga., Inf., 204, 215. 
Eligibility of Democrats, 430, 453. 
Eligibility of Negroes, 397, 410, 415. 
Elkhorn Battle, 246. 
EUijay Courier, 621. 
Ellington of Gilmer, 359, 502. 
Elliott, Bishop R. W , 647. 
Elliott, Bishop Stephen, 647. 
Ellis, Captain, 101. 
Ellis, J. T., 431. 
Ellis, W. D., 569. 



728 



Eloquence, Georgia, 170. 

Ely, Robert N., 97, 108, Legislature of 1859; 110, 
136, 453, 502, 503, 530, 534, 585, 594. 

Elzey, Arnold, IGl, 1C2, 103, 1G4. 

Emancipation Proclamation, 258, 304, 343, 353, 
355. 

Emigration, 362. 

Emory College, 646. 

Empire, American Extension, 81, H. K. Jack- 
son. 

Empire State of the South, 1C7. 

Empire State, Griffin, 79. 

Endorsements, Bonds, 458. 

Enfield Rifles, 217. 

Enfranchisement of Blacks, 340, 363. 

Enfranchisement of Citizens, 349. 

England, 328, 457. 

Enlistments, 191, 197, 230, 274, 298, 299, 317. 

Enquirer, Columbus, 70, 93, 5G9, 590, 610,611. 

Enrollment of Conscripts, 231, 248. 

Episcopalians on State Road, 81. 

Epps, H. Van, 588, 593. 

Era of Change, 47. 

Erskine, Judge John, 346, 360, 396, 399. 

Erwin, Alex. S., 531. 

Erwin, W. S., 464. 

Erlanger, Baron, 635. 

Erlanger Syndicate, 635. 

Estes, J. B., 606. 

Estes, M. v., 464. 

Estill, Col. J. H., 590, 568, 612. 

Etowah, 214, 

Etowah Guards, 194. 

Eufaula, 231. 

Eulogy on Linton Stephens, 502. 

Europe, Commission to, 216, 217, 226, 246, 301, 
350, 370, 416, 494, 499, 635, 650. 

E7ans,»Captain, 194. 

Evans, Augusta J., 629. 

Evans, B. D., 33, 88, 120, 600. 

Evans, Clement A., 98, 119, 247. 

Evans, J. W., 108, 111, 263. 

Evarts, \Vm. M., 532. 

Eve, W. F., 600. 

Everett, Edward, 120, 125, 127, 129. 

Ewell, Gen., 294, 493 

Exchange of Prisoners, 269. 

Executive Committee Constitutional Union 
Party, 119. 

Executive Committee, Dem., 107, 111, 116, 383, 
426, 453, 468, 503, 574. 

Executive Department, 202, 460, 473, 493. 

Executive Nat. Dem. Com., 129. 

Executive Proclamations, 81. 

Exemptions, Conscript, 234, 236, 265. 

Express, Cartersville, 79. 

Express Co., 384. 

Express, Petersburg, 1:70. 



Express, Savannah, 109. 

Extension, American Empire, 81-2, Speech H. 

R. Jackson. 
Extortioners, 257. 
Exciting Scene in Congress, 409, Georgia's 

Electoral Vote. 
Executive Committee, Minority, 588. 
Executive Mansion, 309, 3U, 337, 445, 448, 532. 
Exile of Atlanta People, 291, 292, 305, 310, 314. 
Expelled Democrats, 431, 432. 
Exposition, International Cotton, 647-652, 654. 
Expulsion of Democrats, 431, 432. 
Expulsion of Negroes, 401, 402, 403, 405, 407, 

409, 410, 411, 415, 432, 434, 444. 
Extra Pay to Officers, 412. 
Ezzard, Capt., 191. 

r. 

Factories, Cotton, 644-5. 
Factories seized, 248, 297. 
Facts, Unpalatable, 226. 
Fain, Col., John S., 263. 
Fain, J. C, 607, 394, 393, 465, 467, 529, 532, 541, 

542, 569. 
Fain, J. G., 73, 108, HI. 
Fair, John, 249. 
Fair, State, 416. 
Fairs of Atlanta, 554. 
Fairburn, 184. 
Fall of Atlanta, 28"'>, 286. 
Fall, Rise and, of Confederacy, 238. 
Fambro, A. G., 52. 
Family Visitor, B'ladison, 79. 
Famine, Salt, 201. 
Fannin County, 28, 189, 192, 359. 
Fannin, I. L., 52, 84, 97, 209. 
Farewell Order, Gen. Jackson, 239. 
Farms in Ga.. 615. 
Farrow, Henry P., 382, 383, 406, 414, 420, 424, 

425, 431, 433, 434. 439, 492, 121, 417, 468. 
Fast Candidate, 45. 
Fasting, Humiliation and Prayer, 230. 
Fate and the Confederacy, 278. 
Father O'Reilly, 307. 

Feasting, Bullock, 423, over Georgia's Injury. 
Featherston, L. H., 73, 108, 111, 390, 529, 574. 
Federal Court, 360. 
Federal Government, 258. 
Federal Gunboats, 229. 
Federal Officers, 343. 
F-ideral Relations, 129. 
Federal Spies, 243. 
Federal Troops, 144, 161, 226, 229, 243, 249, 267, 

260, 274, 275, 278, 282, 283, 285, 286, 298, 306, 311, 

312, 317, 322, 338. 
Fees, Lawyers, 446. 

Felton, Dr. W. H., 07. 212, 511, 513, 514, 520, 588. 
Felton, L. M.. 72, 569. 



IKDEX. 



729 



Female Colleges, 646. 

Ferrill, B. B., 60, 

Ferry, Senator, U. S., 435. 

Field, Miss L. A., 629. 

Field, S. E., 375, 465, 575. 

Fields, Lawsou, 42, 111. 

Fielder, H., 33, 34, 89, 373, 468, 497, 498, 499, 503, 

505, 506, 626. 
Fifth Ga. Cav., 263. 
Fifth Ga. Volunteers, 215, 
Fifteenth Amendment, 410, 411, 412, 415, 422, 

423, 424, 425, 426, 433, 434. 
Fifteenth Ga. Volunteers, 215. 
Fifteenth U. S. Corps, 322. 
Fiftieth Ga. Inf., 248, 274. 
Fifty-first Ga. Inf., 248, 264. 
Fifty-secoud Ga. Inf., 248. 
Fifty-third Ga. Inf., 248. 
Fifty-foui-th Ga. Inf., 248. 
Fifty-fifth Ga. Inf., 248. 
Fifty-sixth Ga. Inf., 248. 
Fifty-seventh Ga. Inf., 248. 
Fifty-ninth " " 248. 
Fighters in Georgia, 183. 
Fillmore, Millard, 416. 
Finances of State, 315, 525, 532. 
Financial Crisis of 1840, 62. 
Financial Trouble, 131. 
Finch, N. P. T., 610, 614. 
Fire, Charleston, 221. 
Fire Eaters, Baker, 205. 
First Ga. Cavalry, 246. 
First Ga. Company tendered, 184. 
First Ga. Regulars, 183, 194, 214. 
First Ga. Volunteers, 214, 242. 
First Kentucky Inf., 204. 
Fisher, G. S., 502. 
Fitch, F. S., 417. 
Fitch, Henry S., 360, 383. 
Fite, A. W., 574. 
Fitten, John A., 650. 
Fitzgerald, Capt. E., 148. 
Fitzpatrick, Gov. of Ala., 123. 
Fitzpatrick, Eep., 432. 
Fitzsimmons, O. P., 462. 
Flag, Colonial, raised, 154. 
Flag, Confederate, 184, 319. 
Flag, United States, 161, 163, 179, 187, 188, 319. 
Flag, White, Incident, 519, 137, 164, 181, 230, 

263, 274. 
Flash, Harry, 319, 626, 627. 
Fleming, W. B., 607, 415, 76, 150, 358. 
Fleming, Wm. O., 607, 391, 390, 77, 272, 468. 
Flewellen, E. A., 526. 
Floating Debt, 534. 
Florida, 74, 115, 123, 147, 148, 152, 181, 204, 206, 

241, 252, 267, 313, 331, 521. 
Flournoy, R. W., 395, 417. 



Floyd Co., 149, 191. 

Floyd, Col. Henry, 249. 

Floyd, J. J., 348, 390. 

Floyd, Macon Rifles, 197. 

Flynn, John H., 375. 

Fool Parties, 193. 

Foreacre, J. G., 632. 

Foreign Com. of Immigration, 415. 

Forester, Georgia, 193. 

Forney's Paper, 434, 435. 

Forrest, Gen., 225, 267, 282, 305. 

Forsyth, CD., 502. 

Forsyth County, 28, 165, 205. 

Forsyth, John, 182. 

Forsyth, Quitman Guards, 194. 

Fort, Allen, 496, 542, 544, 549, 553. 

Fort Gaines, Tribune, 622. 

Fort McAllister, 267, 313. 

Fort Morris, 148. 

Fort Moultrie, 144, 145, 

Fort, Pickens, 186. 

Fort Pulaski, 145, 146, 117, 152, 180, 198, 204, 217, 

229, 230, 240, 294, 387, 653. 
Fort Sumter, 144, 145, 146, 148, 189, 196. 
Fort Valley Advertiser, 622. 
Fort Valley Mirror, 620. 
Forty Acres and a Mule, 371. 
Fortieth Ga. Inf., 247. 
Forty-first Ga. Inf., 247. 
Forty -second Ga. Inf., 247. 
Forty-third Ga. Inf., 247. 
Forty-fourth Ga. Inf., 247, ^64. 
Forty-fifth Ga. Inf., 247. 
Forty-sixth Ga. Inf., 247, 264. 
Forty-seventh Ga. Inf., 247. 
Forty-eighth Ga. Inf. 247, 264. 
Forty-ninth Ga. Inf., 248, 298. 
Foster, A. G., 375. 
Poster, C. S., 88. 
Foster, F. C, 607. 
Foster, Ira R., 10, 216, 260, 307, 309, 310, 338, 

364. 
Foster, N. G., 41. 
Fouche, R. T., 467, 606. 
Fouche, S. 73. 
Fourth Ga. Cavalry, 199, 200, 247, 275; 1. W, 

Avery, 277. 
Fourth Ga. Cavalry (second) 263, D. S. Clinch. 
Fourth Ga. Volunteers, 215, 263. 
Fourth National Bank, 448. 
Fourteenth Amendment, 352, 357, 358, 359, 388, 

396, 397, 422, 423, 433. 
Fourteenth- Ga. Vols., 215, 263. 
Fowler, A. S., 413. 

Franklin Co., 149, against Secession. 
Franklin College, 181. 
Franklin News, 621. 
Franklin Printing House, 628. 



730 



INDEX. 



Franklin, Tenn., 313. 

Fraternization, National, 536. 

Frauds, State Koad, 450, 451. 

Freedman's Bureau, 339, 342, 346, 361. 

Freedmen, 343, 352, 355. 

Freedmen's Code, 355. 

Freeman, Alvin, 593. 

Freeman, J. C, 502. 

Freeman, S. H., 119. 

Free Persons of Color; 1860, 168, 318, 343. 

Free Scliools, 645. 

Frost, F. A., 355. 

Fruit in Georgia, 643. 

Fugitive Slave Law, 119, 130, 139, 152. 

Fullarton, A., 265. 

Fuller, W. A., 244, 

Fulton, 108. 

Fulton Bank of Brooklyn, 448. 

Fulton Co., 89, 165, 358. 

FultonCol. M. C, 163. 

Fulton M. C, 600. 

Fuuch & Meincke, 176. 

Fund, Contingent, 467. 

Fund, Military, 129, 1.30, 216, 221, 251, 263. 

Fund, Scliool, 99, 414. 

Furlow, T. M., 120, 150, 212, 260, 261, 373, 374, 

503, 529. 
Furman, F. C, 574. 
Furniture, ex-Mansion, 309, 311. 

G. 

Oaddistown, 9, 28, J69, 192. 

Gainesville Eagle, 619. 

Gallagher, Dr. M. J., 124, 125, Inventor of gin. 

Gallie, Major, J. B., 267. 

Gait, Judge, 245. 

Gait, Mayor, 257, 263. 

Gaualil, J. H., 593. 

Gardner, James, 26, 31, 34, 477, 479, 486, 497, 498, 
35; Ws letter to Clanton, 43, 72, 79, 80, 120, 121, 
122, 126, 179, 259, 609, 610. 

Gardner, Wm. M., 183, 199, 215, 224. 

Garlington, Gen. A. C, 532. 

Garrard, Gen., 283. 

Garrard, L. F., 467, 526, 542, 543, 550, 551, 593, 606. 

Garrard, Wm., 588. 

Garrett, Mr., 638, 

Garsed, Ricbard, 650. 

Gartrell, Henry Clay, 204. 

Gartrell, J. O., 73. 

Gartrell, L. J., 17, Legislature, 1849; 19, Demo- 
cratic Eesolution, 43, 45, 95, 96, 138, 180, 204, 
215, 222, 260, 356, 558, 387, 462, 516, 529, 556, 
657, 569, 571, 577, 580, 585. 

Garvin, I. P., 209. 

Gas for State, 534. 

Gaskill, Varney A., 128, 384, 416, 446. 

Gate City Guards, Atlanta, 194. 



Gaulden, W. B., 46, 110, 115, 121, 

Gaulding, A, A., 79. 

Gazette, Atlanta, 242, 260, 617. 

Geological Department, 101, 496, 639. 

Geological riches of Georgia, 639-642. 

Geologist, State, 504, 639. 

Germany, 499. 

General Assembly, 17, 59, 69, 77, 79, 81, 199, 212, 
217, 220, 249, 254, 257, 271, 273, 307, 314, 317, 319, 
361, 394, 403, 414, 427, 499, 531, 633. 

General Comptroller, 71. 

Geneva, Talbot Co., 180. 

George, A. M., 431. 

Georgia, 3-7, 74, 113, 115, 123, 152, 153, 154, 156, 
164, 166, 167, 168, 170, 175, 178, 181, 184, 199, 204, 
206, 216, 224, 226, 236, 238, 241, 246, 267, 268, 269, 
270, 272, 274, 280, 287, 292, 294, 300, 301, 305, 313, 
322, 323, 331, 353, 360, 369, 386, 396, 400, 408, 409, 
410, 422, 434, 474. 

Georgia Banks, 50. 

Georgia Bill, 434, 436, 437. 

Georgia Code, 84. 

Georgia Conspirators, 435. 

Georgia Department, 228. 

Georgia Forester, 193. 

Georgia Independent Dragoons, 215, 247. 

Georgia Jeans, 214. 

Georgia Military Institute, 309. 

Georgia National Bank, 446. 

Georgia Pacific Railroad, 635, 636. 

Georgia Platform, 143. 

Georgia Platform, Calhoun, 79. 

Georgia Railroad, 283, 326, 327, 456, 633. 

Georgia Reconstructed, 437 

Georgia Regulars, 1st, 183, 194. 

Georgia Sectional Prejudice, 51. 

Georgia Union Club, 340. 

Georgia "Western Railroad, 416, 561, 635. 

Georgian Savannah, 74, 79. 

Gettysburg, 258. 

Gibbs, Jas. S., 206. 

Gibbs the Briber, 435. 

Gibbs of Walton, 94. 

Gibson, O. C, 110, 115, 126, 209. 

Gibson, Wm., 52, 53, 73, 97, 137, 212, 247, 261, 351, 
406, 433. 

Giddens, W. W., 674. 

Gignilliatt, W. B., 529, 574. 

Gilbert, Thomas, 625. 

Gilmer, County, 28, 257, 315, 359. 

Gilmer, Gen., 279. 

Gilmer, George R., 72, 73. 

Gilmore, J. N., 88, 574. 

Girardey's Georgia Battery, 247. 

Girl on Slavery, 56. 

Gladding, W. H., 124. 

Glasscock Covmty, Created, 70. 

Glenn, Jesse A., 205, 247, 355, 361. 



INDEX. 



731- 



Glenn, John T., 585. 

Glenn, John W., 574. 

Glenn, L. J., 165, 166, 314, 374, 585. 

Glover, Dr. T. C, 88. 

" Go It Niggers," 397. 

Gold, 257, 266, 316, 325, 328, 329. 

Gold Bonds, 446, 447, 448, 495, 597. 

Golden Lead, Ship, 173. 

Golden INIurray, Ship, 173. 

Goldsmith, W. L., 507, 527, 546, 547, 548. 

Goode, C. T., 348, 349, 373, 390, 501. 

Goodfellow, Major H., 430. 

Goodnow, "Wm., 541. 

Gordon Co., 553, 149, 315, Against Secession. 

Gordon, E. C, 635. 

Gordon, Gen. John B., 226, 264, 313, 323, 358, 

383, 384, For Governor; 390, 398, 416, 459, 501, 

505, 506; 558-9, Resigns U. S. Senator, 560, 561, 

562, 563, 564, 568, 571, 593, 594, 595, 600, 603, 635. 
Gordon, George A., 33,34, 35, 36, 52, 70, 110, 173, 

212, 260, 263. 
Gordon, Town, 311. 
Gordon, Walter, 635. 
Gordon, W. W., 632. 
Gorham, 604. 
Gorman, J, B., 620. 
Gorman, O. D., 620. 
Gorman, W. R., 529. 
Gospel Messenger, 617. 
Gould, Jay, 638. 
Goulding, E. R., 215. 
Goiilding, R. F.,628. 
Gove, Sam'l., 376. 
Government, 69, Division of Powers; Immate- 

rialized 82, 226, 258, 270. 
Governor, 192, 207, 209, 219, 220, 227, 256, 259, 202, 

270, 292, 310, 314, 321, 340, 383, 386, 388, 400, 436, 

441, 347, 351, 379, 464, 468, 502, 519, 531, 550. 
Governor's Convention, 505. 
Governor's Horse Guards, 191. 
Governor, Provisional, 341. 
Governor's Race 1880, 37. 
Governor's Race in 1857, 31. 
Governor's Salary Increased, 70. 
Gow & Weigle, 615. 
Grady, Henry W., 7, 39, 289, 485, 569, 590, 610, 

614, 615, 616. 
Graham, E. D., 394, 431, 465, 500, 502, 503. 
Graham, J., 374. 
Grain Distillation, 230, 248. 
Grand Jury, Bartow Co., 531. 
Grant, L. P., 633, 65J. 
Grand Jury on Bullock, 458. 
Grant, J. A., 540. 
Grant John, T., 510. 
Grant, Ulysses S., Gen., 258, 306, 381, 367, 371, 

376, 385, 386, 401, 410, 422, 423, 431, 440, 502, 521, 

562, 563. 



Grantland, S., 541. 

Grantville, 184. 

Gray, A. H., 524, 542, 543, 544, 569, 606. 

Great Seal of State, 381, 473, 507, 550. 

Great Western Canal, 605. 

Greeley, Horace, 501, 502, 503, 521. 

Greenbrier Battle, 216. 

Green, Hon. James A., 533. 

Green Island, 229. 

Green, John, 639. 

Green, Miss Mary A., 361, 503. 

Greene, County, 135, 458. 

Greene, Gen., 652. 

Greene, Judge, J. W., 406. 

Greensboro Herald, 619. 

Greensboro Home Journal, 621. 

Greenville Vindicator, 620. 

Gresham, Elizabeth, 14. 

Gresham, John J., 116, 383. 

Grice, W. L., 531. 

Grier, E. C, 529. 

Grieve, F. G., 87. 

Grieve, Miller, Sr.,-73.. - 

Griffin, Col. J. R., 263, 502^-^~" 

Griffin Empire State, 79. 

Griffin Independent South, 79. 

Griffin, Iverson's Speech, 104, 197, 243, 266, 504, 

591. 
Griffin Neivs, 476-477. 
Griffin Netos, 616. 
Griffin Sun, 622. 

Grimes, Thos. W., 373, 403, 541, 512, 569, 593. 
Grimes, U. S. Senate, 139. 
Griswoldville, 306, 311. 
Groff, David, 431. 
Grosvener, Gen. C. H., U. S., 345. 
Grubb, R. W., 621. 

Guarantees, New Constitutional, 139. 
Guards, Atlanta Gate City, 194. 
Guards, Columbus, 201. 
Guards, Columbus City Eight, 197. 
Guards, Columbus South 194. 
Guards, Etowah, 194. 
Guards, Forsyth Quitman, 194. 
Guards, Home, 263. 
Guards, Newnan, 194. 
Guards, Perry Southern Rights, 194. 
Guards, Sav. Vol., 146. 
Guerard, John M., 110, 529. 
Guerillas, 320. 
Guei-ry, DuPont, 607. 
Guerry, J. H., 465. 
Guerry, T. L., 33, 52, 53, 80, 98, 120, 262, 317, 375, 

529, 574. 
Guilmartin, Capt., 230. 
Gunboats, Federal, 229. 
Gun Powder, 204. 
Guns, Rape of the, 171, 199, 201, 204, 207, 321. 



732 



INDEX. 



Gun, the Gallagher, 124. 

Gwinnett Co., 149, 315, against Secession. 

Gwinnett Herald, 620. 

H. 

Habeas Corpus, 271, 272, 273, 358, 456. 

Habersham County, 69. 

Hackett, A. T., 98, 606. 

Haines, Gen. T. J., 430. 

Haines, H. S., 639. 

Hale, J. N., 622. 

Hall, John I., 465, 468, 494, 542, 544, 579, 585. 

Hall, Samuel, 34, 89, 110, 120, 165, 574, 588. 

Hall, W.H.F., 413. 

Halleck, Gen. H. W., 322. 

Ham, H. W. J., 619. 

Hambleton, J. P., 121, 374. 

Hamilton, Miss M. J. R., 629. 

Hamilton, Senator, U. S., 435. 

Hamilton & Willingham, 622. 

Hamlin, Hannibal, 120, 129, 130, 135. 

Hammock, C. C, 459. 

Hammond, A. D., 468. 

Hammond, Dennis F., Judge, 76, 208, 364. 

Hammond, H. CM., 138. 

Hammond, N. J., 606, 85, 348, 492, 493, 510, 529, 

562, 579, 594, 649. 
Hammond, Mrs., <329. 
Hammond, W. M., 524, 542, 543, 544, 546, 546, 547, 

579, 585, 506. 
Hampton Roa,ds Conference, 305, 322. 
Hancock, 89. 

Hancock, C. W., 373, 467, 619. 
Hancock, Gen., 585, 583, 581, 380, 569. 
Hanks, J. A. R., 81, 90, 542, 546. 
Hanleiter, C. R., 119, 622. 
Hansen, A. H.,72, 150, 529. 
Hansen, C. P., 619. 
Hansen, Gen. A. J., 85, 212, 347. 
Hanvey, Capt., 194. 
Haralson, Frank L., 601. 
Haralson, Hugh, 205. 
Haralson, WOl, 601. 
Hardaway, R. H., 644. 
Hardee, Wm. J., Gen., 183, 224, 225, 247, 269, 

275, 276, 278, 279, 285, 292, 312, 313. 
Hardeman, J. L., 574. 
Hardeman, Robt. U., 601, 644. 
Hardeman, R. V., Judge, 76. 
Hardeman, Thos., 41, 52, 70, 96, 180, 262, 197, 215, 

247, 272, 341, 351, 358, 373, 374, 425, 453, 501, 502, 

503, 516; 517, Retires from Governor's Race; 

518; 558, 556, Candidate for Gov.; 569, 571, 572, 

577, 580, 584, 585, 650. 
Harden, E. J., 35, 415, 625. 
Harden, E. R., 110, 115, 183, 574, 600. 
Hardin, Mark, 395. 
Hargrove, Z. B., 212, 251, 619. 



Harkie, C. B.,248. 

Harlem, Columbian, 622. 

Harpers' Magazine, 623. 

Harrell, D. B., 587, 33, 34, 406, 529, 574, 577, 583. 

Harris, A. 1,., 375, 427, 429, 430, 434, 457, 458. 

Harris, B. T., 390. 

Harris, Capt. of Dahlonega, 188, 194. 

Harris, Charles J., 147, 533. 

Harris, Col. Skid, 247. 

Harris County, 165. 

Harris, Dr. R. B., 607. 

Harris, Gen., 162, 163, 164. 

Harris, Gov. of Tennessee, 166, 362. 

Harris, Henry R., 150, 502, 600, 511, 520. 

Harris, Hon. Wm. L., 140. 

Harris, J. L., 531,- 503,^97, 150, 209. 

Harris, Joel Chandler, 610, 614, 623, 624. 

Harris, Judge Iverson L., 84, 87, 249, 347, 356, 

372. 
Harris, Judge S. W., 529, 607, 
Harris, J. W., 126. 
Harris, Lt. Col. W. T., 264. 
Harris, Lt. C. T. W. H., 608. 
Harris, "W. A., 600, 585, 52, 54, 73, 98, 108, 138, 

139, 348 496, 574. 
Harrison, Burton N., 324. 
Harrison, Geo. P., Jr., 183, 247. 
Harrison, G. P., Gen., 72, 110, 216, 228, 351, 600. 
Harrison, Jas. P., 605, 617, 619, 628. 
Harrison, Rep., 432. 
Harrison, Wm., 541, 549. 
Harper's Ferry, 106, 108, 294. 
Harper, F. M., 395. 
Harper, R. G., 96. 
Hart, Col. John R., 263. 
Hartford, State Bank of, 175. 
Hartness, Private, 324. 
Hartridge, A. S., 321. 
Hartridge, Julian, 89, 97, 106, 108, 110, 111, 115, 

120, 222, 261, 383, 453, 468, 501, 502, 503, 511, 

520. 
Harts, Nancy, 205. 
Hartwell Sun, 621. 
Harvard Law School, 294. 
Hasty Legislation, 100. 
Hathaway, Lt., 324. 
Hawes, A. L., 574, 600, 607. 
Hawkins, S., 529, 544. 
Hawkins, S. W., 541. 
Hawkins, W. A. ,.33, 34, .37, 72, 90, 120, 150, 453, 

510, 523; Supreme Court, 574, 581, 588. 
Hawkinsville Despatch, 619. 
Hayden, J. A., 364. 
Hayes, J. D., 510. 
Hayes, R. B., 5.32. 
Haygood, Atticus G., 610, 628. 
Hayne, Paul H., 626, 649. 
Hazen, Gen., 313. 



INDEX. 



733 



Hazlehurst, Col. Geo. H., 497, 498, 633. 

Head, State Seiiator, 548, 577. 

Healey, T. G., 6£0. 

Heard, Mrs P. B., 205. 

Heath, Private, 324., 

Heath, Gen. H.,299. 

Heidt, Emanuel, 465. 

Hemphill, R. A., 614. 

Hemphill, W. A., 613, 614. 

Henderson, Col., John T., 504, 505, 601, 642, 650. 

Henderson, Col. E., 247. 

Henderson, Wm. B., 601. 

Hendricks, Gov. T. A., 505. 

Henry Co. Weekly, 621. 

Henry, Wm., 439. » 

Herald, Atlanta, 522. 

Herald, New York, 174, 175, 176, 179, 261, 435, 560. 

Herbert, Major Sidney, 277. 

Herbert, Rev. M., 625. 

Hero of Olustee, 313. 

Herring, "W. F., 284. 

Herring, Wm., 364. 

Hester, Robert, 73, 212, 262. 

Hicks, Gov. of Maryland, 165. 

Higbee, E. H., 406. 

Hill, A. Franklin, 111, 115. 

Hill, Barnard, 356, 467, 531. 

Hill, Benjamin H., 39, Know Nothing Leader; 
41, His Character; 42, Notice of Nomination; 
43; 44, Discussion with Brown; 46, Defeated 
for Governor; 72, 294, 127, 128, 131, 138, 139, 
141, 150, 152, 154, 155, 164, 181; 222, C. S. Senator; 
249, 255, Davis Supporter; 292, 293, Visits Ga. 
with Davis; 312, 318, 337, 370, 371, .373, .374, 375, 
383, 391, 392, 455, 488, 497, 498, 501, 505, 506, 510, 
511, 520, 526, 527, 541, 544, 557, 604, 653. 

Hill, Capt., 385. 

Hill, Col. John M., 284. 

Hill, D. P., 73, 150, 154, 165, 272, 302. 

Hill, E. Y., 73. 

Hill, Geo., 231. 

Hill, Joshua, 45, 46, Elected to Congress; 95, 
96, 119, 180, 260, 361^ 301, 303, 304, 348, 356, 3_98, 
399, 407, 428, 433, 434, 458, 629. 

Hill, Miss A., 205. 

Hill of Harris, 63. 

Hill, Rhode, 644. 

Hill, T. W. J., 364. 

Hill, Walter B., 85, 595, 600, 607. 

Hilliard, H. W., 43, 416, 609, 629. 

Hillyer, Geo., 33, 43, 52, 90, 108, 110, 115, 120, 464, 
524, 531, 579, 607. 

Hillyer, Henry, 524, 607. 

Hillyer, Junius, 415. 

Hindman, Gen., 362. 

Hines, J. K., 574. 

Hinesville Gazette, 620. 

Hiuton, B. B., 394, 430, 464, 467. 



Histories of Ga., 624. 

History, Secret, 260. 

Hobbs, K.. 574. 

Hodgkins & Sons, 171. 

Hoffman, Gov., 461, 462. 

Hoge, E. F., 453, 465, 468, 496. 

Hoge, James, 111, 115. 

Hoke, A. Y., 636. 

Holcombe, A. W., 375, 394, 430, 529, 541. 

Holden, Senator, 395. 

Hollis, H. T., 533, 574, 587. 

Holmes, Dr. Duel, 119. 

Holt, Hines, 348, 42, 72, 84, 98, 119, 222. 

Holt, Judge T. G., 347, 349, 373, 374, 467. 

Holt, Pulaski S., 206. 

Holt, Thad. G., 257, 600. 

Holt, T., U. S. Sec. of War, 145, 162. 

Holt, W. S., 453, 262, 272, 373. 

Holt, W. W., 35, 76. 

Holtzclaw, 519. 

Home Comr. of Immigration, 415. 

Home Defense, 252. 

Home Guards, 263. 

Homes, Soldiers Giving Up, 276. 

Homestead Laws, 356, 382, 629, 530. 

Homes, Wayside, 242. , 

Honey Hill Battle, 313. 

Hood, Arthur, 416, 108, 111, 120, 150, 209, 220. 

Hood, Gen., 241, 276, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 

284, 285, 286, 287, 291, 293, 301, 305, 306, 313, 

493. 
Hood, Mrs. F., 629. 

Hook, James S., 88, 120, 121, 126, 213, 220, 348. 
Hooper, J. J., 181. 
Hopkins, C. H., 94, 119, 376, 398. 
Hopkins, H. W., 547, 600. 
Hopkins, Judge John L., 426, 481, 547, 548, 554, 

644, 650. 
Home, Gen. O. C, 595, 600. 
Horse Guards, Governor's, 191. 
Hospital and Relief Asso., 221, 251, 262. 
Hotchkiss, N. P., 376, 451. 
House Journals, 1860, 135. 
House of Reps., 1857, 60, Vote on Banks; 1857, 

70, Vote on Pardon Veto; 1861, 219, 221, 242, 

250, 262; 1863, 272, 359, 395, 414, 423, 427, 428, 429, 

441, 458, 466; 533, 551. 
Houser, Capt., 194. * ■ 

Housto-n Co., 571. 
Howard, Gen., U. S. A., 339. 
Howard, Gen. W. P., 242. 
Howard, J. H., 35, 131, 242. 
Howard, Thos. C, 17, 20, In Legislation, 1849; 

25, 120, 128, 601. 
Howell, C, 416. 496. 
Howell, Evan P., 88, In Washington Co.; 110, 

In Convention, 1860; 6, 24, 541, 542, 548, 568, 

569, 610, 614, 650. 



734 



INDEX, 



Howell, Midshipman, 324. 

Howell, Miss, 324. 

Howell, \Vm. H., 601. 

Hoyle, L. C, 464, 574. 

Hoyt, Judge, 481. 

Hubbard, N. Y-, 510. 

Hubner, C. W., 626, 627. 

Hudson, C. B., 465. 

Hudson, J. M., 541. 

Hudson, E., 386. 

Hudson, W. J., 431.502, 503. 

Huglies, D. G., 374. 

Hughes, James, 434. 

Hulburt, E., 364, 373, 384, 385, 400, 416, 420, 449, 

451, 488. 
Hull, Asbury, 73, 138, 351. 
Hull, Wm. H., 33, 36, 42, 108, 111, 115, 355, 497, 

498. 
Hulsey, W. H., 542, 543. 
Humber, R. C, 533, 544, 545, 551, 129. 
Humiliation, Fasting and Prayer, 230. 
Humphries, Dr. Wm. C, 138. 
Hunuicutt, C. W., 291. 
Hunter, Geo. B., 73. 
Hunter, Gen. David, 229. 
Hunter, J. H., 390, 468, 496, 503. 
Hunter, K. M. T., 206, 305, 322. 
Hunter, U. S. Senate, 139. 
Hunt, J. J., 607. 
Hinit, Wm. H., 399. 
Hutcheson, T., 215. 

Hutehins, N. L., 76, 108, 222, 524, 642, 549, 606. 
Hussey, Lt. C, 230. 

I. 

Idaho, 401, 

Illinois, 381. 

Illustrate Georgia, 199. 

Iniboden, Col. T. M., 580, 581, 587. 

Immigration, Bureau, 415, 416. 

Impeachment, 461, 460, 363, 420, 546, 547, 550. 

Importation of Arms, 217. 

Impressment, 262, 318. 

Imprisonment for debt, 102. 

Inaugural, 262, 214, 99, 50, 60, Brown ; 352, 353, 

388, 397, 468, 539. 
Incendiary Speech, 389. 
Incident, Brown and Kenan, 233, 253, 377, 397, 

410. 
Income Tax, 267. 
Independence, 236. 
Independence, Declaration of, 273. 
Independent Georgia Dragoons, 215, 247. 
Independentism, 612, 613, 514, 588. 
Independent Macon Volunteers, 194. 
Independent South, (iriffin, 79. 
1 ndian Claim, 533. 
Indigents, 251, 252, 203, 315. 



Ineligibility, Negro, 402. 

Infamy Koll of, 439. 

Infantry, 246, 263. 

Infantry, Oglethorpe, 164. 

Infantry, Macon Brown, 194. 

Infantry, Wrights ville, 205. 

Ingalls, Senator U. S., 505. 

Ingram, Porter, 111, 110, 91, 45, 89, 529, Anec- 
dote of Brown. 

Ingram, W. N., 323. 

Inman, John H., 650. 

Inman, S. M., 650, 651, 554, 569. 

Inman, W. H., 206. 

Institute, Ga. Military, 309. 

InteUigencer, Atlanta, 53, 79, 155, 209, 214, 217, 
243, 271, 314, 395, 397. 

Intelligencer, National, 423. 

International Cotton Exposition, 647, 652, 654. 

International Sunday School, 535. 

Intervention, 117, 122. 

Intimidation of Democrats, 424, 428. 

Invective, 392. 

Investigating Committees, 436, 446, 448, 450, 451, 
461, 476, 494, 508, 540, 544, 545, 546, 550, 551. 

Invincibles, Davis, 205. 

Invincibles, Union, 205, 38, Endorsed as Sena- 
tor ; 104, 105, Griffin Disunion Speech ; 138, 
222, 242, 243, 250. 

Iron, 416. 

Iron Waste, State road, 72. 

Irwin, David, 27, 84, 85, 209, 347, 375, 383, 497, 
499. 

Irwin, Jared, 207. 

Irwin, J. T., 36, 38, 73, 97, 108, 111, 115, 120, 129. 

Ir^vin, Eep., 432. 

Irwin, Robert, 321. 

Irwin's Cross Roads, 331. 

Irwinton, Southerner, 621. 

Irwinville town, 331. 

Irvine, W. T., 646. 

Iverson, Alfred Jr., 183, 263. 283. 

Iverson, Alfred, Sr., 18, Judge Supreme Court ; 

Ivy, Rep., 550. 



Jackson, Davenport, 607. 

Jackson, Harry, 465, 547, 649. . 

Jackson, Henry R., 18, 19, Judge Supreme 
Court ; 35 ; 82, Speech in 1858 ; 89, 90, Conven- 
tion of 1858 ; 91, 92, 108, 11.5, 120, 121, 126, 128, 
161, 162, 163, 165, 172, 173, 174, 176, 177, 178, 186, 
216, 224, 227, 228, 229, 238, 240, 241, 242, 263, 294, 
465, 493, 532, 627, 549, 579, 596, 597, 598, 607, 609 
612, 626, 627. 

Jackson, James, 18, 19, Judge Supreme Court ; 
45, for Congress ; 89, 96, 131, 138, 180, 222, 250, 
251, 383, 522, Supreme Court, 579. 

Jackson, James, Gov., 140. 



735 



Jackson, John K., 215, 224, 275. 

Jackson, Stonewall, 225, 246, 258, 268, 294, 493. 

James, Dr. Thomas P., 504, 550, 644. 

James, John H., 448, 497, 498, 516, 518. 

Jarratt, Dr. W. A., 87. 

Jasper, 187. 

Jeans, Georgia Made, 214 Governor Brown 
Inaugurated. 

Jeffers, Asa O., 249. 

Jefferson Forest News, 621. 

Jemison, S. H., 574, 577, 585, 588, 593. 

Jenkins, C. J., 17, Legislature 1849 ; 20, Union 
Leader ; 24, Beaten for Governor ; 25, for 
Vice-President ; 26, 72, 85, 131 ; 142, Judge 
Supreme Court ; 221, Judge Supreme Court ; 
249, 260, 381, 348 ; 351, for Governor ; 354, 352, 
353, Elected Governor ; 355, 360, First Mes- 
sage ; 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 378, 379, 508, 507, 
381, 397, 448, 449, 472, 473 503 ; 525, 529, Presi- 
dent Congress, 1877. 

Jervis, J. N., 577. 

Jesup, George R., 73. 

Jesup Sentinel, 619. 

Jewell, Marshall, 595. 

Joe BroAvn's Boys, 192. 

Joe Brown's Pets., 286. 

John Brown's Soul, etc., 307. 

Johnson, Colonel Abda, 247. 

Johnson County Created, 80. 

Johnson, Coloenl J. A. W., 247, 351, 383, 467, 
574, 576, 595. 

Johnson, D., 431. 

Johnson, Ed., 215. 

Johnson, H. V., 18, Judge Supr. Ct.; 24, 26, 
Elected Governor ; 35, 36, 38, 70 ; 48, Johnson 
and Brown ; 49, Message on Banks ; 72, 73, 
Delegate to Sou. Convention ; 84, 113, 116, 117, 
118,119,120; 121, Speech in 1860; 122; 123,125, 
for Vice President ; 126, 127, 128, 129, 131 ; 
137, Opposing Secession ; 143, 150, 151, 152, 153, 
154, 155, 183, 208, 222, 249, 250, 251, 286 ; 347, 
President Reconstruction Convention ; 356, 
358, 361, 362, 370, 371, 375, 508, 516 ; 518, 526, 
527, 531, 562, 609, 618. 

Johnson, H. V. Mrs., 19. 

Johnson, James, .348, 347, 346, 342, 25, 341 , 349, 352, 
353, 355, 356, 468, 502, Beaten for Congress ; 
95, 41, Know Nothing Leader. 

Johnson, Lindsay, 73. 

Johnson, Mark, 115. 

Johnson, President, Andrew, 330, 338, 340, 341, 
346, 348, 349, 352, 356, 357, 358, 3S9, 360, 362, 363, 
385. 

Johnson, Reverdy, 362. 

Johnson, S. C, 406. 

Johnson, W. J., 110, 115. 

Johnson, W. P., 465, 574. 

Johnson, Wni. Preston, 324. 



Johnston, General A. S., 247, 265. 

Johnston, General Jos. E., 204, 269, 274, 275, 
276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 282, 283, 284, 285, 322, 324^ 
325, 326, 350 ; 286, Compliment to Georgia Mi- 
litia ; 292, 313. 

Johnston, J. Boorman, & Co., 448. 

Johnston, Malcolm, 596. 

Johnston, Mark, 601. 

Johnston, R. M., 42, 623, 624, 626, 629. 

Jonesboro, 285. 

Jones, Captain, 194, 195. 

Jones, Colonel C. C, Jr., 230, 625, 

Jones, Col. J. P., 601. 

" Jones," E., 376. 

Jones, E. L., 400. 

Jones, George S., 526. 

Jones, H. C, 607. 

Jones, H. H., 610, 613. 

Jones, J. A., 72, 73, 90, 110, 115, 138, 139. 

Jones, J. C, (Lt.) U. S. A., 162. 

Jones, Jenks, 96, 97, 138, 180, 262, 351, 496, 503, 
595, 600. 

Jones, John, 124, 353, 378, 379, 403, 507, 508, 510. 

Jones, J. W., 42. 

Jones, Lt. Col. L. C, 608. 

Jones, Lt , J. P., 216. 

Jones, R., 464, 588. 

Jones, Robert, 215. 

Jones, Seaborn, 77. 

Jones, Thos. P., 107, 108. 

Jones, W. B., 502. 

Jonesboro News, 621. 

Jordan, Chas. S., Sr., 350. 

Jordan, Col. J. T., 299, 593. 

Jordan, George "W., 98, 574, 600. 

Jordan, J. T., 524. 

Jordan, Lt., S. J., 299, 607. 

Joseph, Mr., 580. 

Journal and Messenger, Macon, 93, 385. 

Journal of Progress, 623. 

Journalism of Georgia, 401, 609, 623. 

Journals, Legislature, 408. 

Judge Advocate Dunn, 387. 

Judges Salaries Increased, 70. 

Judah, General, 320, 338. 

Judiciary Committee of Congress, 433. 

Judiciary in 1858, 76, 221. 

Julia, Ship, 173, 177. 

Judges, appointed by Generals, 346. 

Judges, appointed by Governor, 349, 406, 529, 
531, 538, 607. 

K. 

Kansas Bill, 38, 41, 42, 43, 45, 75, 93, 104, 106. 
Keeper of Penitentiary, 538. 
Kelly, Judge of Pa., 339. 
Kelly, Sheriff of N. Y., 175. 
Kellogg, H. C, 431. 



736 



INDEX. 



Kenan, A. H., 17, 52, 70, 119, 150, 154, 350, 164, 

181, 192, 222, 233, 272, 347. 
Kenan, Miss Henrietta, 192. 
Kendrick, Captain B. E., 205. 
Kennard, Lt , J., 216. 
Kennedy of N. Y., 175, 176. 
Kennesaw, Mountain, 277, 283. 
Kennon, R. E., 519, 585. 
Kentucky, 416, 331, 324, 269, 123, 139, 152, 165, 

166, 226, 246, 519. 
Kentucky, 1st. Infantry, 204. 
Key, J). M., 532 
Key, Miss E., 205. 
Kibbee, C. C, 373, 464, 467, 468. 
Kiddoo, David J., 76. 
Kiddoo, W. K ,373. 
Kimball, B. N., 413, 450. 
Kimball, H. I., 412, 418, Advance from Bullock : 

650, 647, 447, 448, 457, 459, 477, 479. 
Kimball House, 457, 572, 584. 
Kimball, Opera House, 414, 418, 444, 445, 446, 

448,461. 
Kimsey, J. J., 607. 
King, Dr. W., 601. 
King, Hans, 615. 
King John, 474, 610, 611. 
King, John P., 222, 348, 351, 633. 
Kingston, 244. 

King, Thos. B , 22, 98, 108, 110, 120, 216. 
King, William, 301, 302. 
Kirby, Ship, 173. 
Kirkland, W. W., 183. 
Kirkscey, E. J., 386. 
Kirk wood. Senator U. S., 565, 566. 
Kiser, M. C, 650. 
Kittrell, John, 88. 
Klux, Klan Ku, 382, 383. 
Knight, Judge, N. B., 406. 
Know Nothingism, 26, 27, 39, 40, 43, 44, 45, 94, 46, 

93, Buried. 
Knowles, Rev. Joshua, 613, 621. 
Knox, Samuel, 73. 
Knoxville, 184, 245. 
Ku Klux Klan, 382, 435, 458, 469. 



Lachlison, Alderman, 321. 

Lady Davis, Ship, 216. 

Ladies Memorial Association, 361. 

Lagrange, 184, 205. 

Lagrange, Reporter, 618. 

Lamb, T. W., 607. 

Lamar, A. R., 72, 73, 79, 

467, 468, 501, 009, 612. 
Lamar, C. A. L., 41. 
Lamar, Capt. L. M., 148, 607. 
Lamar, Col. John H., 263, 314. 
Lamar, G. B., 172, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 206. 



151, 215, 372, 453, 



Lamar, George "W., 121. 

Lamar, Henry G., 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 78. 

Lamar, Jefferson, HI. 

Lamar, J. M., 36, 108, 115. 

Lamar, L., 127. 

Lamar, L. Q. C, 272, 605. 

Lamar, Lucius M., 199. 

Lamar, M. B., 609, 611. 

Lanier, Clifford, A., 629. 

Lanier, Sidney, 626, 627 

Land in Georgia in 1860, 168, 169. 

Land Scrip Fund, 503. 

Lane, Col. A. J., 248. 

Lane, Joseph, 123, 125, 126, 127, 129. 

Langford, L. B., 451. 

Langston, J. C, 628. 

Larey, Capt., 194 

Last Order Confederate Govt., 323, 324, 326, 329, 

653. 
Latham, John, 230, Gallantry. 
Latimer, F. H., 156. 
Laughridge, Col. B., 241. 
Lavender, Dr. J. S., 644. 
Law of Nations, 174. 
LawrenceviUe News, 86. 
Lawson, A. J., 73. 

Lawson, Capt. E. F., 205, 574, 577, 600. 
Lawson, Thos. G., 262, 272, 351, 503. 

579, 581, 582. 
Law Stay, 214. 
Law Suit, 366. 
Lawton, Alexander R., 98, 108, Le] 

1859 ; 110, 138, 145, 146, 147, 172, 201, 

493, 228, 239, 254, 279, 453, 415, 330, 326, 

295, 296, 297, Quarter Master General ; 

Elector ; 529, 532, 541, 568, 569, 579, 592, 

603, 653. 
Lawton, Col. W. J., 245, 246. 
Lawton, Dr. J. S., 387. 
Lawyer's Fees, 446, 450. 
Law, William, 20, 21, 127, 222, 360. 
Leak, S. W., 643. 

Lease State Road, 80, 456, 444, 476, 520. 
Leaguers of the South, 103. 
League Union, 382, 383. 
LeConte, John, 628. 
LeCoute, Joseph, 628. 
Ledbetter, Gen., 2'95. 
Lee, Capt., G. W., 184, 247, 291. 
Lee, Gen. Robert E., 217, 227, 228, 229, 246, 254, 

264, 205, 285, 294, 295, 298, 299, 313, 317, 323, 325, 

362. 
Lee, J. A. L., 506, 251, 374, 436. 
Lee, J. C. S., 119. 
Lee's Volunteers, 184. 
Legion Georgia Cobb, 215. 
Legion, Phillips, 215. 
Legislative Lay on the Banks, 64. 



529, 531, 



:islature, 
204, 224, 
324, 294, 
518, 519, 
599, 602, 



INDEX. 



737 



Legislative Obituary, 441, 442, 443, 444. 
Legislative Sessions, 70, made Annual. 
Legislative Wrongs, 100. 

Legislature of 1849, 1850, 17, 70 ; 1857, 1858, 50, 69, 
77, 80, 81 ; 1859, 97, lOfi, 141 ; 1860, 129, 131, 138, 
140 ; of North Carolina, 165 ; New York, 175 ; 
Georgia, 1880, 199 ; of 1861,2, 212, 213, 216, 217, 
218, 220, 221, 240, 246, 248, 249, 251, 252, 255, 257 ; 
1863, 262, 265, 270, 272, 273, 303, 304, 307, 309, 
312 ; 1864, 314, 316, 318, 337, 338 ; 1865, 349, 350, 
351, 353, 355, 356, 359 ; 1866, 361 ; 18G8, 385, 388, 
394,401,404,405,409, 410, 412, 413, i415, 423; 
1870, 424, 426, 427, 430, 431,432, 433, 436, 438, 441, 
442,443,444,457, 461; 1871,464, 466, 467, 476, 
477, 494, 496, 503, 507, 508 ; 1877, 524, 528, 541 ; 
1878, 541, 546 ; 1880, 602, 606. 

Lester, George N., 607, 416, 415, 84, 97, 209, 212, 
220, 262, 431, 512, 513, 531, 574. 

Lester, Rufus E., 400, 453, 464, 523, 524, 533, 541, 
549 ; 556, 557, Candidate for Gov.; 9569, 571 
672, 577, 680, 581, 584, 585, 593. 

Letters, 234, Brown to Davis, 1st.; 234, Davis to 
Brown, 1st.; 234, 235, Brown to Davis, 2nd.; 
235, 236, Davis to Brown, 2nd.; 236, 237, Brown 
to Davis. 3rd.; 237, Davis to Brown, 3rd.; 237, 
Brown to Davis ; 254, Lee about Tom Cobb ; 
259, Brown's Letter, Ke-election ; 265, 266, 
Brown and Fullarton ; 271, 272, Toombs to 
Brown ; 287, About State Troops ; 287, Seddon 
to Gov. Brown ; 287, Gov. Brown to Seddon ; 
288, Mr. Seddon to Gov. Brown ; 288, 289, Gov. 
Brown and Mr. Seddon ; 289, Seddon to Gov, 
Brown ; 289, 290, DeFontaine on Brown ; 292, 
Gen. Hood to Gen. Sherman ; 292, Gen. Sher- 
man to Gen. Hood ; 292, Hood to Sherman ; 
415, Circular about Negro Eligibility ; 423, 
Angier about Bullock ; 425, 424, Gov. Brown 
on Eligibility ; 425, About Reconstruction 
Act ; 439, H. P. Farrow ; 453, Linton Steph- 
ens ; 461, Bullock's about Resignation ; 468, 
H. P. Farrow ; 473, Gov. Jenkins Restoring 
Great Seal ; 475, Gov. Brown against Radical 
Trickery ; 507, Gov. Jenkins about Seal ; 310, 
Gen. I. R. Foster ; 314, Gov. Brown and Gen. 
A R. Wright ; 322, Sherman and Halleck ; 338, 
Brown and Andrew Johnson ; 351, Brown and 
Jenkins ; 352, James Jenkins and Jenkins ; 
364, to Gov. Brown ; 364, Gov. Brown for 
Reconstruction ; 370, Gen. Pope to Gov. 
tlenkins ; 370, Gov. Johnson against Recon- 
struction ; 371, Gen. Pope to Gen. Grant ; 
378, 379, Gov. Jenkins to Gen. Meade ; 588, 
T. M, Norwood's Acceptance ; 589, Gov. Col- 
quitt's Acceptance ; 596, B. C. Yancey. 

Levee, 68, Abolished. 

Levees, Mississippi, 416. 

Leverett, Wesley, 11. 

Levy, S. Yates, 628. 
47 



Lewis, D. W., 52, 70, 73, 94, 97, 107, 119, 222. 

Lewis, Gen. J. R., 444. 

Lewis, Gleason, F., 503. 

Lewis, John W., 12, Brown's early Friend ; 13 

35, 250 ; 71 , Supt. of State Road, 224. 
Lewis, M. W., 53, 84, 97, 119, 529. 
Lewis, Sidney, 622. 
Lewis, W. A., 73, 86. 
Leyden, Maj. A., 387. 
Libel Suit, Bullock's, 452. 
Liberal Republicans, 501, 502. 
Liberty, Sons of, 205. 
Library, State, 308, 538. 
Library, Young Mens, 199, Atlanta. 
Light Guard, Columbus City, 197, 
Light Infantry, Oglethorpe, 198, Savannah. 
Lincoln, Abe, 322, 321, 318, 305, 120, 127, 129, 130, 
134, 304, 303,302, 258, 135, 144, 151, 182. 196, 232, 
273, 286, 300, 301. 
Lion of Liberty, 115. 
Little, Ada, Ship, 282. 
Little, Dr. George, 504, 639. 
Littlefield, A., 215, 247. 
Lippman, Alderman, 321. 
Literature of Georgia, 623-630. 
Livingstone, L. F., 574, 580, 584, COO, 
Lloyd, at Atlanta, 307. 
Lloyd, Thomas E., 209, 262, 347, 415. 
Lobby, Legislative, 272. 
Local Legislation, 530. 

Lochrane, O. A., 22, Admitted to Bar ; 33, 73, 
108, 110, 144, 221, 319, 350, 426 ; 456, 457, Made 
Chief Justice ; 460, 477, 478, 481, 493, 499. 
Locke, Major, 324. 
Locke, R. D., 519. 
Lofton, W. A., 89, 126, 626. 
Logan, Dr. J. P., 150, 151, in Secession Conven- 
tion. 
Logan, T. M., 636. 
Lomax, Tenant, 33, 72. 
London Times, 313. 
Long, Dr. Crawford, W., 652. 
Long, Jeff., 416, 420, 519. 
Longley, F. M., 496, 588, 574, 607. 
Longstreet, A. B., 623. 
Longstreet, Gen, J. B,, 264, 296. 
Longstreet, J. C , 81. 
Loring, Gen., 278. 
Losses by War, 331, 332. 
Lost Mountain, 277. 
Louisiana, 74, 115, 122, 123, 147, 152, 165, 166, 181, 

182, 267, 330, 331, 563. 
Louisville Courier, 622. 
Louisville JSTeivs and Farmer, 620, 
Louisville •& Nashville R, R,, 561, 634, 636, 637, 

638. 
Lovejoy's Station, 306. 
Lovell, Gen. Mansfield, 279. 



738 



INDEX. 



Love, Peter E., 76, 96, 116, 117, 180, 212, 220, 251. 

Lovett, R. O., 574. 

Lowry, R. J., 650. 

Lowry, W. M., 554, 574. 

Lubbock, Gov., 324. 

Lutfman, Win., 52, 348, 574. 

Lumpkin County, 28, 149, 186, 189. 

Lumpkin Independent, 620. 

Lumpkin, J. H., 18, Judge Supreme Court ; 31, 

32, 34, for Governor ; 35, 36, 73, 108, 115, 120, 

22 ; 54, Description ; 76, 131. 
Lumpkin Law Scliool, 84. 
Lumpkin Palladium, 79, 86. 
Lumpkin, S. "W., 541, 548. 
Lumpkin, Wilson, 72, 73, 138, 351, 626. 
Lunatic Asylum, 308, 534. 
Lutherans on State Road, 81. 
Lyon, R. F., 101, 358, Supreme Court Judge ; 

131, 356, 574, 585, 587. 
Lytle, 96, for Congress. 

M. 

Mabry, G. W., 574, 595, 600. 

Macon, 78, 94, 125, 129, 147, 148. 

Macon Brown Infantry, 194. 

Macon Floyd Rifles, 197. 

Macon Independent Volunteers, 194. 

Macon Journal and Messenger, 93, 385. 

Macon, Speech of Davis, 289, 293, 303. 

Macon State Press, 79, 165, 171, 188, 194, 197, 206, 
257, 276, 283, 301, 306, 308, 311, 314, 323, 337, 338, 
341, 342, 345, 373, 405, 412, 416, 519, 590, 591. 

Macon Telegraph, 18, 78, 79, 86, 256, 319, 374, 569, 

Macon Volunteers, 197. 

Macon & Augusta R. R., 384. 

Macon & Brunswick R. R., 70, 361, 456, 495, 525, 
526, 534, 633, 634, 635. 

Macon & W. Railroad, 285, 456, 487, 488-492, 632. 

Madden, J. P., 644. 

Maddox, R. F., 650. 

Madison, Ga., 302, 590. 

Madison Family Visitor, 79. 

Madison, James, 236. 

Madisonian, 80, 620. 

Mafflt, Lt. J. N., 216. 

Magruder, Gen., 362. 

Magruder, Lt. Col., 608. 

Mahone of Va., 193, 604. 

Maimed Soldiers, 356. 

Main Trunk K. R., 70. 

Maine, 120. 

Major Jones' Courtship, 80. 

Majority Rule, 672, 573. 

Malvern Hill Battle, 294. 

Man For the Times, 46, 193 . 

Manassas Battle, 1st, 198, 199, 202, 204, 294. 

Mann, W. L., 008.--— 

Manning, Col. W. R., 248. 



Mansion, Executive. 309, 311, 337, 445, 448. 
Manufactories in 1860, 168, 198. 
Manufacture of Cotton, 416, 644, 654. 
March to the Sea, Sherman's, 167, 293, 306, 312, 

313, 653. 
Marietta, 129, 183, 229, 244, 277, 286, 309, 322, 503, 

597. 
Marietta Journal, 619. 
Marietta & North Ga. R. R., 526, 638. 
Marion Co. Argus, 621. 
Markham House, 572, 584. 
Markham, Wm., 382, 461. 
Marsh and Moore, 554. 
Martha J. Ward, Ship, 177. 
Martin, B. Y., 121, 125, 126. 
Martin, Edwin, 607. 
Martin, Mrs. Fannie, 399. 
Martin, John H., 79, 80, 607, 610. 
Martin, Col. L. H. O., 285. 
Maryland, 123, 151, 165. 
Mass Meeting, 1856, 43. 
Mass Meeting in 1868, 391. 
Massachusetts, 120, 123, 130, 288, 327. 
Massey, Roht. A., 622. 
Mathews, A. B., 108. 
Matthews, J. D., 272, 348, 351, 468. 
Mattox, H. W., 496, 506. 
Maund, J. C, 120, 542, 543, 546. 
Maxwell, Rep., 436. 
May, Robert H., 259, 574. 
Mayor of Atlanta, 291, 445. 
Mayors, 408. 
Mays, S. W., 607. 
McAllister Fort, 267, 313. 
McAllister, Col. J. L., 263. 
McAllister, M. H., 20, 21. 
McArthur, J. J., 395, 432. 
McBaln, N., 36. 
McCall's History of Ga., 624. 
McCalla, A., 569. 
McCamy, S. B., 554. 

McCay, H. K., 120, 281, 375, 376, 406, 440, 510, 522. 
McClellan, Gen., 246, 294. 
McClellan, Rep., 506. 
McComb, M. D., 87. 
McConnell, Eli, 124. 
McConnell, Col. J. J., 247. 
McCook, Gen., 283. 
McCulloch, U. S. Sec, 330. 
McCutchen, B. R., 439. 
McCutchen, C. D., 262, 390, 468, 531. 
McDaniel, Col. 0. A., 247, 254. 
McDaniel, Henry D., 348, 496, 541, 545, 547, 519, 

579, 606. 
McDonald, C. J., 20, 24, Beaten for (4overnor; 

26, 76, 101, Supreme Ct. Judge; lOS, 110, 126, 

131. 
McDonald, Camp, 206. 



INDEX. 



739 



McDonald, D., 77. 

McDonald, U. S. Senator, 605. 

McDowell, G. M., 588. 

McDuffie Journal, 620. 

McGehagan, Jno., 43, killed. 

McGehee, E. J., 107, 108, 110, 115, 209. 

McGowan, James J., 381. 

Mclntlre, A. T., 3?8, 349, 454, 579. 

Mcintosh, H. M., 616. 

Mcintosh, Lachlan, 181, 228, 229. 

Mcintosh, W. M., 126. 

Mclntyre, J., 96, For Congress. 

McKibben, Thomas, 88. 

McKinley, Wm., 36, 128. 

McLaws, L. B., 183, 215, 224. . 

McLendon, S. G., 574, 582. 

McLester, W. W., 374. 

McMahon, Capt., 230. 

McMillan, G., 390, 465, 468, 494, 511. 

McMillan, Kobt., 73, 121, 215, 284, 358. 

McPherson, Gen., 275, 276, 278, 282. 

McEae, Thos. M., 156. 

McVille Georgian, 622. 

McWhorter, R. L., 52, 53, 97, 119, 351, 395, 396, 
432, 458, 465, 542, 546, 606. 

Meade, Gen., 381, 378, 379, 383, 387, 388, 396, 397, 
472, 507, 508. 

Meadows, J. W., 431. 

Means, Alex, 152. 

Meldrim, P. "W., 607. 

Mell, Rev. Dr., 266. 

Mell, Dr. H. P., 628. 

Memoirs of the "War, 300, Sherman's. 

Memorial Association, Ladle's, 361, 503. 

Memorial Convention, 349. 

Memorial Day, 242, 361. 

Memminger, C. G., 282. 

Memphis Appeal, 270. 

Memphis Branch R. R., 525, 526, 594. 

Memphis & Charleston R. R., 634. 

Mercer, Geo. A., 373, 374, 496, 541. 

Mercer, H. W., Gen., 214, 224, 228, 248, 282. 

Mercer, J. T., 215. 

Merchandise in 1860, 168, 169. 

Mercxiry, Charleston, 270. 

Merrill, W. W., 66, 502. 

Merriwether Co., 89, 571, 574. 

Mershon, Judge M. L., 529, 574. 

Message Veto on Banks, 61, 78, by Brown; on 
Pardon, 70, by Brown; 2nd Annual, 100, by 
Brown; 3d Annual, 129, by Brown; about 
Banks, 133, 141, by Brown ; to Secession Con- 
vention, 154, by Brown; 213, 216, 218, Gov. 
Brown; 220, 228, 248, 252, 262, 270; 271, 272, 
Great War Document; 273, 314, 317, 318; 348, 
352, Gov. James Johnson; 355, Gov. C. J. 
Jenkins; 359, Against 14th Amendment; 397, 
Gov. Bullock, 1868; 402, 410, Bullock on negro 



expulsion; 410, Bullock on 15th Amendment; 

413, 414, 432, 438, 468, 610, 525, Gov. Colquitt; 

544, Gov. Colquitt, N. E. Bond. 
Methodist Advocate, 610, 617. 
Methodists on State Road, 80, 137. 
Mexican War, 163, 227, 240, 241, 242, 565. 
Mexico, 362. 
Michigan, 331. 
Middle Ga. Argus, 621. 
Mileage, 444. 

Military Board, 434, 430, 431, Terrys. 
Military Convention, 130. 
Military Court, 386, Columbus Prison. 
Military Fund, 129, 130, 216, 221, 248, 251, 263. 
Military Governor, 340, 407, 409. 
Military Institute, Ga., 309. 
Military Rule, 341, 342, 439. 
Militia, 207, 230. 235, 242, 249, 250, 255, 256, 263,. 

281, 283, 284, 286, 287, 288, 303, 306, 313, 314, 322, 

425, 436. 
Milledge, John, Sr., 40, 52, 54, 70, 73, 94, 95, 119. 
Milledgeville, 54, 78, 87, 94, 116, 119, 126, 148, 155, 

191, 192, 197, 617, 309, 208, 233, 283, 292, 307, 308, 

310, 312, 317, 322, 337, 341, 343, 412, 417, 530. 
Milledgeville Z/h tow, 42, 60, 79, 81,209, 219, 271, 

346. 
Millen, Col. John H., 314. 
Miller, Andrew J., 17, Legislative, 1849; 20, and 

Brown; 21, Woman's Bill; 23, Opinion of 

Brown; 41. 
Miller, A. L., 524, 542, 543, 606 
Miller, Dr. H. V. M., 40, 43, Know Nothing 

Leader; 73, 94, 119, 127, 128, 199, 250, 375, 382, 

384, 398, 407, 433, 434, 579, 592, 609, 650. 
Miller, John, 119. 
Miller, Stephen F., 625. 
Miller, T. W., 46, Beaten for Congress. 
Miller Wild Cats, 205. 
Millionaires in Ga., 315, 316. 
Mills, Capt., 388. 
Mills, J. G W., 321, 340, 427. ' 
Milner, Jas., 41, 358. 
Milner, T. W., 542, 549, 606. 
Milton County Created, 70, 136. 
Minerals of Georgia, 639, 642, 654. 
Minerals, State, 504. 
Minie Rifle, 125. 
Minority, 587. 
Minors, 101. 
Mint, U. S., 186, 187. 
Minute men, 129, 147, 162. 
Missionary Baptists, 81. 
Missionary Mass Meeting, 266. 
Missionary Ridge Battle, 258, 269, 274. 
Mississippi, 74, 115, 123, 140, 147, 148, 152, 181, 237, 

2.52, 267, 269, 272, 292. 331, 369. 
Mississippi Levees, 416. 
Mississippian paper, 270. 



740 



Missouri, 123, 152, 165, 166, 246, 269, 331. 

Missouri Compromise, lOi, 139. 

Mistal<e, Amusing, 2-13, 

Mitcliell, Gen., 245. 

Mitcliell County Created, 70, 404. 

Mitcliell Heirs, 476-492. 

Mitchell, Wm. L., 73, 208. 

Mobile, 281. 

Mobile Register 261. 

Mobley, J. M., 110. 

Mock Legislature, 312. 

Moderation of U. S. Soldiers, 380. 

Moffatt, EmmaL., 629. 

Molineaux, Gen., 327. 

Money in 1860, 1863, 168, 109, 257, 266, 316. 

Monitors, Federal, 267. 

Monroe Advertiser, 619. 

Monroe County, 66. 

Mosiroe Crowders, 205. 

Monstrosity of Election, 441. 

Montezuma, 311. 

Montezuma Weekly, 621. 

Montgomery, Ala., 72, 164, 181, 183, 184, 206,327. 

Montgomery of Pa., 115. In Charleston Con. 

Montgomery Guards, 230. 

Montgomery, W. W., 120, 121, 222, 493, 522. 

Monticello, Ship, 172, 175, 

Monument to Gen. McFherson, 282. 

Moody, Dr. W., 644. 

Moore, A. K., 73. 

Mobre, C. R., 431. 

Moore, Gov. of Ala., 147. 

Moore, H. M., 110, 138, 139. 

Moore, J. N., 617, 618- 

Moore, Komulus, 402. 

Moore, T. H., 88. 

Moore, W. A., 650. 

Moore, W. H., 610, "615. 

Moore, Wm. K., 90, 529. 

Moore & Marsh, 554. 

Morgan, Gov. of New York, 172, 173, 174, 175, 

176, 177. >i 

Morgan, Gen. John, 282. 
Morgan, Gen John T., 275. 
]VI organ, Mrs. Nannie, 205. 
Morgan, K. J., 42. 
Morgan. U. S. Kep., 436. 
Morris Fort, 148. 
Morris, Thomas, 33, 34, 108. 
INIorrison, Col. J. J., 246. 
Morton, Senator U. S., 422, 431, 4,35, 559. 
INloses, U. J., 43, 264, 324, 325, 326, ,327, 328, 329, 

3.-)2,359, 361, 387, 388, 390, 381, 524, 595. 
Mott, R. L., 468. 
Moultrie, Fort, 144, 145. 
Mounger, Lt. Col. J. C, 264. 
Mountain, Kennesaw, 277. 
Mountain, Lost, 277. 



Mountain, Pine, 277. 

Mountain Signal, Dahlouega, 618. 

Mullaly, Capt. W. T., 299. 

Munn & Parsons, 175. 

Muunerlyn, C. J., 222, 383. 

Murder of Ashburn, .386. 

Murphy, Anthony, 244. 

Murphy of Bartow, 581. < 

Murphy, C, 111. • 

Murphy, John, 404, 406. 

Murphy, J. W., 465, 541, 544, 545, 546. 

Murphy, R. A., 601. 

Murray Co., 12, 149, 241. 

iMuscogee Circuit, 372. 

Muscogee Co., 77, 89, 132, 164, 186. 

My Maryland, 453. 

Myers, Major O. C, 228. 

Mynatt, P. L., 364, 529, 542, 543, 554. 

N. 

Nancy, Harts, 205. 

Narrative, Johnston's, 282. 

Nashville, Tenn., 241, 313. 

Nashville & Chattanooga R. R., 456, 634. 

Nassau, 350. 

National Con. Union Convention, 119, 120. 

National Dem. Convention, 107, 383, 385. 

National Dem. Ex. com., 35L 

National Dem. State Convention, 121. 

National Fraternization, 536. ' 

National Intelligencer, 423. 

National State Rights Convention, 123. 

National Union Convention, .3,58, 1866. 

Naval, Federal Expedition, 216. 

Neif, W. C, 6,50. 

Negro Arguments against Ineligibility, 402, 403, 

407. 
Negro Code, 355. 
Negro Delegation, 434. 
Negro Enfranchisement, 340. 
Negro Equality, 358, 359, 385. 
Negro Expulsion, 409, 410, 415, 434. 
Negro Insurrection, 237, 249, 404. 
Negro Legislators and Eligibility, 415, 396, 401, 

405.' 
Negro Property, 645. 
Negro Soldiers, 298, 299, 312, 317, 318. 
Negro Suffrage, 359, 362, 389, 411,' 412, 425, 455. 
Negro Testimony, 352; 
Negroes in Georgia in 1860, 168. 
Negroes, Holding Office, 152, 357,376, 415. 
Nelms, John W., 550, 551, 601. 
Nelms, L. A., 108, 111, 115, 119, 121. 
Nelson, G. E. W., 224. 
Netherland, G. M., 476. 
Nevin, Capt. M. A., 383. 
Newcomb, Victor, 561, 634. 
Newman, J. S., 601. 



741 



Newman, Adj. M., 299. 

Newmau, Wm. T., 510, 554, 569, 574, 577. 

Newnau, 44, 184. 

Newnan Banner, 79. 

Newnan Guards, 194. 

IsTewnan Herald, 619. 

Newnan Leader, 622. 

J^etrs, Augusta, 521, 569, 590, 610, 615; 

Neius, Griffiu, 477. 

Neius, Lawreuceville, 86. 

News, Savannah, 79, 243, 277, 569, 590, 608, 610, 

612, 644. 
Newsom, A. F., 231. 

Newton, County, 43, 197, Banner Dem. Co. 
New Constitutional guarantees, 139. 
New Counties, 101. 
New Era paper, 417, 451. 
New Hope Church, 274, 276, 277, 504. 
New Jersey, 165. 
New Orleans, 184. 
New South, 603. 
New York, 123, 155, 163, 165, 171, 173, 175, 179, 

381, 360, 454, 461, 494, 510. 
New York Commercial Advertiser, 435. 
New York Herald, 174, 175, 176, 179, 261, 435, 

560. 
New York Legislature, 175. 
New York Post, 560. 
New York Times, 421, 559. 
New York Tribune, 176, 560. 
New York World, 422, 433, 461, 469, 560. 
Next Highest Candidates, 432, 434. 
Nichols, J. C, 120, 347, 390, 464, 467, 478, 479, 483, 

483, 484, 485, 503, 574. 
Nichols, J. H., 574. 
Nichols, Wm., 36. 
Niles, C. A., 616. 
Nineteenth Ga. Vols., 215. 
Ninth Cong. Dist., 512. 
Ninth Ga. Cavalry, 263: 
Ninth Ga. Inf., 204, 215, 264. 
Ninth Ky. Cav., 324. 
Nisbet, Eugenius A.,41, Know Nothing Leader; 

72, 116, 117, 125, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 164, 

166, 181, 209, 211, 222, 351, 383. 
Nisbet James A., 33, 121. 
Nisbet, J. C, 373, 395. 
Nisbet, Jas. T., 73, 121. 
Nisbet Legislature, 212. 
Nisbet, R. A., 452, 549. 
Nisbet, R. B., 585. 
Nixon, E. S., 451. 
No-Axe, 600. 

Nolan, Geo. M., 574, 580, 588. 
Nominations, 572. 
Non-Action, 373, 374, 375. 
Non-Combatants, 251. 
Non-intervention, 116, 117, 118, 121, 



Norcross Jonathan, 519, 595, 632. 

Norfolk, Va., 197. 

North, 218, 232, 242, 273, 285, 304, 313, 357, 359, 

362. 
North Ga. Agricultural College, 458. 
North Ga. Citizen, 618. 
North Georgia, 261, 278, 320, 321, 338, 339, 372, 

373, 374, 409. 
North and Slavery, 57. 
North & South R. R., 525, 526, 594. 
Northern Democracy, 104, 115, 118, 314, 338, 501. 
Northern Factories, 130. 
Northern Fighters, 183. 
Northern Merchants, 132. 
Northern States, 189, 196, 198. 
Northern "War Spirit, 204. 
Northern, W. J., 373, 524, 542, 544, 574, 606. 
North Carolina, 123, 152, 165, 226, 267, 272, 291, 

292, 324, 331, 361, 386. 
North-Eastern Circuit, 608. 
North-Eastern R. R. Bonds, 540, 543, 545, 554, 

556, 594, 632, 638, 639. 
North- Western Life Ins. Co., 445. 
Norton, Senator U. S.,435. 
Norwood, Capt. J. A., 205. 
Norwood, Thos. M., 212, 213, 220, 250, .365, 390, 

494, 497, 418, 501, 526, 527, 574, 365, 366, 370, .385, 

463, 536, 577, 679, 581, 582, 586, 587, 5^8, 589, 590, 

591, 593, 595, 599, 600, 601. 
Notaries, Public, 424. 
Notes on the Situation, 370. 
Nottingham, W. D., 600 
Novelists of Georgia, 629. 
Nunan, Capt., IT. S. A., 343. 
Nunn, J. H., 431. 
Nunnally, A. D., 394, 416, 476, 481. 
Nutting, C. A., 373, 496, 510. 

o. 

Oath of Allegiance, 340. 

Oath of Amnesty, 341, 315, 346, 347. 

Oath Test, 360, 407, 415, 423. 

Oath, 460. 

Oats, 643. 

Obedience to Organic Law, 372. 

Obituary of Legislature, 1870, 441, 442, 443, 444. 

Obituary of Radicalism, 470, 471, 472. 

Obloquy upon Bullock, 408. 

O'Byrne, Alderman, 321. 

Ocean, Atlantic, 306. 

Ockington, J. G., 569. 

Ocmulgee Circuit, 372. 

Oconee River, 314. 

O'Connor, Charles, 366, 369, 502. 

O'Connor, Capt. Thomas, 383. 

Odium upon Gov. Brown, 398. 

Office, 152, 538, 539. 

Officers appointed by President, 213. 



f'42 



Officers appointed by Bullock, 406. 

Oglethorpe, Sir James, 1012, Monument to. 

Oglethorpe Light Infantry, 110, 108. 

Oglethorpe Infantry of Augusta, 161, 194. 

Oglethorpe Camp, 195. 

Oglethorpe Eclio, 621. 

Ogeechee Kiver, 267. 

Ogeechee Riot, 417. 

Ohio, 165, 245, 425. 

Ohio Regiment, 2nd., 245. 

Ohio Regiment, 21st., 245. 

Ohio 3d Cavalry, 343. 

Oliver, 108. 

Olmstead, Col. C. H., 229, 230. 

Olustee, Hero of, 313. 

Old South, 603. 

Old Si., 610. 

O'Neal, J. "W., 411, 414, 428. 

Oostanaula River, 275. 

Opelika, 283. 

Opposition Convention, 1858, 93, 94. 

Opera House Kimball, 413, 444, 445, 446, 448, 461. 

Orators in 1860 in Ga., 128, 170. 

Order of Battle, Cassville, 276. 

Order, Ending Reconstruction, 400, 1868. 

Order, Expelling Democi'ats, 431. 

Order, Forbidding Legislature, 338. 

Order, Last of Conf. Gov., 323, 324, 326, 329. 

Ordinaries, 346, 408. 

Order to Militia, 256. 

Order, Removing Gov. Jenkins, 379. 

Ordinance, Ratifying U. S. Constitution, 155. 

Ordinance of Secession, 155, 156, 312. 

Ordnance Stores at Augusta, 163. 

Ordnance, 228. 

Oregon, 1860, 114, 123, 561. 

O'Reilley, Father, 307. 

Orme, A. J., 451. 

Orme, R. M., Sr., 73, 79, 80, 119. 

Orphans, Indigent, 252. 

Orr, J. G,, Prof., 473, 550, 601, 645. 

Orr, Hon. James L., 151. 

Osgood, C. K , 310, 429, 433. 

Our Brother in Black, 628 

Outlawry of Atlanta Men, 291. 

Outrages as Political Capital, 404, 458. 

Overby, B. H., 26, 73, 205. 

Overby, Mrs., 205. 

Owen, A. F., 73. 

Owens, Geo. S., 351. 

P. 

Pace, J. M., 502, 503, 510, 629. 

Pacific, Southern, 416. 

Padelford, E., 340. 

Paine, W. W., 52, 53, 84, 98, 524. 

Palladium, Lumpkin, 79, 86. 

Pardon Power, 69, 124, 141, 346, 360, 412, 446, 467. 



Parker, Capt. T. M., 148. 

Park, Wm., 618. 

Parks, J. G., 607. 

Parks, Rep., 432, 436. 

Parole, 337, 338. 

Parrotts of Atlanta, 554. 

Parrott, J. R., 127, 347, 375, .376, 396, 406, 468. 

Partings, 197. 

Pataula Circuit, 381. 

Pate, J. H., 262. 

Patriot, Albany, 79. 

Patriot, Washington, 460. 

Patterson, Capt. Sam., 205. 

Patterson, W. H., 550, 607. 

Patterson, R. "W.,574, .582, 584, 595. 

Paulding County, 28, 315. 

Payne, B. F., 607. 

Payne, W. H., 465, 496. 

Peabody, Rep., 506. 

Peace, 221, 285, 286, 290, 300, 303, 304, 305, 322, 323, 

339, 357, 408, 410, 474, 653. 
Peace, Georgia, in, 170. 
Peace, Last Year of, 124. 
Peace Resolutions, 1863, 273. 
Pease, P., 364. 
Peck, Wm. H., 629, 630. 
Peck, J. C, 650. 
Peck, Major John B., 632. 

Peeples, C, 41, 73, 74, 95, 208, 356, 453, 631, 609. 
Peoples, T. M., 467, 569, 574, 620. 
Pemberton, Gen., 229. 
Penitentiary, 317, 308, 70, 248. Removal in 1858 j 

436, 538, 546, 596, 607. 
Pennington, Hon. Wm., 180. 
Penland, J. H., 431. 
Pensacola, 188, 194. 
Pensacola & Mobile R. R., 637. 
Pennsylvania, 123, 165, 381. 
People on the Banks, 60, 535. 
Per Diem, Legislative, ^67. 
Perkins, E. A., 606. 
Perkins, Geo. W., 636. 
Perry, Southern Rights Guards, 194. 
Perry, Henry, 674. 
Perry Home Journal, 620. 
Person, Free of Color, 168, 1860. 
Personne, 290. 

Peter the Hermit, 157, T. R. R. Cobb. 
Peters, R., Jr., 644. 
Peters, Col. Richard, 644, 650. 
Petersburg Express, 270. 
Petersburg, Va., 298, 323. 
Pets, Joe Brown's, 286. 
Phffinix Riflemen, 173. 
Philadelphia, 358. 
Philadelphia Age, 435. 
Phillips, C. D., 546, 551. 
Phillips, Gen. P. J., 284. 



743 



Phillips, Geo. N., 42. 

Phillips, K. W., 305, 414, 436, 465. 

Phillips, Wm., 32, 36, 42, 80, 110, 111, 162, 163, 

186, 206, 215, 216, 387, 624. 
Pickens County, 27, 28, 67, 187, 319. 
Pickett, Joseph, 73. 
Pickens, Fort, 188. 
Pierce County Created, 70. 
Pierce, Dr. Lovick, 137. 
Pierce, Geo. F., 373, 465, 467, 468, 476, 496, 502, 

518, 529, 541. 
Pierce, President, 554. 
Pierce, Wm. R.,404. 
Pike County, 192. 
Pike County News, 623. 
Pike, W. J., 546. 
Pilcher, W. H., 574, 600. 
Pinckard, Capt., 194, 195. 
Pine Mountain, 277. 
Pistols in the Legislature, 429. 
Pittman, Judge, 488. 
Pittsburgh, Pa., 186. 
Planters, 361. 

Planters Asked for Slaves, 248. 
Planters' Cotton Convention, 78, 131, 206. 
Platform, Georgia, 79, 143. 
Platform Nat. Dem. Con., 1878, 385. 
Pledger, W. A., 595, 623. 
P. M. L., 229. 

Poe, Washington, 41, 73, 150, 351, 502, 503. 
Poets of Georgia, 626, 627, 628. 
Polhill, J. H., 524, 542, 543, 546, 606. 
Policy, Andrew Johnson's, 357. 
Political Policy, State Road, 457. 
Polk County, 27. 
Polk, Gen., 276, 278. 
Polk, President, 237. 
Poll Tax, 467. 
Polls, 266, 267, 315. 
Pooi-e, M. J., 404. 
Pope, A., 636. 

Pope, Gen., 246, 367, 370, 371, 372, 373, 378, 379, 390. 
Pope, Judge, 488. 
Pope, Judge J. D., 399, 406. 
Popular Sentiment, 535. 
Population of Ga., 168. 
Port Royal, 216. 
Porter, Lewis, 434. 
Porter, Mrs. Jennie, 628. 
Post, Boston, 461. 
Post, Kew York, 560. 
Post, W. A., 607. 
Postage of State, 534. 
Post-Appeal, Atlanta, 669, 671, 590, 616. 
Pottle, E. H., 33, 34, 36, 73, 90, 262, 284, 352, 373, 

374, 531, 607. 
Pou, J. F., 465. 
Pounds, E. T. & J. T., 623. 



Powell, U. S. Senate, 139. 

Powers, A. P., Judge, 76, 78. 

Powers, J. H., 540. 

Prayer, Humiliation and Fasting, 230. 

Presbyterians on State Koad, 81. 

Press, Northern, 331, 409, 435, 495. 

Press of State, 209, 321, 370, 458, 609-623. 

Prescott, W. A. , 532. 

President Confederate States, 179, 183, 193, 209, 

213, 218, 296. 
Presidential Contest, 1860, 99, 113. 
President, Senate, 262, 351, 395, 400, 428, 464, 465, 

466, 496. 
President United States, 300, 369, 404, 410, 422, 

423, 502, 503, 532. 
Preston, J. W., 674, 373, 641, 642, 544, 548, 649, 

577, 581, 584, 600. 
Price, Gen., 362. 
Price, H. F., 209. 
Price, W. P., 669, 607, 524, 454, 436, 395, 410, 432- 

606, 618. 
Prices in 1864, 316. 
Primitive Baptists, 81. 
Prince, C. H., 362, 375. 
Printing, Public, 546. 
Printing, Public C. S., 224. 
Printup, D. S., 89, 84, 98, 33, 108, 110, 111. 
Prison, Carroll, 338. 
Pritchard, Lieut. Col., 331. 

Proclamation calling Convention, James John- 
son, 341. 
Proclamation Amnesty, 304. 
Proclamation Convening Legislature, 252. 
Proclamation, Emancipation, 258, .304. 
Proclamations, Executive, 82, 198, 207, 230, 248, 
^341. 

Proclamation for Electors, 1860, 130. 
Proclamation of Peace, 357. 
Prodigality of Bullock, 422. 
Prolongation, 433, 434, 438, 439, 440, 467. 
Property, State, 266, 315, 331, 534. 
Prosci'iption, 455. 

Protest against Convention, 1859, 108. 
Protest against Majority Report, 1860, 121, 
Protest against Secession Ordinance, 156. 
Protest in Legislature, 1863, 272. 
Providence in Slavery, 56, 75, 105, 153, 164, 170, 

446, 452, 459, 186, 186, 196, 392, 404, 412, 420, 

423, 467, 634. 
Provision to Plant, 221, 231. 
Provisional Conf . Gov't, 178, 223, 226. 
Provisional Governor, 341, 354, 378, 424, 439, 472. 
Provisional President, 181. 
Pryor, Hon. Roger A., 206. 
Public Building, 534. 
Public Debt, 99, 124, 129, 267, 332, 381, 348, 360, 

403, 495, 529. 
Public School System, 444, 493, 546, 645. 



744 



INDEX. 



Public Printing, 5i6. 

Public Printing, C. S., 224. 

Pulaski County on Brown, 88. 

Pulaski, Fort, 145, 146, 147, 152, 180, 198, 204, 229, 

217, 2.30, 240, 387, 294. 
Pullen, Miss L., 205. 
Putney, F. F., 404. 
Purdom, A. B., 574. 

Purging Legislature by Court Martial, 430. 
Purse, Thos., 22, 

Q. 

Quartermaster Dept., Confederate States, 297. 
Quartermaster-General, State, 216, 279, 307, 310. 
Quitman County Created, 80. 
Quitman, Forsyth Guards, 194. 
Quitman Free Press, 622. 
Quitman Reporter, 621. 

R. 

Rabun County, 257. 

Radicalism, 359, 362. 

Radish, Rep., 432. 

Ragsdale, 108, Legislature of 1859. 

Raid, Streight, 267. 

Railroad Bonds, 447, 457, 594. 

Railroad, Brunswick & Albany, 447. 

Railroad, Central, 311, 632. 

Railroad Claims, 533. 

Railroad Commission, 553, 554, 555, 607, 639. 

Railroad, Georgia, 283, 326, 327, 632. 

Railroad Losses, 332, 529. 

Railroad, West Point, 283, 285. 

Railroads of Georgia, 631, 639, 654. 

Railroads Superintendents, 639. 

Rains, Dr. T. A., 285. 

Ramsey, J A., 36, 386. 

Ramsey, James N., Col., 195, 214, 224. 

Randall, J. R., 453, 610, 611, 626. 

Randall & Randall, 622. 

Randolph Co., 231. 

Randolph, Hon. G. W., 238. 

Rankin, W. R., 542, 653, 574, 606. 

Rape, 312. 

Rape of the Guns, 171, 199, 201. 

Rapidan, 296. 

Rate of Taxation, 168. 

Ratification of Constitution, 207. 

Rawls, Morgan, 262, 347, 395, 432, 465, 467, 502. 

Rawson, E. E., 364. 

Ray, John, 209. 

Ray, L. R., 585. 

Reagan, A. R., 364. 

Reagan, John H., 324, 330. 

Rebel Authorities and Tyranny, 338, 339. 

Rebel Democratic Rowdies, 414. 

Rebel Women, 322. 

Reconstruction Committee, 407, 418, 436. 



Reconstruction, 394, 393, 392, 255, 259, 260, 312, 
335, 405, 406, 407, 408, 415, 417, 420,422, 4i;l, 425,- 
433, 436, 437, 438, 439, 440, 469, Reconstruction 
Ended; 470, 473, 475, 528, 562, 634, 653, 336, 340, 
346, 347, 381, 354, 355, 357, 358, 359, 360, 362, 363, 
3C6, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 377, 379, 380, 382, 
383, 384, 385, 388, 400. 

Reconstructionists, 374. 

Becorder, Savannah, 590, 616. 

Recorder, Southern, 79, 80, S6, 94, 260. 

Redding, Wm. C, 351. 

Redding, J. R , 601. 

Redemption, 472. 

Redwine, Dr., 459. ' 

Redwine, J. E., 524, 549. 

Reed, James S., 108. 

Reed, Wallace, 616. 

Reese, A. W., 373, 383, 453, 610, 613. 

Reese, D. A., 94, Chairman Opposition Conven- 
tion. 

Reese, Judge Augustus, 73, 150, 152, 154, 372, 
383, 389, 503, 529, 579. 

Reese, M. P., 606. 

Reese, Seaborn, 585. 

Reese, W. J., 251. 

Reese, W. M., 348, 353, 464, 467, 476, 529. 

Reformation of Union, 152. 

Refusal to treat with So. Comrs., 182. 

Refugees, 310. 

Regenerated Georgia, 474. 

Regiments, 213, 214, 215, 221, 24=i, 246, 252, 261. 

Register, Mobile, 261. 

Registration, 363, 373, 384, 400. 

Regulars, Ga. 1st, 183, 194, 206, 214, 242. 

Reid, J. A., 524. 

Reid, John S., 607. 

Reid, S., 73. 

Reid, Wm. A., 52, 574, 581, 582, 684. 

Relief, 382, 395, 397, 431, 433. 

Relief and Hospital Assoc, 221, 251, 262. 

Removal of Capital, 412. 

Removal of Gov. Jenkins and others, 379. 

Renfroe, J. W., 465, 509, 527, 530, 549, 550. 

Render, J. A., 115. 

Reply of Gov. Brown, 134, to Legislature. 

Report against 14th Amendment, 359. 

Report Committee on Opera House, 446. 

Reporter, Selma, 270. 

Reporter, Lagrange, 93. 

Rejmrter, Wiregrass, 79, 89. 

Reports of Southern Commissioners, 165. 

Representatives in Congress, ISO. 

Reprisal upon New York, 171, 177, 179, 184. 

Republican Convention, 1869, 414. 

Republican Ex. Com., 420, 426, .595. 

Republican Party, 120, 125, 138, 139, 140, 166, 175, 
357, 358, 384, 385, 408, 411,519. 

Republican, Savannah, 66, 74, 79, 94, 174, 209. 



745 



Hepublican, Springfield, 560. 

jRepublican, Sumter, 89, 93. 

Republicans, Liberal, 501, 502. 

Repudiation, 495. 

Requisitions for Troops, 188, 191, 197, 226, 232, 
263, 264, 287. 

Resaca, 183, 244, 275, 283, 361, 504, 

Resignation, Judge Warner, 589. 

Resistance and Aggression, 152. 

Resolute, Ship, 216. 

Resolutions, Southern, 20, Legislature, 1849; For 
Buchanan, 38, Convention, 1857; For H. V. 
Johnson, 38, Convention, 1857; Benniug & 
McDonald, 77, Legislature, 1858; about Code, 
84, Legislature, 1872; at Milledgeville, 87, 
about Brown; in Washington Co., 88, about 
Brown; about Brown, 90, Convention of 1858; 
on John Brown Raid, 106, Legislature of 
1859; on Southern Rights, 108, Dem. Con. 
Dec, 1859; Appointing Ex. Com., Ill, Dem. 
Con. March, 1860; Mr. Toombs, 126, Aug. Con- 
vention, 1860; of County Meetings, 130, 135, 
(1860) 136; Committee, 131, To call Secession 
Con.; Dixon of Muscogee, 132, 133, against 
Gov. Brown; about Secession, 138; Gov. 
Brown, 147, Fort Pulaski; For Secession, 151, 
154, Fort Pulaski; Nesbit, 156, Secession Con- 
vention; Capitol site, 185; Secession Conven- 
tion; Legislature 1861-2, 220, against Brown; 
Legislature 1861-2, 221, For War; Virginia, 
236; Legislature 1861, 250, 252, Camden Co.; 
Legislature, 1863, 263; Baptist Convention, 
266; Peace in 1863, 273; 318, of War; 321, of 
Unionism; 330, of Congress; 3.39, of Congress; 
340, of Unionism; 356, To President Johnson; 
373-374, Denouncing Reconstructionists; 375, 
Whitfield Co. Meeting; 402, Rebuking Bul- 
lock; 409, U. S. Congress; 410, 415, Negro Eli- 
gibility to Courts; 414, about O'Neal; 414, 
Republican Convention; 441, That Passed 
Election Monstrosity; 444, To buy Kimball 
Opera House; 445, To buy James Mansion; 
453, Dem. Convention, 1S70; 507, about Gov. 
Jenkins; 540, Repealing State Aid; 545, N. E. 
Bond; 546, Impeachment of Goldsmith; 551, 
Humber about Colquitt; 580, 583, In Colquitt 
Convention; 583, 584, Recommending Gov. 
Colquitt; 587, For Minority Candidate; 596, 
Republicans not to Nominate; 608, Military 
Convention. 

Resources of Georgia, 646. 

Respess, J. R., 593, 617. 

Retaliatory Legislation, 129. 

Retreat, .Johnston's, 274. 

Revels, Negro Senator, 434. 

Revenue Reform, 560. 

Review at Macon, 195, 231, Gov. Brown. 

Reville, W. T. 574. 



Revolution, 75, 103, 113, 123, 170, 224. 

Rewards, Bullock's Large, 421, 446, 459. 

Reynolds, P., 17, Legislative 1849; 52, 53, Legis- 
lative, 1857; 73, 119, 150, 348. 

Rhett of South Carolina, 75. 

Rice, Frank P., 607. 

Rice, Geo. D., Judge, 76, 88, 108, 154, 222. 

Rice, John, 433. 

Rice, Sally, 9. 

Rice, U. S. Senate, 1.39, 435. 

Richardson, B. H., 610, 613. 

Richardson, C. B., 374. 

Richardson, J. M., 66. 

Richardson, P. H., 614. 

Richmond Convention, 1860, 110, 117, 118, 120, 
122. ' 

Richmond County, 137, 165, 570. 

Richmond Despatch, 174. 

Richmond, Va., 186, 199, 206, 264, 267, 270, 294, 
295, 297, 312, 323, 324. 

Richmond & Atlanta R. R., 561. 

Richmond & Danville R. R., 635, 636. 

Riddell, E. S., 340. 

Riddleberger, 604. 

Ridgely, R., 588. 

Ridley, Dr. R. A. T , 119, 351, 355, 359. 

Rifles Bought and Captured, 131, 163, 217. 

Rifle, Gallagher, 124. 

Riflemen, Phoenix, 173. 

Rifles, Macon Floyd, 197. 

Rifles, Washington, Sandersville, 194. 

Rigid Economy of Hotchkiss, 451. 

Rights, Southern, 104, 108. 

Ringgold, 183, 244, 274. 

Riley, H. W., 186, 465; 17, 98, Leg. 1849, 1859. 

Ringgold Volunteers, 194. 

Riot at Camilla, 404, 405, 417. 

Rise and Fall of Confederacy, 238, 493, Davis 
Book. 

River of Death, 258, 296. 

Road Commissioners, 424. 

Roaring Lion of Liberty, 115. 

Roberts, D. M., 569. 

Roberts, Dr., 309. 

Roberts, H., 206. 

Roberts, J. E., 36. 

Robinson, Judge, P. B., 406. 

Robinson, S., Spy, 245. 

Robson, W. G., 88. 

Rockafellow, A. D.,458. 

Rockwell, C. P., 381, 379. 

Rockwell, Col. W. S., 321, 629. 

Rocky Face Mountain, 275. 

Rogers, A. M., 518. 

Rogers, Wm., 639. 

Roll of Infamy, 439. 

Rolling Mill, Atlanta, 541, 544. 

Roman, A. B., 182. 



746 



INDEX. 



Eome, 244, 263, 267, 275, 276, 383. 

Rome Bulletin, 616, 620. 

Rome, Cavalry, 191. 

Rome Courier, 615. 

Rome Southerner, 125, 260, 

Eome Tribune, G21. 

Roney, H. C.,542,607. 

Roofs, 243. 

Root, Sidney, 650. 

Roper, A. C, 386. 

Ross, B. L., 577. 

Ross, Lt., Wm. H., 148. 

Ross, M. A., Spy, 245. 

Ross of Houston, 580. 

Rough and Ready, 285, 291. 

Roussean, Gen., 283. 

Rouse, J. M., 431. 

Royal, Port, 216. 

Rucker, T. N., 574, 589. 

Rudler, Col. A. F., 247. 

Ruger, Gen. Thomas H., 381, 379, 403, 430, 473. 

Rule of Brigadier Generals, 372. 

Russell, B. E , 529, 569, 620. 

Russell, D. A., 541, 546, 547. 

Russell, Isaac, 465. 

Russell, J. M., 574, 262, 351, 361. 

Russell, Philip M., 33, 262, 351, 524, 600. 

Russell, Waring, 529. 

Russian Subjects, 177. 

Rutherford, B. H., 79. 

Rutherford, W., 67. 

Rutledge, Lt. J., 216. ' 

Ryan, Father, 628, 

Ryckman, J. W., 650. 

s. 

Safety, Committee of Public, 231. 

Safeold, Thomas P., 43, 89, 107, 110, 120, 121, 126, 
150, 348, 350, 375, 502. 

Sage, I. Y., 639. 

Sage, Russell, 448, 497. 

Salaries Increased, 70, 217, 529, 637. 

Salmons, L. S., 364. 

Salt Famine, 201, 230, 231, 241, 242, 248, 251, 263, 
319, 322. 

Sampson, Ship, 216. 

Sanford, Gen., 327. 

Sanford, J. W. A., 140, 93, 19, 131, 165. 

Sanderson, Capt. G. K., 379. 

Sandersville, 306. 

Sandersville Herald and Georgian, 618. 

Sandersville, Washington Rifles, 194. 

Sapp, H. M., 606. 

Saussy, J. R., 403, 405. 

Savannah, 163, 145, 127, 43, 125, Know-Notliing 
Contest; 168, 172, 176, 181, 198, 199,204,205, 228, 
229, 248, 263, 265, 307, :}46, 360, 557, 294, 212, 217, 
239, 256, 267, 309, 312, 313, 321, 340, 417, 590. 



Savannah, A Ibany & Gulf Railroad, 637. 

Savannah Banks, 132. 

Savannah Express, 109. 

Savannah, Florida & W. R. R., 555, 565, 637. 

Savannah Georgian, 74, 79. 

Savannah, Griffin & N. Ala. R.R., 620. 

Savannah Ladies, 147. 

Savannah News, 569, 79, 243, 277, 590, 608, 610, 

612, 644. 
Savannah Republican, 66, 74, 79, 94, 174, 209. 
Savannah River, 229, 325, 565. 
Savannah Steamer, 216. 
Savannah Vol. Guards, 146. 
Sawyer, B. F., 616. 
Schley, 220. 

Schley County Created, 70, 
Schley, George, 259. 
Schley, John, 356. 
Schley, Wm., 42, 72, 73, 406. 
Schofield's Army, 275, 278, 284. 
School Commissioner, State, 550. 
School Fund, 1859, 99, 129, 444. 
Schools, Public, 444. 
Schurz, Carl, 436. 
Scott, Dunlap, 395, 396, 410, 429, 444, 453, 465, 

482. 
Scott, General, 181. 
Scott, John, Spy, 245. 
Scott, Isaac, 206, 
Scott, U. S. Rep., 459. 
Screven, Dr. J. P., 43, 72, 637, 
Screven, John, 97, 146, 497, 498, 529, 637. 
Scribner's Magazine, 623. 
Sea Board, Georgia, 216. 
Sea, Sherman's March to, 167. 
Seago, A. K., 476, 242, 364. 
Seal of State, Great, 381, 473, 507, 550. 
Seals' Bros., 617. 
Sealy, J. R., 340, 
Secession, 134, 136, 137, 138, 143, 144, 145, 147, 

149, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 164, 180, 208, 261, 312, 

320, 339, 348, 370 
Secession Convention, 131, 147, 149, 150, 153, 154, 

164, 166, 184, 189. 
Secession Ordinance, 155, 156, 166, 312. 
Second Auditor, C. S., 267. 
Second Ga. Cavalry, 246. 
Second Ga. Regulars, 214. 
Second Ga. Volunteers, 215, 216, 264, . 
Second Ohio Regiment, 245. 
Secret History, 260. 

Secretary of C. S. Treasury, 224. 281, assistant. 
Secretary of State, 460, 507, 527, 546, 550. 
Secretary of State Confederacy, 181, 224. 
Secretary U. S. Treasury, 175, 330. 
Secretary of War, Couf., 216, 233, 238, 250, 264i 

295. 
Seddon, Hon. James A., 261, 265, 287, 288, 289. 



INDEX. 



747 



Seeley, Isaac, 376, 475. 

Selma (Alabama) Reporter, 270. 

Selma, Rome & DaltOB Railroad, 634. 

Semmes, Paul J., 186, 215, 216, 224. 

Senate, 428, 394, 359, 319, 317, 262, 60, 227, 441. 

Senate of 1859, 97, 221, 250. 

Senate, C. S., 222, 250. 

Senate, State, of 1860, 133, 166, Gov. Brown's 



Senate, State, of 1863, 262, 272. 

Senate, U. S., 397, 386, 362, 357, 193, 112, 139, 

Toombs' Disunion Speech. 
Senatorial Representation, 50. 
Seney, George I., 634, 646. 
Separate State Action, 136, 303, 304. 
Seven Days Fight, 294. 
Seventh Cong. District, 500, 512. 
Seventh Georgia Cavalry, 263. 
Seventh 6a. Infantry, 202, 204, 215. 
Seventh Ga. Volunteers, 215. 
Seward, James L., 45, 46, 90, 98, 108, 110, 529, 115, 

120, 121, 125, 126, 212, 260, 348, 453. 
Seward, Wm. H., 117, 182, 305, 322, 348, 354. 
Seymour & Blair, 385, 389, 390. . 
Shackelford, 96, for Congress. 
Shadrack, P. G., 245. 
Sharkey, Governor, 369. 
Shanks, II. S. Congress, 422. 
Sharpe, Edwin R., 620. 
Sharpe, Rifle, 125. 
Sharp and Quick, 384, 416. 
Sharpsburg battle, 294. 
Sheibley, P. M., 414. 
Shelbyville, Tenn., 245. 
Shellman, W. F., 639. 
Shepherd, Private, 327. 

Sherman, Bill, 370, 369, 367, 362, 363, 365, 366. 
Sherman, Gen. Wm. T., 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 

282, 283, 285, 286, 291, 292, 293. 310, 300, 301, 302, 

303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 309, 312, 313, 317, 321, 322, 

324, 326, 337, 359, 431, 653. 
Sherman, J., 376. 
Sherman's March to the Sea, 167. 
Sherman, Senator, U. S., 428, 434. 
Shewmake, J. T., 212, 262. 
Shiloh Battle, 246, 247. 
Shine, W. F., 502. 
Ships, 216, 281, 282. 
Shivers, John A., 619. 
Shorter, Hon. John G.,*151. 
Shropshire, W., 36. 
Shumate, I. E., 395, 397, 405, 436, 467, 574, 576, 

581, 595. 
Sibley, G. R., 546. 
Silliman, Prof., 13. 

Simmons, James P., 73, 121, 126. 156, 628. 
Simmons. W. E., 120, 465, 467, 468, 585. 
Simmons, James, 156. 



Simmons, T. J., 464, 494, 529, 531, 541. 

Slmms, J. M., 412,414. - 

Sinclair, C. B., 628. 

Singleton, J. M., 606. 

Sisson, V. P., 432. 

Six Months' Troops, 190. 

Sixteenth Ga. Volunteers, 215.. 

Sixth Congressional District, 581. 

Sixth Ga. Cavalry, 263. 

Sixth Ga. Infantry, 199, 215. 

Sixtieth Ga. Volunteers, 263. 

Sixty-first Ga. Volunteers, 263. 

Sixty-second Ga. Volunteers, 263. 

Sixty-third Ga. Volunteers, 263. 

Sixty-fourth Ga. Volunteers, 263. 

Sixty-fifth Ga. Volunteers, '263. 

Skidaway Island, 229. 

Slander Campaign, 540, 543, 555-6, 570, 571, 596. 

Slander Mill, 421, 404, 416, 420, 436. 

Slappey, Robt. R., 73. 

Slaughter, Wm. M., 264, 110, 115, 126, 248. 

Slave Trade, 74, 115, 164. 

Slavens, Samuel, Spy, 245. 

Slavery, 56, 75, 84, 100, 103, 104, 106, 108, 112, 115, 
117, 120, 122, 127, 134, 135, 138, 139, 143, 152, 153, 
154, 167, 169, 185, 188, 195, 196, 243, 246, 304, 317, 
318, 332, 340, 341, 342, 343, 344, 348, 352, 357, 
359, 363, 386, 396, 432, 433, 653. 

Slaves to Work on Defenses, 248. 

Slidell, John, 635. 

Slow, Governor, 45. 

Small, S. W., 588, 593. 

Small, S. W., (Old Si), 588, 593, 610. 

Smalley, Judge, 176. 

Smith, 70. 

Smith of Brooks, 220. 

Smith of Talbot, 1859, 108. 

Smith, Captain, 194, 197. 

Smith, Miss A., 205, 

Smith, C. C, 585. 

Smith, Charles H., 10, 623. 

Smith, Captain E., 148. 

Smith, Gen. Gustavus W., 263, 281, 285, 286, 
287, 313, 321, 337. 

Smith, J. R., 431, 432. 

Smith, J. Henly, 319. 

Smith, James H.. 324. 

Smith, James M., Governor, 77, 125, 262, 386, 
444, 452, 461, 462, 465, 466, 468, 493; 468, Elected 
Governor; 472, 468, 469, Inaugural; 475, 502, 
503, 504, 505, 507. 508, 509, 510, 511, 515, 516, 521, 
522, 525, 526, 527, 531, 532, 533, 440, 553, 554, 
662, 572, 579, 592, 593. 

Smith, James M., of Oglethorpe Co., 524, 542, 
543, 574, 606. 

Smith, Miss L., 184. 

Smith, L. B., 108, 110, 215, 247. 

Smith, W. D., 215. 



748 



INDEX. 



Smith, W. E., 261, 511, 520. 

Smith, O. L., 251. 

Smith, Capt. R. A., 148, 247, 264. 

Smith, Sumuer J., 32, 33, 36, 73, 91, 97, 108, 111, 

383, 390. 
Smith, T. J., 600. 
Smith, T. M., 406. 
Smith, Gov. Wm., 292. 
Smythe, Wm-., 80, 108. 
Smythe, Wm. M., 387. 
Smithsonian Institute, 557. 
Snake Creek Gap, 275. 
Snead, Claiborne, 110, 352, 361, 465, 531. 
Snead, Thos. L., 496-9. 
Sneed Jas. R., 79, 80, 383. 
Snyder, D. D., 458. 

Soldiers, 251, 282, 298, 299, 331, 380, 409, 422, 473. 
Soldiers giving up homes, 276. 
Sons of Liberty, 205. 
Sorrell, Gen. Moxley, 296. 
South, 115, 118, 153, 185, 196, 204, 218, 226, 242, 257, 

258, 270, 271, 286, 304, 313, 341, 357, 359, 362, 372, 

385, 393, 501. 
South Carolina, 74, 123, 144, 148, 151, 206, 267, 

266, 152, 179, 181, 216, 221, 252, 287, 292, 312, 313, 

321, 322, 331, 361. 
South Carolinian, Charleston, 289. 
South, Defenders of, 205. 
South Ga. & Fla. R. R., 495. 
South Guards, Columbus, 194. 
South, Leaguers of, 103. 
South, Old and New, 603. 
South, and Slavery, 56, 57. 
South, Spirit of the South, Ala., 148. 
Southern Coast, 256. 
Southern Commercial Convention, 72, 1858 ; 74, 

75, Agency to Disunion, 416. 
Southern Confederacy, 86, 104, 151, 152, 165, 167, 

178, 270, 294. 
Southern Convention, 164, 181, at Montgomery. 
Southern Conventions, 43, 44, 136. 
Southern, Georgian, Bainbridge, 79, 93. 
Southern Heroism, 270. 
Southern Independence, 226. 
Southern Merchants, 132. 
Southern Outrage, 458. 
Southern Pacific, 416. 
Southern Recorder, 79. 
Southern Republic, 103. 

Southern Rights. 24, 58, 104, 108, 119, 131, 135, 557. 
Southern Rights Guards, Perry, 194. 
Southern Secession Commissioners, 104, 182. 
Southerner, Rome, 125, 260. 
Southwest News, 79. 

.South-Western Georgia, 269, 309, 310, 325. 
South-Western R. R., 456, 633. 
Sovereignty Squatter, 114. 
Sovereignty, State, 220, 235, 249, 254, 265, 367. 



Spalding, Lt. Col. C, 247. 

Spalding, Chas., 72. 

Spalding, R. D., 650. 

Sparks, O. G., 412, 413. 

Sparks, Wm. H., 625. 

Sparta, 212. 

Sparta, Ishmaelite, 622. 

Sparta Times and Planter, 619. 

Spaulding, R., 36, 52, 53, 63, 89, 98, 138, 139. 

Spavined Rogue, 461. 

Speaker of House, 262, 351, 391, 395, 432, 466, 
468, 496, 523. 

Spear, E, P., 574. 

Specie Train, 325. 

Speculation, 257, 322. 

Speech, 137, 144, 153, 154, 180, 184, 185, 243, 272, 
289, 292, 293, 318, 341, 356, 358, 370, 372, 389, 391, 
392, 399, 401, 423, 428, 429, 435, 455, 458, 495, 
518, 549, 562, 565, 566, 571, 578, 579, 584, 587, 588, 
593, 594, 596-99, 602, 647. 

Speer, Alex. M., 96, 262, 523, Supreme ct., 531. 

Speer, D. N., 90, 110, 585, 601. 

Speer, Emory, 513, 514, 606. 

Speer J. A., 541-, 547. 

Speer, T. J., 376, 396, 454, 511. 

Speer, W. J., 601. 

Spencer, S. B., 127, 150, 593. 

Spies, Federal, 243. 

Spinner, U. S. Treasurer, 330. 

Spirit of the South, 1868, 393. 

Spirit of the South, Alabama, 148. 

Spratt, 74. 

Sprayberry, H. J., 52, 194. 

Spring Place, 12. 

Spring Place Times, 622. 

Springfield Republican, 560. 

Squatter Sovereignty, 103, 104, 114. 

Starnes, E., 18, 35, 355, 383. 

Stanberry, Mr., 369. 

Standard, Cassville, 79. 

Stanford, L. L., 607. 

Stansel, W. H., 66. 

Stansell, A. H., 18. 

Stanton, Edwin M., 339, 367. 

Stapleton, 41. 

Star of the West, 148. 

Stark, J. H., 18. 

Stark, Col. Wm. H., 310. 

State, the, 82, H. R. Ja(^kson's Speech. 

State Agricultural Society, 131, 452, Appropria- 
tion, 590, 606. 

State Aid, 70, 301, 412, 444, 447, 529, 540, 541. 

State Armory, 248. 

State Bonds, 220, 227, 360, 418.435, 226, 227, 348, 
360, 445, 446, 447, 418, 510, 511, 525, 557, 583, 588, 
606, 609, 526, 632, 653. 

State Commissary Gen., 216. 

State Conventions, 107, 118, .376. 



INDEX. 



749 



state Debt, 1860, 168, 315, 360. 

State Defense, 219. 

State Democratic Conveutiou, 389. 

State Dem. Ex. Committee, 374, 383. 

State Deposits, 549. 

State Disorder, 353. 

State Geologist, 504. 

State, Great Seal of, 507, 381, 473. 

State House Officers, 403, 507. 

State Press, Macon, 79. 

State Property, 266, 315, 331. 

State, Qr. Mr. Gen., 216. 

State of the Republic Committee, 405. 

State Eoad, 71, 81, 89, 98, 124, 129, 168, 243, 267, 
275, 285, 306, 348, 356, 360, 400, 416, 418, 422, 427, 
436, 444, 448, 449, 450, 451, 456. 459, 467, 476, 486, 
520, 532, 559, 561, 632, 637. 

State Rights, 236, 337. 

State Rights Nat. Convention, 123. 

State School Commissioner, 444, 546. 

State, Secretary of, 71, 400. 

State Senate, 50, 166, 359, 394, 395. 

State Sovereignty, 226, 236. 

State Treasurer, 417, 71,400, 382, 403. 

State Troops, 166, 186, 213, 221, 224, 227, 230, 231, 
239, 240, 248, 262, 263, 286, 294, 303, 337. 

State University of Athens, 503. 

State University, Military, 229, 372. 

Statesmanship, Georgia, 170. 

Stationery for State, 534. 

Statistics of 1860, 167, 169. 

Staton, J. W., 587. 

Stay Law, 214, 356, 361. 

Steadraan, Gen., U. S., 346. 

Steadman, E., 464. 

Steamers for State, 205, 216, 263. 

Steele, J. H., 400, 79, 80, 90, 91. 

Stephens, Alex. H., 19, Supporting Jas. Jack- 
son; 25, 26, 39, 43, 45; 46, Elected to Congress; 
59, Description; 73, 103, 104; 105, and Iverson; 
109,for President; 110, 113, 116, 125, 126, 128,131, 
137, 143, 150, 151, 152, 154, 155, 164, 181, 195, 209, 
223, 231, 249, 272, 286, 300, 301, 302, 303, 305, 322, 
337, 356, 358, 370, 386, 387, 398, 399, 415, 500, 501, 
502, 505, 506, 507, 511, 520, 533, 679. 

Stephens, J. A., 541. 

Stephens, Linton, 17, Legislature, 1849; 33, His 
Character; 36, 44, 45; 46, Beaten for Congress; 
72; 101, Supreme Ct. Judge; 128, 131, 142, 150, 
155, 231 249, 250, 251, 272, 273, 285, 358, 391, 426, 
453, 501, 502, 626. 

Stevens, History of Georgia, 624. 

Stevens, Thaddeus, 357, 358, 407. 

Stewart, Gen., 279. 

Stewart, Mrs. Gen. A. P., 321. 

Stewart, J. A., 374. 

Stewart, J. D., 352, 355, 574, 577, 607, 524, 569, 595. 

Stewart, J. R., 262. 



Stewart, Co. on Brown, 88. 

Stewart Senator, U. S., 435. 

Strong, Judge C. H., 284. 

St. John, Gen. J. M., 324, 326, 330. 

St. Louis and Iron Mt. R. E., 456. 

St. Mary's River, 565. 

Stiles, Wm. H., 31, 32, 34, 35, 72, 80, 86, 108, 109, 
110, 120, 215, 263, 318, 625. 

Stone, A. W., 502. 

Stone, Corner, Speech, 195. 

Stone, Wm. A., 340. 

Stoneman, Gen., 283. 

Story, Col. R. L., 263. 

Stoval, Major, 215. 

Stovall, Pleasant, 610. 

Straight Democracy, 502. 

Streight Raid, 267. 

Stress of War, 253. 

Strickland H., 126, 222. 

Strickland, L., 546. 

Strohecker, E. L., 108, 110, 115, 

Styles, C. W., 110, 120, 150, 215, 284, 398, 468. 

StaflEord, Col. S. S., 284. 

State Action, Separate, 136, 302, 303. 

State Finances, 448, 315, 403, 412. 

Sun, Atlanta, 479, 501. 

Survey, State, 504. 

Suspension of Banks, 62, 214, 221. 

Supreme Court Judges, 142, 96, 70, 76, Salaries 
Increased; 221, 249, 250, 251,255, 349, 356,388, 
399, 415, 456, 457, 493, 508, 540. 

Superior Court Judges, 70, 76, 349, Salaries In- 
creased. ' 

Sumter JRepuUican, 89, 93, 619. 

Supreme Ct. U. S., 103, 118, 360, 369, 370, 473. 

Sun, Columbus, 271, 384. 

Sumter County, 136. 

Sumter Fort, 144, 145, 148, 179, 196. 

Substitute for Secession Ordinance, 155. 

Surplus Forage Crop, 253, Brown. 

Substitute Law, 262. 

Surrency, R. C, 431. 

Surrenders, 323, 326, 337, 359, 361. 

Suffrage, Negro, 359. 

Summerlin, Dr. C. W., 607, 

Sumner, Charles, 407, 435. 

Sunday-School, International, 535. 

Suspicion, Fever of, 552. 

Sunday Banner, 602, 603. 

Sunny South, 610, 617. 

Summerville Gazette, 621. 

Superintendents of Ga. R. Rds., 639. 

Swell-Head Governors, 193. 

Swinton's Book, 278. 

Sweat Boxes, 387. 

Sweat, J. L., 574, 607. 

Swainsboro Herald, 621. 

Sylvania Telephone, 622. 



750 



T. 

Talbot Co. Democracy, 87, About Brown. 

Talbot Co., 180, 585. 

Talbotton, 591. 

Talbotton Register and Standard, C20. 

Talcott, T. M. R., 636. 

Taliaferro, A., 88. 

Taliaferro, Col. J., 263. 

Taliaferro Co., 149, 500, against Secession. 

Taliaferro, E.M., 431. 

Tallapoosa Circuit, 372, 379. 

Tanner's Ferry Fight, 275. 

Tanneries Seized, 248. 

Tarver, Rep., 550. 

Tattnall, Commodore, 190, 204, 216, 220, 229. 

Tattnall Co., 149. 

Tatum, Rep., 550. 

Tax on Cotton, 248. 

Tax, Confederate War, 226, 227, 248. 

Tax Income, 267, 534. 

Tax, Poll, 467, 475, 565. 

Tax, Railroad, 534. 

Tax, U. S., 300. 

Taxation Reduced, 98, by Gov. BroA\ii. 

Taxation, Rate of, 98, 168. 

Taylor, Col. W. H., 298, 299. 

Taylor, Dr., 13. 

Taylor, Gen. Dick., 313. 

Taylor, R. S., 138. 

Telegraph, Macon, 18, 79, 80, 86, 256, 319, 374, 

569, 571, 590, 591, 600, 610, 613. 
Temperance, 16, 69. 
Temperance Crusader, 79. 
Temple, John, 602-3. 
Temple, R., 636. 
Tennessee, 74, 123, 162, 105, 166, 226, 241, 246, 258, 

267, 269, 293, 305, 331. 
Tennessee Car Company, 450. 
Tennessee, East, 189. 
Tenth Ga. Volunteers, 215, 274. 
Term, Third, 207, 210, 211. 
Territories, Slavery in, 103, 106, 108, 114, 118, 

119, 120, 152, 166. 
Terrell Co., 314. 

Terry, Gen. Alfred, 417, 421, 424, 427, 429, 431. 
Test Oath, 360, 407, 415, 423. 
Texas, 327, 74, 115, 123, 152, 165, 267, 324, 435,436, 

519, 627. 
Textile Record, 650. 
Thayer, Senator U. S., 423. 
Third Ga. Cav.,247. 
Third Ga. Vols., 215. 
Third Ohio Cavalry, 383. 
Third Term, 207, 210, 211. 
Thirteenth Amendment, 352. 
Thirteenth Ga. Vols., 215, 242. 
Thirtieth Ga. Inf., 247. 



Thirty-first Ga. Inf., 247. 

Thirty-second Ga. Inf., 247. 

Thirty-third Ga. Inf., 247. 

Thirty-fourth Ga. Inf., 247. 

Thirty-fifth Ga. Inf., 247. 

Thirty-sixth Ga. Inf., 247. 

Thirty-seventh Ga. Inf., 247. 

Thirty-eighth Ga. Inf., 247. 

Thirty-ninth Ga. Inf., 247. 

Thomas' Army, 275, 278, 338. 

Thomas County, 205, 349. 

Thomas, E. L., 215, 247, 299. 

Thomas, G. E., 119, 222, 595, 600. 

Thomas, II. P., Ill, 115. 

Thomas, James, Judge, 76, 115, 121. 

Thomas, J. P., 574. 

Thomas, Rev. C. W., 399. 

Thomas, Thomas W., 26, 33, 34, 35, 72, 215, 249. 

Thomasville Enterprise, 619. 

Thomasville Times, 621. 

Thomaston Times, 622. 

Thomasville Post, 622. 

Thompson, G. H., 195. 

Thompson, J. M., 628. 

Thomson, "W. S., 547. 

Thompson, Wm. T., 590, 79, 80, 373, 374, 529, 610, 
612, 623, 624. 

Thomson, Jos., 364. 

Thornton, B. A., 359. 

Thrasher, J. J., 364. 

Thrasher, John J., 260. 

Thurman, Senator U. S., 422, 458, 565. 

Thurmond, T. H., 36. 

Thweatt, Peterson, 71, 167, Comptroller-Gen.; 
227, 260, 453. 

Ticknor, F. O., 626, 627. 

Tift, Nelson, 120, 373, 383, 408, 410, 415, 426, 453, 
454, 503, 529, 593. 

Tilden and Hendricks, 518, 519, 520, 521. 

Times of Columbus, 33, 73, 79, 80, 109, 242, 384, 
493, 590, 610, 615. 

Times, Chicago, 344, 4.35. 560. 

Times, Dalton, 79. 

Tinjes, Man for the, 193. 

Times, London, 313. 

Times, Kew York, 421, 559. 

Timmonsville, N. C, 350. 

Tipton, Senator U. S., 435. 

Tison, J. P., .544. 

Toast at Augusta Arsenal, 163, 164. 

Tobacco Blockade, 350. 

Toombs, Mrs. Gen., ,328, 346. 

Toombs, Robert, 25, 26, 38, Endorsed as U. S. S.; 
39,43; 54, Description; 54, Brown's Opinion, 
1849; 58, Brown and Toombs; 103, 106, 112, 113, 
Disunion Speech; 116, 117, Letter on Charles- 
ton Convention; 125, 126, 128, 131, 138, 1.39, 
140, 143, 145, 150; 152, 153, The Leader of Se- 



INDEX. 



751 



cession; 154, His Fiery Speecli; 155; 164, Del- 
egate to Montgomery; 166, Address Secession 
Con.; 175, 181, 206, 222; 222, Declines C. S. Seua- 
torship; 224, 225, 226, 231, 242, 249, 25U, 251, 254, 
260, 264, 265; 271, Tribute to Brown; 281, 285, 
318, 324, 325, 326, 328, 360, 370, 391, 459, 461, 462, 
468, 476-492, Duel with Gov. Brown; 501, 502. 
506, 510, 529, 530, 531, 534, 541, 553, 557, 593, 599, 
653. 

Tompkins, H. B., 531. 

Tory Sentiment, 2.57. 

Towers, J. R., 574. 

Towns, Geo. W., 18. 

Tracy, E. D., 42. 

Tracy, Phil., Ill, 110, 97, 108, Legislature, 1859; 
115, 120, 138, 139. 

Trade, Direct Co., 131, 416. 

Train, Specie, 325. 

Trammell, L. N., 15, 32,33, 36, 110, 212, 262, 375, 
382, 453, 464, 466, 496, 512, 519, 541, 568 574, 639. 

Trammell, Wm. D., 520, 629. 

Transfer of Georgia Troops, 217, 218, 221, 230. 

Treason, 319. 

Treasurer, State, 71, 378, 379, 382, 436, 505, 509, 
527, 529, 533. 

Treasury, State, 549, 546, 71, 449, 508. 

Treasury Notes, Confederate, 206. 

Treasury Notes, State, 185. 

Treasury, U. S., 138,175. 

Tredegar Iron Works, 186. 

Troutman, J. K., 544. 

Trial of Ashburn, 386. 

Trials, Impeachment, 547-550. 

Tribune, Chicago, 435, 560. 

Tribune, New York, 176, 560. 

Trice, Thomas C, 192, 193, 194, 208. 

Troops, 131, 166, 184, 186, 188, 189, 190, 192, 198, 
204, 206, 213, 217, 218, 221, 224, 226, 227, 230, 239, 
240, 248, 262, 263, 286, 294, 303, 313, 337, 653. 

Troup, Gov., 140, 184. 

Troup and Clarke Campaign, 655. 

Triplett, J. L., 554, 621. 

Trippe, J. B., 71, State Treasurer. 

Trippe, Robert P., 40, 43, 46, 76, 94, 98, 119, 138, 
139, 222, 510, 522, 579. 

Trippe, T. H., 154. 

Trumbull, Senator U. S., 422, 434, 436. 

Troup, County, 136, 205. 

Tucker, Dr. H. H., 610, 617. 

Tucker, J. A., 36, 72, 82. 

Tucker, Mrs. M. E., 629. 

Tuggle, W. O., 390, 391, 519, 529, 533. 

Tumlin, Lewis, 126. 

Tumlin, N. J., 574. 

Tumlin, W. M., 395, 401, 405, 432. 

Tunnel Hill, 244.. 

TurnbuU, J. J., 496. 

Turner, H. M., 376, 396, 405, 412, 414, 416. 



Turner, H. G., 502, 503, 542, 546, 547, 548, 551, 

579, 606. 
Turner, J. P., 547. 
Turner, W. A., 549. 
Turpentine to defeat Federals, 229. 
Tweedy, Ephraim, 396, 411, 432, 433, 436, 458. 
Twelfth Ga. Battalion, 263. 
Twelfth Ga. Vols., 215. 
Twelve Months Troops, 198. 
IVentieth Ga, Vols., 215, 263. 
Twenty-first Ga, Vols., 215. 
Twenty-first Ohio Reg., 245. 
Twenty-second Ga. Vols,, 215. 
Twenty-third Ga. Vols., 215. 
Twenty-fourth Ga. Vols.. 215. 
Twenty-fifth Ga. Vols., 215. 
Twenty-sixth Ga. Inf., 247, 263. 
Twenty-seventh Ga. Inf., 247. 
Twenty-eighth Ga. Inf., 247. 
Twenty-ninth Ga. Inf., 247. 
Twiggs Co., 455. 
Twiggs, Gen. David E., 224. 
Twiggs, H. D. D., 518, 606. 
Two Governors, 314. 
Two Thirds Rule, 36, 572, 573, 576, 585. 
Tybee Island, 229. 

U. 

Uncle Remus, 614, 623-4. 

Underwood, J. W. H., 33, 36, 51, 52, 96, 180, 372, 

415, 531, 585. 
Underwood, Wm. J., 66, 70, 138. 
Umphrey of Fannin, 359. 
Union Club, Georgia, 340. 
Union County, 28, 205, 257. 
Union Convention, National, 358, 1866. 
Union Invincibles, 205. 
Union League, 382. 
Union, Milledgeville, 417, 346, 42, 66, 79, 80, 82, 

209, 219, 271. 
Union, The, 355, 358, 359, 366, 473. 
Unionism, 58, 104, 109, 113, 316, 117, 129, 135, 151, 

152, 153, 155, 185, 186, 187, 189, 196, 197, 225, 257, 

260, 261, 269, 291, 302, 312, 320, 321, 340, 344, 404. 
United States Atty. Gen., 369, 440. 
United States Artillery, 294. 
United States Constitution, 355, 357, 455. 
United States Congressmen, 262, 357, 362, 408. 
United States Courts, 132, 346, 360, 555. 
United States District Attorney, 360. 
United States Flag, 161. 
United States Hotel, 398. 
United States Government, 181, 238, 258, 265, 

266, 355. 
United States Mint, 186, 187, 458. 
United States Marshal, 462. 
United States Senate, 139, 153, 193, 356, 357, 407, 

410, 434, 436. 



752 



INDEX. 



United, States Supreme Court, 369, 370. 
■United States Senator, 380, 397, 398, 407, 428, 433, 

458, 494, 505, 506, 515, 526, 558, 564, 599, 002-6. 
University, State, 372, 503. 
Unpalatable Pacts, 226. 
Upton, Gen., 337. 



V. 



Valdosta Times, 620. 

Valkyria, 628. 

Valley of Tirginia, 285, 294. 

Van Vallienburg, Col., 314. 

Vance, Gov., 282, 505, 047, 648. 

Vanderbilt, W. H , 638. 

Varuer, E., 88. 

Vason, D. A., 212, 250, 574, 576, 577. 

Vason, W. J., 120, 165, 106. 

Vattles. Law of Nations, 174. 

Veal, Lt. L. E., 299. 

Venable, W. K., 364. 

Vermont, 123, 381. 

Veto, 64, 69, 101, 132, 217, 356, 358, 362, 363, 410, 

415, 406, 467. 
Vice President, Confederacy, 181, 195, 196, 209, 

224,300,301. 
Vicksburg, 258, 200, 269. 
Vicksburg & Meridian E. R., 635. 
Vicksburg & Sbreveport E. U., 035. 
Villalonga, Alderman, 321. 
Villepigue, I. B., Gen., 215, 224. 
Virginia, 74, 123, 152, 164, 197, 198, 313, 436, 199, 

206, 207, 236, 242, 210, 248, 207,^69, 285, 288, 292, 

294, 290, 325, 330, 331. 
Visitor, Family, Madison, 79. 
Volunteers, Bainbridge, 194. 
Volunteers, Dablonega, 194. 
Volunteers, Lee's, 184. 
Volunteers, IVIacon, Independent, 194. 
Volunteers, Macon, 197. 
Volunteers, Ringgold, 194. 
Volunteers, State, 213, 354. 
Volunteers, Spirit of, 265. 
Vote on 15th Amendment, 411. 
Vote in 1868, 406, 409. 
Vote in 1803, 261. 
Vote on the Banks, 64, 77. 
Vote on Constitution, 1801, 207. 
Vote on Convention, 1877, 520. 
A'ole on Gov. Colquitt, 1S78, 551. 601. 
Vote in Convention, 1880, ,5V], 5"7, 580, 585. 
Vote on Secession Convention, 149. 
Voters in Georgia in 1860, 168, 183, 331, 476. 
Vote for President, 1860, 129. 
Vote, Power to, 341, 565. 
Vote for Gov. Smith, 408. 
A^ote for U. S. Senator, 602. 
Voorhies, U. S. Senator D. W., 648, 649. 



w. 

Waddell, J. D., 327, 375, 382, 390, 391, 466, 626. 

Wade, E. C, 519. 

Wade, J. B., 644. 

Wade of Screven, 588. 

Wade, U. P., 587. 

Wade, U. S. Senate, 139, 409. 

Wadleigh, Mr., 340. 

Wadley, Wm. M., 360, 497, 498, 633, 636. 

Walbert, J. T., 324. 

Walden, Lt. C. R., 299. 

Walker, Mr., 369. 

Wallier, A. C, 121. 

Walker, A. T., 36. 

Walker Co., Messenger, 622. 

Walker Co., 149, against Secession. 

Walker, Lt. Col., C. V., 163. 

Walker, Dawson A., 77, 125, 356, 358, 363, 366, 502, 
519, 521, 526. 

Walker, E, B., 284, 400. 

Walker, John B., 90, Lively Speech. 

Walker, Gov. of Kansas, 38. 41, 42, 43, 45. 

Walker Light Inf., Aug., 194. 

Wallcer, Wm. H. T., 163, 183, 186, 216, 224, 227, 
275, 282. 

Walker, Gen. W. S., 299. 

Wallace, A. M. Col., 284, 291. 

Wallace, Major Campbell, 360, 387, 449, 497, 498, 
553, 554. 

Wallace, Mrs. Charles, 184. 

Wallace. Charles, 417, 540. 

Wallace, W. A., 98. 

Walls, Cut, 229. 

Walters, Jesse, 550. 

Walton Co., 149, against Secession, 

Walton Co., Vinette, 621. 

Walton News, 623. 

Walton Spring, 245. 

Walsh, Patrick, 490, 524, 569, 572, 573, 574, 575, 
577, 578, 580, 583, 584, 610. 

War, 170, 191, 217, 221, 252, 253, 268, 313, 218, .323, 
331, 332, 341, 344, 348, 474. 

War Between the States, 625, 305, 322. 

War Dept. Confederate, 2.52, 348, 357, 359, 386. 

War Department, Richmond, 199. 

War Indigents, 252. 

War Measures, 213. 

War Secretary Conf., 216. 233, 238. 

War Tax, Confederate, 226, 227, 248. 

War Tr0'->ps, 198, 213. 

Ward, B. F., 36, 88. 

Ward, Joliii E., 35, 36, 37, 79, 497, 499; 51, Pres- 
ident Senate ; 63, 66, Bank Speecli ; 80, 82, 183. 

Ware, Dr. A. C, 205. 

Warner, Hiram, 18, Judge Supreme Ct. ; 26, 31, 
34. 35, 36, 43; 72, Delegate Sou. Con.; 110, 115, 
116, 120, 121, 125, 126, 150, 155, 356, 358; 372, Ac- 



INDEX. 



753 



cepts Reconstruction ; 406, Bullock Appoints 

Judgp; 415, 493, 523, 547, 548, 556, 55T, 569, 571, 

577, 578, 592, 590, 589, 585, 580. 
Warren, Rev. Mr., 629. 
Warren, B. H., 259. 
Warren, Gen, Eli, 348, 358, 373, 529, 593. 
Warren, J. L., 348, 518, 529, 574, 577, 580, 581, 587, 

588. 
Warren, Jas. W., 601, 79, 80, 493. 
Warrenton, Clipper, 417, 619. 
Warrenron Our Country, 622. 
Warsaw, Island, 229. 
Wartben, R. L., 120, 529. 
Warthen, T. C, 644. 
Warthen, Gen. T. J., 88, 90, 215, 247. 
Washburn, Gen. U. S., 346. 
Washington, Artillery, 164, 326. 
Washington county on Brown, 88, 331, 574. 
Washington, D. C, 123,102,175, 181,266, 270,302, 

304, 329, 330, 338, 340, 381, 354, 363, 366, 381, 391, 

412, 414, 420, 433, 435, 436, 458, 473. 
Washington, Ga., 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 330. 
Washington, Gazette, 619. 
Washington, J. H. B., 93, 206, 251, 338. 
Washington st., Atlanta, 307. 
Washington Rifles, Sandersville, 194. 
Washington Volunteers, 230. 
Waste Iron State Road, 72. 
Watchman, Athens, 78, 93, 619. » 

Water Power of Ga., 644. 
Wf>.terman, J. T., 611, 612, 618, 
Waters, H. H., 400. 
.^Watkins, E. P., 364, 71, 248, Sec. of State. 
Catkins, J D., 73. 
Watkins, Wm., 242. 
Watkinsville Advance, 622. 
Watson, Thos. E., 574, 577, 579, 583. 
Watson. A. R., 627. 
Watt, Rep., 506. 
Watts, Gov., 282. 
Watts, L. B.,88. 
Way, Lt. Col. C. H., 228, 248. 
Wayne, Henry C, 146, 175, 243, 260, S09. 312. 
Waynesboro, Herald and Expositor, 619. 
Wayside Homes, 242. 
Wealth of Georgia in 1860, 167, 169, 315. 
Wealth, Georgians, 331. 
Wee<l,,H. B., 340. 
Weed, W. D,, 321. 
Weil, Col., 37. 
Weil, Col. S., 518. 
Weil, Samuel, 415, 416. 
Welch, P. O., 396. 
Welchell, Rap., 432. 
Wellborn, C. B., 66, 73. 
Wellborn, C. J., 90, 110, 394, 430, 467, 529, 541, 

574, 608. 
Wells, L. C, 364. 
48 



Wesleyan, Fem. College, 652. 

West, The, 370. 

West, P. H., 33, 89, 98, 108, 574. 

Westbrook, A. C, 546, 606. 

Western Georgia R. R., 416. 

Western Railroad, 633. 

Western & Atlantic Railroad, 18, 41, 45, 71, 72, 

80, 98, 124, 129, 168, 243, 244, 267, 275, 285,' 306) 

348,356,360, 400, 416, 427,444, Road Leased; 

448, 449, 450, 451, 456, 467, 476, 486, 520, 532,559, 

561, 632, 637. 
Westmoreland, Maria J., 629. 
Westmoreland, Dr. W. P., 184. 
West Point, 163, 294. 
West Point Press, 621. 
West Point Railroad, 283, 285. 
West Virginia, 216, 227. 
Wheat Binding, 37, Brown when Nominated. 
Wheaton, Capt. C, 381, 379. 
Wheeler, Joseph, Gen., 183, 226, 282, 285, 306. 
Whelchel, Davis, 156. 
Whig Party, 25, 26, 222, 223. 
Whisky Distillation, 241. 
Whitaker, J. I., 52, 53, 184, 383, 207, 216, 348, 349, 

399. 
White County Created, 70. 
White Flag Incident, 137. 
White, Rev. Geo., 624. 
White, Maj. E. C, 325. 
White, R. W., 415. 
White, Dr. W. H., 511. 
White, W. J., 595. 
Whitehead, M. H.. 406. 
Whiteley Detective, 387. 

Whitely, R. H.. 121, 375, 376, 433, 434, 454, 502. 
Whitaeld Co., 66, 247, 374, 375. 
Whiting, Gen. W. H. C, 224. 
Whitman, J. T., 618. 
Whitner, JohnC, 387. 
Whitney, Eli, 652. 
Whiton, A. L., 448. 
Whittle, L. N., 110, 212, 219, 220, 250, 251, 373, 

374, 383, 591. 
Whittle, P. B., 606. 
Who is Brown, 66. 
Wicker, Thomas O., 88, 90, 352. 
Widows, Indigent, 252. 
Wiggins, J. S., 386. 
Wilcox Co., on Brown, 89. 
Wilcox Co., Created, 70. 
Wild Cats, Miller, 205. 
Wild, Land Troubles, 546, 547. 
Wilde, Richard Henry, 626, 627. 
Wilde, Gen. U. S., 346. 
Wilderness, Battle, 325. 
Wilkes Co., 324. 
Wilkins, Capt., 194. 
Wilkins, F. G., 574, B87. 



ic ^c / 



754 



INDEX. 



Wilkins, W. A., 568. 

Wilkinson Co., 66, 574. 

Wilkinson Co. on Brown, 88. 

Wilkinson, U. B,, 574, 607. 

Willaid, C. D., 532. 

Williams, Brigade, 283. 

Williams, Charles H., 242, 588, 617. 

Williams, C. J., 33, 34, 36, 42, 84, 97, 108, 129, 162, 

163, 183, 206, 214, 242. 
Williams, Col. G. W. M., 247. 
Williams, H., 431. 
Williams, H. J. G., 400. 
Williams, J. J., 554. 
Williams Capt. L. L., 299. 
Williams, Maj. M. H., 337, 503. 
Williams, Mrs. Mary A., 242, 361, 
Williams, Wiley, 89. 
Williamson, Jas., 154. 
Williford, Maj. W. J., 285. 
Willingbam, C. H. C, 119, 373, 516, 616, 622. 
Willingham, Dr. W., 73. 
Willis, Dr., 321. 
Willis, Col. Ed., 314. 
Willis, J. R., 34. 

Willis, Judge J. T., 529, 574, 583, 584, 585, 607. 
Willingham, W. M., 606. 
Wilmington, N. C, 350. 
Wilmot Proviso, 19, 104. 
Wilson, Gen U. S. A., 323, 337, 338, 339, 341. 
Wilson, Mrs. Augusta J., 629. 
Wilson, C. C, 215. 
-Wilson, Geo. D., spy, 245. 
Wilson, J. M., 606. 
Wilson, John S., 628. 
Wilson, Mrs. W. T., 184. 
Wimberley, J. L., 209,348, 358, 529. 
Wimberly, P. B., 574. 
Wimberly, Dr. H.,390. 
Winningham, O., 245. 
Wingfield, Junius, 73, 74, 110, 115, 120. 
Wingfield, W. B., 607. 
Winn, Dr. R. D., 94. 
Winn, S. J., 496. 
Winn, W. J., 607. 
Winn, W. T., 394, 410, 430, 431. 
Win slow, W. C, 607. 
Winters, J. R., 644. 
Wiregrass Reporter, 79, 89. 
Wisconsin, 381. 

Wise, Henry A., 106, 107, GrOT. of Va. 
Witt, Mrs. H. H,, 184. 
Wives, 243. 



WofEord, John W., 496. 

WofEord, W. T., 17, In Legislature, 1849; 73, 108, 

111, 150, 155, 215, 320, 321, 338, 339, 351, 39U, 465, 

468, 502, 503, 518, 529, 588, 593, 596, 599. 
Wolfe, Fred, 635. 
Women, Married, 70, 
Wood, Fernando, 175, 436. 
Wood, R. A., 386. 
Wood, Maj. R. R., 329. 
Woodbridge, W,, 340. . ' 

Woodson, Gov. Silas, 505. 
Woodward, U. S. Rep., 436. 
Wool Hats, 169. 
Wootten, C. B., 394. 
Wootten, J. C, 503. 

World, New York, 422, 433, 461. 469, .560, 
Worrell, E. H., Judge, 76, 222, 358, 503. 
Wrench, H. A., 622. 
Wright, Ambrose R., 40, His Character; 374, 383, 

415, 453, 500, 501, 602, 511, His Death; 96, 119, 

121, 125, 128, 165, 215, 609, 224, 254, 262, 592, 314, 

358. 
Wright, Aug. R., 33, 35, 36, 45, 73, 126, 128, 164, . 

181, 205, 215, 222, 250, 301, 302, 304, 373, 374, 529, 

607. 
Wright, H. Gregg, 516, 518, 520, 542, 543, 544. 
Wright, H. P., 546. 
Wright, Seaborn, 607. 
Wright, W. A., 43, 95, 96, 262, 373, 585, 601. 
Wright, W. P., 127, 347, 373. 
Wrightsville Infantry, 205. 
Wylie, Jas. R., 650. 
Wynn, Major, 257. 
Wynne, DeWolf & Co., 615. 



Yale College, 13, 

Yancey, B. C, 43, 120, 416, 596. 

Yancey, Wm, L., 75, 103, 115, 116, 138, 246, 

Yankee, 183, 229, 

Yankee Doodle, 205. 

Youtig, 63. 

Young, Ed., 621. 

Young Men's Library Asso., 199, Atlanta. 

Young, P. M. B., Gen., 183, 415, 454,458, 502,568, 

574, 576, 581, 584. 
Young, W. J., Col., 247. 
Toungblood, J. T., 607. 



Zachry, C. T., 606. 
Zimmerman, B. P., 364. 



IRB '26 



